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KEKĀHI MO'olelo MAOLI O KA HANA LAWAI'a: a COLLECTION of NATIVE TRADITIONS and HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS on FISHING in the HAWAIIAN ISLANDS Overview

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KEKĀHI MO'olelo MAOLI O KA HANA LAWAI'a: a COLLECTION of NATIVE TRADITIONS and HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS on FISHING in the HAWAIIAN ISLANDS Overview KEKHI MO‘OLELO MAOLI O KA HANA LAWAI‘A: A COLLECTION OF NATIVE TRADITIONS AND HISTORICAL ACCOUNTS ON FISHING IN THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS Overview This part of the study presents readers with a collection of mo‘olelo — native traditions and historical accounts (some translated from the original Hawaiian texts by Maly) — which document Hawaiian knowledge, beliefs, customs, use, and management of fisheries and aquatic resources. While a wide collection of mo‘olelo, spanning the length of the Hawaiian Archipelago are cited in this section of the study, not every tradition describing fishing, marine resources, and the native customs associated with them has been included. The selected traditions include detailed descriptions of religious beliefs and cultural practices associated with aquatic resources, and the development of Hawaiian fishing techniques. The narratives also provide specific documentation pertaining to the lands and waters in which such practices occurred or resources were found. The accounts cited, focus on several of the best known native writers (bringing their instruction into one collection), and also on many other important narratives which have had little review since their dates of original publication in Hawaiian. Many of the narratives include specific references to cultural sites, such as ko‘a (on shore and in ocean fishing shrines and station markers), resources procurement sites (both on land and in the water), and the traditional and customary laws governing care for, and use of the wide range of resources from the uplands to the ocean depths. A number of the accounts cited in this section of the study, have been excerpted from larger traditions which are also associated with regional localities, and events of “national” significance in Hawaiian history. Of importance to the body of work documenting Hawaiian customs and practices associated with ka hana lawai‘a, is that the narratives below, include references from all of the major Hawaiian Islands — Hawai‘i, Maui, Kaho‘olawe, L%na‘i, Moloka‘i, O‘ahu, Kaua‘i, Ni‘ihau, and the smaller islands and n" moku manamana (pinnacled and atoll islands) to the northwest. The mo‘olelo tell readers about the people who worked the land, water, and marine resources, and who, through a system of religious-based fisheries management protocols, were sustained by the wealth—and who lived within the limitations—of the natural landscape from sea to mountains. Such traditions document the cultural-historical importance of fisheries and land in the lives of the native Hawaiians, and are the foundation of the on-going cultural attachment1 expressed by many Hawaiians and kama‘"ina fisher-people in the present day (see Volume II: Oral History Interviews in this study, documenting continuity and time depth in practices and beliefs associated with ka hana lawai‘a). Hawaiian Knowledge of Fisheries, and Customs and Beliefs Governing Procurement of Aquatic Resources Several prominent native historians have been widely published, and provide readers with important details of the traditions and histories of Hawaiian fisheries and fishing customs. Among the Hawaiian authors are David Malo (born at Keauhou, Kona in ca. 1793), who was associated with chiefs of the Kamehameha household, and a resident land owner on Maui; John Papa I‘i (born in 1800 at Waipi‘o, 1 “Cultural Attachment” embodies the tangible and intangible values of a culture—how a people identify with, and personify the environment around them. It is the intimate relationship (developed over generations of experiences) that people of a particular culture feel for the sites, features, phenomena, and natural resources etc., that surround them—their sense of place. This attachment is deeply rooted in the beliefs, practices, cultural evolution, and identity of a people. The significance of cultural attachment in a given culture is often overlooked by others whose beliefs and values evolved under a different set of circumstances (cf. James Kent, “Cultural Attachment: Assessment of Impacts to Living Culture.” September 1995). Ka Hana Lawai‘a Kumu Pono Associates 6 HiPae74-080103 O‘ahu), descended from families of Kona, and raised as a member of the Kamehameha household; Samuel M%naiakalani Kamakau (born in 1815 at Waialua, O‘ahu), who was educated at Lahainaluna, and who rose to prominence as an educator; politician; and most importantly, a chronicler of Hawaiian history; and Kepelino Keauokalani (born at Kailua, Hawai‘i ca. 1830), a grandson of Kamehameha I, descendent of the ancient priest, P%‘ao, and a Hawaiian historian. Selected traditions and historical accounts documenting knowledge of the aquatic resources and features that make up the cultural-natural landscape of Hawai‘i, recorded by Malo (1951), I‘i (1959), Kamakau (1961), and Kepelino (1971), as well as the writings of lesser known native historians, and foreign residents and visitors who also contributed to the recordation of fisheries knowledge are cited in sub-categories below. Rather than rewrite the accounts, most of the mo‘olelo are excerpted and cited as verbatim quotes in the words of the original authors and translators. The narratives are presented in several categories (such as author and publication), generally by the date of original publication. The category headings and introductory texts will also provide readers with guidance to accessing specific types of information. We have used underlining as well in the quoted material to draw the reader’s attention to specific traditions and customary practices, types of fish and resources, and locational information. I. Mo‘olelo Hawai‘i (Hawaiian Antiquities) David Malo, eldest of the best known Hawaiian historians, compiled a significant collection of lore pertaining to ancient Hawaiian customs, beliefs and practices, touching on all resources from the ocean depths to the heavens. He was also perhaps the earliest native author to write about the importance of fishing in Hawaiian life, religion, and government function. The following narratives are among those penned by Malo prior to 1850, translated and published in 1898 by N.B. Emerson (1951). The selected narratives below (with selected endnotes added by N.B. Emerson), provide readers with foundational information regarding fishing, and the relationship of people with their natural resources: Regarding the Arrival of the Schools of Aku and ‘Ppelu in the Hawaiian Islands (see also further descriptions below, regarding the kapu associated with fishing for these fish): 12. Tradition has it that on his voyage to this country Pili was accompanied by two schools of fish, one of opelu and another of aku, and when the wind kicked up the sea, the aku would frisk and the opelu would assemble together, as a result of which the ocean would entirely calm [Malo 1951:6] down. In this way Pili and his company were enabled to voyage till they reached Hawaii. On this account the opelu and the aku were subject to a tabu in ancient times. After his arrival at Hawaii, Pili was established as king over the land, and his name was one of the ancestors in Hawaii’s line of kings. [Malo 1951:7] Regarding the use of Stone for Sinkers and Bamboo for Fishing Poles: 4. The stones used in making lu-hee for squid-fishing are peculiar and were of many distinct varieties. Their names are hiena, ma-heu, hau, pa-pa, lae-koloa, lei-ole, ha-pou, kawau-puu, ma-ili, au, nani-nui, ma-ki-ki, pa-pohaku, kaua-ula, wai-anuu- kole, hono-ke-a-a, kupa-oa, poli-poli, ho-one, no-hu, lu-au, wai-mano, hule-ia, maka-wela. [Malo 1951:19] 11. The ohe, or bamboo, which has a jointed stem (pona-pona), was used as fishing poles to take the aku—or any other fish—and formerly its splinters served instead of knives. [Malo 1951:21] Ka Hana Lawai‘a Kumu Pono Associates 7 HiPae74-080103 Divisions of the Ocean (Chapter 10) 1. The ancients applied the name kai to the ocean and all its parts. That strip of the beach over which the waves ran after they had broken was called ae-kai. 2. A little further out where the waves break was called poina-kai. The name pue- one was likewise applied to this place. But the same expressions were not used of places where shoal water extended to a great distance, and which were called kai-kohala (such as largely prevail for instance at Waikiki). 3. Outside of the poina-kai lay a belt called the kai-hele-ku, or kai-papau, that is, water in which one could stand, shoal water; another name given it was kai-ohua. [Malo 1951:25] 4. Beyond this lies a belt called kua-au where the shoal water ended; and outside of the kua-au was a belt called kai-au, ho-au, kai-o-kilo-hee, that is, swimming deep or sea for spearing squid, or kai-hee-nalu, that is, a surf-swimming region. Another name still for this belt was kai-kohala. 5. Outside of this was a belt called kai-uli, blue sea, squid-fishing sea kai-lu-hee, or sea-of-the-flying-fish, kai-malolo, or sea-of-the-opelu, kai-opelu. 6. Beyond this lies a belt called kai-hi-aku, sea for trolling the aku, and outside of this lay a belt called kai-kohala, where swim the whales, monsters of the sea; beyond this lay the deep ocean, moana, which was variously termed waho-lilo (far out to sea), or lepo (underground), or lewa (floating), or lipo (blue-black), which reach Kahiki-moe, the utmost bounds of the ocean. 7. When the sea is tossed into billows they are termed ale. The breakers which roll in are termed nalu. The currents that move through the ocean are called au or wili-au. 8.
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