Sociology As a Vocation 1 MICHAEL BURAWOY University of California-Berkeley Burawoy@Berkeley.Edu

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Ó American Sociological Association 2016 DOI: 10.1177/0094306116653958 http://cs.sagepub.com FEATURED ESSAY

Sociology as a Vocation 1 MICHAEL BURAWOY University of California-Berkeley [email protected]

What does it mean to live for sociology, two spheres that must be kept apart. Weber today? In attempting to answer this question failed to grasp sociology’s place between I return to Max Weber’s famous lectures science and politics for two reasons: first, delivered toward the end of his life—one sociology as a discipline was still embryonic on science as a vocation and the other on pol- and pre-professional. It needed to be safe- itics as a vocation. He presented ‘‘Science as guarded from politics. Second, he had not a Vocation’’ in November 1917 toward the developed a coherent view of civil society end of World War I and the more pessimistic populated by institutions that could ground ‘‘Politics as a Vocation’’ in January 1919 a standpoint between science and politics.3 after Germany’s defeat.2 The essays them- Yet, and here is the paradox, his concep- selves exemplify Weber’s methodology— tion of sociology as an interpretive under- interpreting social action within the external standing of value-oriented social action calls conditions that shape it. Weber not only for its own value standpoint since sociology explicates the meaning of ‘‘vocation’’— cannot be its own exception. As a form of what it means to ‘‘live for’’ as well to ‘‘live social action it too must be impelled by value off’’ science and politics—but situates their commitments. Weber fully understood this. pursuit within historical and national Indeed, he was so insistent on the ethos of contexts. He explores the possibilities of an science precisely because he feared that soci- ‘‘inner devotion’’ to science or politics in ology might be overrun by arbitrary value Germany as compared to the United States commitments, commitments that are never- and Britain. Yet neither here nor elsewhere theless essential to its pursuit. The tension does Weber turn his sociology of vocation between science and politics was, therefore, back on to sociology itself. He does not complicated by a second tension, that advance from sociology of vocation to sociology between fact and value, or more broadly as a vocation, which is the endeavor of this between instrumental rationality and its essay, an endeavor that draws on but leads underpinnings in value rationality. But with- us beyond Weber. out a conception of civil society, he had no Consonant with Weber’s own life, I shall way of collectively mooring those values, argue that sociology sits uncomfortably and so they are instead reduced to an indi- between science and politics. Twisting vidual existential choice. The completion of between science and politics—since he could Weber’s program and the sustainability of not marry the two—he presented them as sociology depend on its connection to civil society.

1 This essay went through the wringer of my dissertation group: Herbert Docena, Fidan El- cioglu, Zach Levenson, Josh Seim, and Ben 3 One should note, however, that in 1909 Weber Shestakovsky. Thanks to them as well as Dylan submitted a proposal for sociological research Riley, Peter Evans, Black Hawk Hancock, Ca- into three areas: the press, voluntary associa- therine Bolzendahl, and Erik Wright for push- tions, and the relations between technology ing me in new directions. and culture, which suggests he did have an 2 For the dating of the lectures and their biogra- interest in both the public sphere and civil phical and historical situation, see Schluchter society, even if he didn’t use such terms (1968: Chapters 1 and 2). (MW:420).

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Irreducible to economy and polity, civil have to reassert our roots in civil society. society is the institutional birthplace and This is a moment defined by Bourdieu, support for diverse values. It is the stand- Polanyi, and Du Bois—the first defending point from which sociology evaluates the the autonomy of the academy and sociology world, just as the market is the standpoint in particular, the second providing the tools of economics and the state the standpoint to analyze the epic battle between society of political science. Sociology arises with civ- and the market, while the third helps us il society and dissolves when civil society place sociology in its global context. recedes. But civil society is not some harmo- Weber’s admonition to insulate science nious antidote to the colonizing powers of from politics reflects sociology’s period of state and market. It is itself the site of divi- inception and has to be reconsidered in sub- sions, exclusions, and dominations, reaction- sequent periods and in other places. To reify ary as well as progressive movements, all of insulation as though it has universal and which is reflected in the plurality of sociolo- unchanging validity—a sort of sociological gies. Civil society grounds two types of val- ‘‘originalism’’—is to contravene Weber’s ue commitments: anti-utopian sociology root- sociological method that instructs us to delin- ed in a critique of the over-extension of state eate the particular context within which his (totalitarianism) and market (neoliberalism) prescriptions hold, and imaginatively recon- and a utopian sociology that projects a vision struct them for the present. It is necessary to of a collectively organized society. The histo- examine how the relation between politics ry of sociology can be seen as a fluctuating and science shifts and with it, sociology. debate between its utopian and anti-utopian Thus, I will argue with Weber against tendencies, classically represented by Marx Weber. That is to say, the meaning of sociol- and Weber. ogy as a vocation actually changes with the Weber’s view of sociology reflects the context of its pursuit: in the period of incep- specific circumstances of the academic field tion it meant the defense of its autonomy; in and civil society of his time. A very different the second, self-confident period, it assumed perspective emerges with the opening up of an almost religious character; while in the the university and the consolidation of a present period, when sociology finds itself conformity-producing civil society, some- under assault, it calls for engagement. Before times called mass society. We may say that proceeding to these periods, however, sociology’s point of arrival—its golden we must first define ‘‘vocation’’ and then years—came after World War II, particularly ‘‘sociology’’—what it is that continues in in the United States. As a new and optimistic and through variation. science it flowered with the expansion of higher education. This was sociology’s messianic moment captured, on the one side, by The Meaning of Vocation the utopian structural functionalism and In Weber’s view being in the modern world modernization theory that regarded the requires us to face two inexorable condi- United States as the promised land and, on tions: the advance of the division of labor the other side, by its anti-utopian critics and a plurality of incommensurable values. who condemned U.S. imperialism, class Durkheim’s response was to reconcile these domination, racism, and patriarchy. conditions by showing how the perfection of Today we live in a different epoch when the division of labor calls forth and in turn the university and civil society are in retreat, is driven by a specific collective conscious- assailed by neoliberal rationality (Brown ness. Marx, on the other hand, demands 2015). Sociology finds itself embattled in the abolition of the division of labor as inim- ways reminiscent of the world of Max ical to human freedom. Weber. It is swimming against the tide of Weber accepts neither solution: the divi- marketization that is flooding the university. sion of labor is debilitating, but it is here to Retreating into a professional cocoon or ser- stay. The best we can do is imbue specialized vicing the new economy would falsify our occupations with some immanent meaning traditions of anti-utilitarianism and threaten through passionate commitment. In other our utopian imagination. To survive we words, we turn it into a vocation, pursuing

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Downloaded from csx.sagepub.com at UNIV CALIFORNIA BERKELEY LIB on July 29, 2016 Featured Essay 381 it as an end in itself. The prototype is the The same is true of the politician who is Calvinist entrepreneur devoted to the driven by devotion to a cause, knowing ‘‘irrational’’ pursuit of profit for profit’s that ‘‘the final result of political action often, sake. Unlike Lutherans who find it sufficient no, even regularly, stands in completely to passively accept their calling, the Calvin- inadequate and often even paradoxical rela- ist is consumed by the anxiety of not know- tion to its original meaning’’ (PV:117). So ing whether he or she is saved or damned. ‘‘passionate devotion’’ to a cause must be Fate is predetermined but unknown, leading balanced by a ‘‘feeling of responsibility’’ to a desperate search for signs of salvation in and ‘‘sense of proportion.’’ Like scientists the striving for profit and ever-increasing politicians have to comprehend the struc- profit, which is the source of the spirit of cap- tures within which they act—the legislature, italism. The elusiveness of success does not bureaucracy, and party organization. Com- lead to resignation but to the redoubling of paring the institutional configurations in efforts. Hence the meaning of vocation— the United States, Germany, and Britain, commitment without guarantees. Weber recognizes the limits of each: leader- Equally, for the scientist, ‘‘passionate ship democracy with a machine (U.S.) or devotion’’ to the rigors of scholarly pursuit leaderless democracy ruled by professional is a necessary but not sufficient condition politicians without a calling (Germany). for the elusive inspiration that ‘‘depends Weber regarded British parliamentarianism upon destinies that are hidden from us’’ as offering the best chance for true leaders (SV:136). The scientist has to be preoccupied to emerge. If devotion to a cause, albeit mod- with the puzzles of a research program as erated by a certain realism, is not strong though ‘‘the fate of his soul depends’’ enough then these institutions will be (SV:135) upon their solution, but without corrupting. Politics, says Weber in a pessi- any guarantee of success and, furthermore, mistic finale, is the ‘‘strong and slow boring in the knowledge that whatever discovery of hard boards’’ (PV:128). he or she might make will be ‘‘surpassed We can now move from Weber’s sociology and outdated’’ (SV:138). of vocation—contradictory commitments These are the internal tensions inherent to pursued under external uncertainty—to the science, but there are external uncertainties vocation of sociology. What drives our com- too. The aspirant scientist faces different mitment to sociology? We have already institutional challenges, depending on the suggested that sociology’s standpoint in civ- context. In a prophetic analysis, Weber il society leads in two directions: an anti- describes the U.S. academic career as driven utopian defense of civil society and a utopian by the pecuniary nexus while in Germany reconstruction of civil society. Starting with academic life is still held in thrall to feudal Marx, Durkheim, and Weber and moving hierarchy. Weber warns his audience that if through Simmel, Polanyi, Du Bois, Parsons, they aspire to an academic career they will Bourdieu, and Hochschild, western sociolo- have to live with the arbitrary judgements gy is marked by an abiding rejection of util- and prejudices of students, colleagues, itarianism, the reduction of human action to administrators, and governments, all economic rationality. While the defense of tending toward mediocrity. As a vocation liberal democracy and its freedoms has fig- science is beset by uncertainty both in its ured prominently in Soviet and even post- external conditions as well as in the tensions Soviet societies, the animating force behind internal to the scientific process. But these western sociology has consistently been the very uncertainties drive the commitment.4 opposition to the overextension of market logic. In his 1895 inaugural address at Frei- burg University, marking his assumption to 4 There is now a more general literature on the the chair of political economy at the tender way uncertainty—as long as it is neither too age of 31, Weber himself foresaw the dangers great nor too little—can elicit commitment of the rise of economics, critical of the way it through the organization of social games that give meaning to ostensibly meaningless work. obscured its underlying commitments to See, for example, Sallaz (2009), Sharone (2013), utilitarianism. Already then he warned: ‘‘in and Snyder (2016). every sphere we find that the economic

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TABLE 1: Internal Tensions Defining Sociology as a Vocation

Scientific Orientation Political Orientation

Instrumental Rationality PROFESSIONAL POLICY

Value Rationality CRITICAL PUBLIC

way of looking at things is on the advance’’ women and feminist sociology pushed the (FA:17). discipline toward engagement, leading the Alongside and in tension with sociology’s recovery from the doldrums of the 1980s. anti-utopian moment is its utopian These tensions are inherent to the practice moment—sociology’s commitment to the of sociology, so we should wrestle with them reconstruction of civil society, whether it be rather than bury them. As I have argued Marx’s communism, Durkheim’s guild elsewhere, we should recognize how these socialism, Polanyi’s communitarian social- internal tensions have led to four divergent ism, Parsons’ social system, Habermas’s types of sociology: professional sociology redemption of the life-world and undistort- that recoils from politics and represses value ed communication, or De Beauvoir’s mutual commitments; critical sociology that inter- recognition. Even Weber, who largely fought rogates and explicates the value foundations on the anti-utopian front, with his insistent of science; policy sociology, committed to critique of rationalization, could neverthe- deploying science in the service of solving less write: ‘‘man would not have attained social problems; and, finally, public sociolo- the possible unless time and again he had gy that enters into a conversation with wider reached out for the impossible’’ (PV:128). publics about alternative orders informed by These, then, are the presuppositions of science. The tensions inherent to sociology sociology—what it most fears in the world reveal themselves in struggles among these and what it most desires. positions within the academic field, strug- Given its critical stance our science has to gles that are further influenced by external continually guard against the normative conditions as they vary over space and foundations that impel it and threaten to time. In the remainder of this essay I trace overwhelm it. But we can overreact to this changes in the vocation of sociology by threat. As Alvin Gouldner (1962, 1968) examining the articulation of these four argued many years ago, the long-standing types of sociology in three historical mythology of ‘‘value-free science’’ needs to moments: inception, arrival, and engagement. be replaced by a value-committed science. More broadly, we can say that sociology Moment of Inception: Defending has historically had to weather the antago- nistic interdependence between instrumen- Sociology tal rationality and value rationality. This ten- At the end of the nineteenth century sociolo- sion is cross-cut by a second one between gy barely existed as an academic discipline. a scientific orientation and a political orien- It faced the challenges of birth. First, there tation, between understanding the world was the contempt of other disciplines for and the desire to change it. Sociology’s this upstart dancing on the fence between value stance—its utopian and anti-utopian science and humanities, between explana- dispositions—easily morphs into a political tion and interpretation. Weber after all project, just as political projects inform the came to sociology from political economy. science we conduct. Stephen Turner (2014) Second, its substance was not esoteric but has shown how U.S. sociology has swung challenged common sense, drawing defen- between these antitheses—professionalism sive reactions and accusations of dilettant- and reform—and how the presence of ism. Weber himself repeatedly entered the

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Downloaded from csx.sagepub.com at UNIV CALIFORNIA BERKELEY LIB on July 29, 2016 Featured Essay 383 public domain on such issues as labor poli- well that should be so. But there comes cies and the new constitution after World a time when that atmosphere changes. War I, but his expertise carried doubtful The significance of the unreflectively legitimacy. utilized viewpoints becomes uncertain Sociology also faced challenges stemming and the road is lost in the twilight. from its distinctive character as a social sci- The light of the great cultural problems ence. For Weber all science depended on moves on. Then science too prepares to simplifying the infinite manifold that is the change its standpoint and its analytical empirical world. In his view the natural apparatus and to view the streams of sciences simplified by searching for regular- events from the heights of thought. It ities, a largely inductive enterprise. By con- follows those stars which alone are trast the cultural sciences simplify the world able to give meaning and direction to through the adoption of values that focus its labors. (OSS:112, emphasis added) our orientation to research. At the same time, those values, while necessary, should A clearer statement of the value foundations not distort the scientific enterprise—a diffi- of social science one cannot find, but what cult tension to navigate. Weber used the remains missing is any sense of the communi- notion of ideal type to weld together value ty of scientists, whether working together or commitment and empirical analysis. ‘‘Sub- in opposition to one another, to support or stantively, this construct in itself is like a uto- overthrow this or that research program. pia which has been arrived at by analytical True to his methodological individualism, accentuation of certain elements of reality Weber conceives of science and scholarship ...Anideal type is formed by the one-sided as an individual accomplishment. accentuation of one or more points of view Furthermore, if values are foundational to and by the synthesis of a great many diffuse, sociology—not just as an object of investiga- discrete, more or less present and occasion- tion but as a necessary underpinning of the ally absent concrete individual phenomena, investigation itself—then science edges which are arranged according to those one- toward politics. Value relevance stems from sidedly emphasized viewpoints into a uni- value commitments that can make sociology fied analytical construct (Gedankenbild)’’ vulnerable to politicization and, thus, pro- (OSS:90, emphasis in the original). voke state interference. In Germany the uni- Today we might extend the idea of the ide- versity was subject to keen oversight by the al type to the scientific paradigm (following Minister of Education who had the final Thomas Kuhn), or a research program (fol- say on all academic appointments, leading lowing Imre Lakatos). In either case science Weber to publicly defend the autonomy of advances by putting on blinders—wrestling the university and the threatened careers of with a specific set of puzzles or anomalies its budding sociologists—Michels, Sombart, defined by a taken-for-granted framework, and Simmel among them (Shils 1974). With- including a taken-for-granted set of values. in the academic world itself, Weber’s posi- Weber himself offers a premonition of the tion was controversial as he faced utopian- scientific paradigm and its revolutions: ism from both left and right, both of which called for the politicization of the university All research in the cultural sciences in (Ringer 2004). an age of specialization, once it is ori- In contrast to Durkheim, Weber was ada- ented towards a given subject matter mant that while social science rested on through particular settings of problems values it could not determine what those and has established its methodological values should be. What science might tell principles, will consider the analysis of us are the appropriate means to pursue a giv- data as an end in itself. It will discon- en end and with what consequences. There tinue assessing the value of the individ- is, therefore, a place for policy sociology, ual facts in terms of their relationships advising government as to how it might pur- to ultimate value-ideas. Indeed, it will sue given goals, but its role is not to define lose its awareness of its ultimate rooted- the goals themselves. Sociology can clarify ness in value-ideas in general. And it is the implications of adopting a particular

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TABLE 2: Parallel Tensions within Weber’s Science and Politics

SCIENCE POLITICS

Instrumental Rationality Research Ethic of Responsibility

Value Rationality Values Ethic of Absolute Ends value stance, whatever it may be—socialism, man—a man who can have the ‘calling for liberalism, anarchism—but still cannot politics’’’ (PV:127). Here the sociologist determine that choice. The best we can do enters, calibrating the consequences of and is engage in rational discussion about the strategies for political intervention. The implications, clarity, and justification of our task of the social scientist qua policy scientist values. is to develop a sense of what is possible and There were occasions in which Weber impossible in any given political situation. engaged in such value discussion, most Just as Weber had little to say about the famously in his Freiburg address of 1895 institutional basis of value discussion within when he attacked economists for obscuring the academic sphere, so he was equally reti- the value foundations of their science by cent about the discussion and crystallization claiming value neutrality. His essay on ‘‘The of values in the wider society. He was suspi- Meaningof‘EthicalNeutrality’’’alsoremon- cious of political leaders who could easily strated against inferring what ought to be manipulate the ‘‘irrational sentiments’’ of from what is, attacking the hidden value the ‘‘inarticulate mass.’’ He was fearful of assumptions behind the idea of ‘‘progress.’’ civil society—the fount of public values— For the most part, however, Weber sought to that was blossoming with social movements, keep value discussion under wraps, focusing alongside the rise of the social democratic on the methodology and pursuit of the social party and trade unions. Weber sought to sciences rather than their destabilizing value protect the university from the encroach- foundations. He fought many battles within ment of civil society. the newly created German Sociological Asso- For Weber the idea of public sociology was ciation for fear it would be overrun by values an oxymoron since, as far as he was at the expense of research—a mark of sociol- concerned, there was no genuine public. ogy’s youth. Once science established itself, ‘‘The fate of our times is characterized by however, it became important to restore rationalization and intellectualization and, open discussion through what we may call above all, by the ‘disenchantment of the a critical sociology, a dialogue between its uto- world.’ Precisely the ultimate and most sub- pian and anti-utopian moments. lime values have retreated from public life The dependence of research on value either into the transcendental realm of mys- commitments finds its parallel in politics in tic life or into the brotherliness of direct and the relation between an ‘‘ethic of responsibil- personal human relations’’ (SV:155). Yet, in ity’’ and an ‘‘ethic of absolute ends.’’ On the his own practice he often addressed publics one hand, the politician has to be driven by on sociological matters—the students who a cause, an ethic of absolute ends grounded listened to his great lectures on science and in unshakable goals and compelling visions. politics, the Austro-Hungarian officers who On the other hand, a true politician, mindful listened to him dissect the dangers of social- of the cause, must follow an ethic of respon- ism, the readers of his numerous contribu- sibility, that is, temper the pursuit of a cause tions to newspapers, including his five with a sense of realism that weighs up and essays on the New Political Order, published takes into account the consequences of that in the Frankfurter Zeitung in 1917. pursuit. These two ethics are not ‘‘absolute His practice here was ahead of his theory. contrasts but rather supplements, which The concept of public sociology—public dis- only in unison constitute the genuine cussion of ends informed by the study of

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Downloaded from csx.sagepub.com at UNIV CALIFORNIA BERKELEY LIB on July 29, 2016 Featured Essay 385 value-oriented action—could not appear individual person is appreciated, in without the simultaneous recognition of civ- which there is a concern for his well- il society, a realm separate from economy being—not just in a veterinary sense, and polity. Civil society is the substratum but as a moral personality. The humani- that facilitates debates about values, goals, tarianism of the present age, which and aspirations of the collective, what we extends beyond the boundaries of now call, following Arendt and Habermas, national societies; the growing acknowl- the public sphere. edgement as well as demand for the moral equality of races; the welfare poli- cies and dreams of states; the very desire Moment of Arrival: Messianic to please; the greater concern for the Sociology claims of the living than for the claims Weber was writing in a period when sociol- of the dead—all these features of con- ogy was just emerging and the university temporary Western, and increasingly of was under threat from a burgeoning civil the modern sector of non-Western, socie- society as well as an encroaching state. Crit- ties disclose a concern with happiness of ical and public sociologies had yet to be con- the individual human being and an solidated. For this we would have to wait appreciation of the moral dignity of his until the middle of the twentieth century— interior life. (Shils 1961a:1410) sociology’s golden decades after World War II with an epicenter in the United States This was sociology’s Durkheimian marked by the euphoria of victory over fas- moment when it saw itself as the expression cism and the targeting of the cold war ene- and educator of the collective consciousness. my, the Soviet Union, and its ruling ideology. Sociology comes to fruition, Shils avers, At the heart of sociology’s renaissance, with its focus on ‘‘civil society’’ and the nationally and globally, were Talcott Parsons social problems that had arisen in connec- and his colleagues at Harvard. In their vision tion with urbanization and immigration. the United States was the lead society, a claim that underpinned their modernization theo- In order to prove their rights to exis- ry, according to which the rest of the world tence, sociologists sought to find should follow in the tracks of the United a sphere of events left untouched by States. This imperial vision was expressed in the already accredited social sciences. numerous works, not least in the encyclopedic The inherited distinction between the volume on the history of social theory, edited state and civil society fitted this need by Parsons, Naegele, Pitts, and Shils (1961), very well. (Shils 1961a:1434) that sought to demonstrate that Parsonsian structural functionalism was the culmination Thus, in the vision of the leading political of western social and political thought. sociologist of the time—Seymour Martin The epilogue to this volume was a long Lipset—political sociology focused on the essay, subsequently published as a separate social bases of liberal democracy and how book, by the erudite and influential Edward these may be threatened by ‘‘extremist’’ pol- Shils, entitled ‘‘The Calling of Sociology’’ itics whether of the right or the left. (1961a). According to Shils, Talcott Parsons’ Sociologists could express the virtues of The Structure of Social Action (1937) ‘‘brought civil society because, Shils claimed, they the greatest of partial traditions into a mea- were inside the world they studied. ‘‘The sure of unity’’ (1961a:1406), an arrival that theory of action sees itself as part of what it coincided with the rise of the consensual is trying to understand. Thus, sociological society. theory is not just a theory like any other theory; it is a social relationship between the Modern society, especially in its latest theorist and the subject matter of his theory. phase, is characteristically a consensual It is a relationship formed by the sense of society; it is a society in which personal affinity’’ (1961a:1420). The relation between attachments play a greater part than in sociologists and the people they study exem- most societies in the past, in which the plifies Parsons’ (1951) ‘‘complementary role

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TABLE 3: Shils’ Calling of Sociology

Scientific Orientation Political Orientation

Instrumental Rationality PROFESSIONAL POLICY (Research and Theory) (Manipulative Sociology) Value Rationality CRITICAL PUBLIC (Alienated Sociology) (Consensual Sociology) expectations’’—a relation of reciprocal sym- review of C. Wright Mills’ The Sociological pathy and understanding. By contrast, Shils Imagination (1959). Mills had written a troika regards policy sociology with suspicion. It is of books—The New Men of Power (1948), a sociology with manipulative intent that White Collar (1951), and The Power Elite denies the ‘‘mutuality inherent in the theory (1956)—that saw the United States as domi- of action,’’ an instrumental relation that nated by an unaccountable power elite that subverts ‘‘the identity of the theorist and suppressed society’s deep internal divisions. the subject of theory’’ (1961a:1420). The tech- The labor movement had been co-opted, the nological application of sociology is at odds middle classes absorbed, and intellectuals with the democratic society that respects the had become auxiliaries of a cohesive ruling dignity of the individual. It should never be class with uncontested power. This anti-uto- a tool for technocrats to rule society. pian vision of the United States was an alter- But Shils reserves the greatest contempt native to the one celebrated by Parsons et al. for critical theory, or what he calls ‘‘alienat- whose work Mills (1959) attacked as vacuous ed’’ sociology, with its Hobbesian view of ‘‘grand theory’’ aided by a bureaucratically society, centering on conflict and elite compromised ‘‘abstracted empiricism.’’ Shils, manipulation of the masses. In this connec- in turn, would subject Mills to withering tion he devotes a special section to Marxism, contempt—an obstinately alienated intellec- which he says has failed to hold ‘‘the imagi- tual, out of touch with society and with soci- nation of morally sensitive and intelligent ology. Indeed, according to Shils, Mills was as young people because its political implica- removed from society as were the derogated tions became too rigid and simplistic’’ servants of power. The following decades (1961a:1423). Sociology is displacing Marx- would demonstrate that Mills was far more ism as a result of the latter’s association in touch with U.S. society than Shils, and with tyranny as well as its intellectual inad- his popularity would soar as the influence equacy. By contrast sociology holds a far of structural functionalism declined. greater critical potential. ‘‘It appeals more Curiously, Shils did find something valu- to the mind of the contemporary intellectual able in the sociological imagination, namely by the freedom of experience it permits; it the idea that sociology can and should allows a man to make his own personal con- reach and educate public opinion. For Shils tact with reality, to test it by his own experi- sociology was fast becoming an ‘‘act of ence, and to criticize it in a way that does communion between object and subject’’ more justice, as he sees it, to that experience’’ (1961a:1411). No less than Mills, Shils was (1961a:1423–4). In The Structure of Social committed to public sociology: ‘‘The proper Action, Parsons had relegated Marx to calling of sociology today is the illumination a form of utilitarian individualism, and in of opinion. Having its point of departure in 1965 he could still speak of Karl Marx as the opinion of the human beings who ‘‘probably the greatest social theorist whose make up the society, it is its task to return to work lies entirely within the nineteenth cen- opinion, clarified and deepened by dispas- tury’’ (Parsons 1967:135). This obituary of sionate study and systematic reflection’’ Marxism is ironic in the light of its resur- (1961a:1441). It was a strange, illusory public gence just a few years later. sociology—a spontaneous, unobstructed con- Shils (1961b) made his views on critical versation between the academic world and sociology widely known with an acrimonious its publics with a strong anti-communist bent.

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Shils subscribes to the same four-fold divi- research, conducted in the trenches of the sion of sociology—professional (sociological academy, advancing Marxist theories of research and theory), policy (manipulative class exploitation, the labor process, the sociology), critical (alienated sociology), state, social movements, patriarchy, racial and public (consensual sociology)—but in domination, imperialism, and so forth. This a messianic vein. In his imagination and in critical theory, however, was no less messi- the imagination of structural functionalism anic than the structural functionalism it more generally, sociology could claim to be was replacing, having a similar idealist pre- the civil religion of liberal America, sumption that intellectuals, especially sociol- reflecting and promoting its defining collec- ogists, expressed the latent aspirations of tive consciousness. It was the counterpart to a broad unnamed public, often of Third and sworn enemy of Soviet Marxism that World provenance—an illusion largely similarly claimed to represent a collective sustained and promoted by their isolation consciousness, that of the Soviet people from society. and by extension the rest of the world. Uto- The euphoria of sociology—whether it pian though it was, Shils’ public sociology spoke in the name of a universal collective also had its darker side. As a leading figure consciousness or that of a particular race, in the Congress of Cultural Freedom, an class, or gender—was encouraged by the international anti-communist front spon- rapid expansion of higher education in gen- sored by the CIA, he was deeply involved eral and of sociology in particular. Parsons’ in Cold War politics, destabilizing radical- sociology was the new science of the era, ism, especially in the ‘‘New Nations’’ of the seeking to subsume the neighboring disci- Third World, and promoting conservatism plines of anthropology, psychology, political through such magazines as Encounter. science, and even economics under its It was not long, however, before history expansive mantle. With the upsurge of pro- caught up with structural functionalism. test movements, sociology turned from a uto- Alvin Gouldner’s The Coming Crisis of West- pian endorsement of the United States to its ern Sociology (1970) indicted structural func- anti-utopian critic. The legitimacy and the tionalism (and indeed Soviet Marxism) as influence of the university were taken for being out of touch with the societies they granted, encouraging on the part of its claimed to represent. In the United States, scholars an exaggerated sense of their Gouldner’s critique of the domain assump- importance. Sociologists assumed that their tions of mainstream sociology mirrored the ideas would insinuate themselves into the rising civil rights movement, anti-war move- wider society and there inspire social ment, student movement, and Third World change. There was no anticipation of the movement. These movements exposed the subsequent assault on the idea of the univer- dominant sociology as projecting a particular sity or its reduction to market forces. Nor ideological vision of society, belying its was there any intimation of the marginaliza- claims to value neutrality. tion of sociology that would accompany the Still, despite Gouldner’s warning, sociolo- neoliberal offensive against civil society. gy did not die, but continued its ascent as the critical theory he advocated—that now Moment of Engagement: Sociology as included feminism, Marxism, and critical race theory—became widely adopted, a Combat Sport inspired by the social movements of the The 1960s and 1970s were golden years for era. The classic of the Marxist renaissance sociology—it captured the imagination of came from Barrington Moore, a Soviet spe- the epoch, first the post-World War II eupho- cialist reemerging as a comparative historian ria and then the sixties’ social movements. and author of the magisterial Social Origins of To live for sociology in this period was to Dictatorship and Democracy (1966). Together indulge in a certain illusory optimism of with E. P. Thompson’s The Making of the the power of ideas that makes little sense English Working Class (1963), he reinvented today. It was a time of the expanding univer- the meaning of class in historical perspec- sity, flush with public funding, and its occu- tive. This was followed by a wide range of pants reflected this in their missionary zeal

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TABLE 4: Sociology as a Bourdieusian Field

Autonomy Heteronomy

Consecrated PROFESSIONAL POLICY Challengers CRITICAL PUBLIC

for a better world. We live in a very different a relation of domination between types of world in which the university is in retreat, as rationality, between instrumental and value it becomes a capitalist institution driven by rationality. Such a relation of internal domina- market forces. Our era belongs neither to tion is integral to any field, but what disfigures Weber, Durkheim, nor Marx but to Pierre the field are forces of ‘‘heteronomy,’’ encroach- Bourdieu, Karl Polanyi, and W.E.B. Du Bois. ments from without, whether they come from Sociology can take an instrumental turn: commodification or ‘‘mediatization.’’ either retreating into its professional shell The astonishing rise of Bourdieu, national- in the hope that the storm will dissipate or ly and globally, followed and deepened his competing in the market by selling its exper- critique of neoliberalism. Early in his career tise in policy research. But such a move may he was committed to the development of come at the expense of its value stances, soci- a professional sociology, defined as a sharp ology’s critical and public impulses. Indeed, break from common sense and applied soci- Max Weber himself feared such a process of ology (Bourdieu [1968]1991). This was ‘‘rationalization’’ in which a logic of means Weber’s knowledge for knowledge’s sake. and efficiency dominated the discussion of As he became a more prominent figure, ends. A similar fear lay at the heart of the especially with his ascent to Professor in Frankfurt School from Horkheimer and the Colle`ge de France in 1981, Bourdieu Adorno to Marcuse and Habermas. repudiated his earlier hostility to ‘‘reform A more recent representative is Pierre sociology’’ and took up policy research, Bourdieu, who defines sociology as a combat especially with regard to higher education. sport in which public engagement becomes During his last decade, hostile to the French a defense of the profession. His position government’s adoption of neoliberal auster- stems from a broader concern to uphold ity measures, he took sociology to the streets the autonomy of cultural and scientific fields (Bourdieu 1998). This public turn was a des- against the corrosive influence of markets. perate move, contradicting his theory of Even though Bourdieu does not apply his symbolic domination—his anti-utopian field analysis to sociology, were he to do so sociology—that claimed that the dominated he might arrive at the same internal tensions cannot understand their own subjuga- as we have found in Weber and Shils. Bour- tion. He attacked outside pretenders—the dieu’s analysis of fields also works along doxosophers—who distorted sociology two dimensions: relations of dependence from without as well as the ‘‘opportunists’’ (autonomy vs. heteronomy) and relations who subverted it from within (Bourdieu of domination (consecrated vs. challengers), [1996]1999). Facing enemies on all sides he giving rise to the same array of sociologies— struck alliances wherever he could, especial- professional, policy, public, and critical.5 ly with social movements fighting the effects Note that the distinction between the conse- of neoliberalism (Bourdieu [2001]2003). He crated and their challengers is a social rela- became the most renowned and influential tion of domination among individuals hold- public sociologist of our era, but, like Weber, ing different positions in the field rather than his theory lagged behind his practice—he could not explain how people could grasp the conditions of their own subjugation 5 Most pertinent for our purposes is Bourdieu’s and contest marketization. treatment of the scientific field (1975), the literary field ([1992]1996), and symbolic domina- Bourdieu attacked the ‘‘tyranny of the tion and scholastic fallacies ([1997]2000). market’’ but without an adequate theory of

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Downloaded from csx.sagepub.com at UNIV CALIFORNIA BERKELEY LIB on July 29, 2016 Featured Essay 389 marketization. Here the theoretical baton is he sets the terms of a sociological research passed on to Polanyi (1944)—now a canoni- program emanating from a critique of his cal figure in economic sociology—who ideas. His view of society as a harmonious examined the devastation that comes with and resilient force capable of resisting com- the commodification of labor, money, and modification has to be replaced by the notion nature, so-called fictitious commodities. of a precarious and contested civil society. His analysis resonates with the sociology of His reduction of state to society has to be today: the commodification of labor that replaced by a complex array of relations has left a defenseless precariat in its wake, that vary over time and between countries. the commodification of money that has led His counter-movement has to be replaced to the rule of finance and the ruin of national by theories of social movements as economies, the commodification of nature responses to marketization and how they that has led to the destruction of water may lead in the direction of greater freedom supplies, the spoliation of land, and climate (socialism) or lesser freedom (fascism). change. Together they threaten human sur- There is no shortage of professional sociolo- vival on the planet. Polanyi did not anticipate gy working within such a framework, another (third) wave of marketization—he whether self-consciously Polanyian or not. thought humanity would never make the Indeed, the expansion of our subdisci- same mistake again—because he did not devel- plines—reflected in the last half-century of op a theory of capitalist accumulation that growth in the sections of the American would explain the forces behind marketization. Sociological Association—reflects the plural- Nor did Polanyi foresee the commodifica- ity of standpoints to be found in civil society, tion of knowledge: how the university each a potential arena of resistance to the ris- would itself become subject to the same ing tide of commodification, each a flour- distorting market forces. The university is ishing area of research. fast losing its public character. With the dis- Critical sociology has conventionally appearance of the funding it once took for served to interrogate the assumptions of granted, it has had to sell itself by charging professional sociology, especially its claims students rising fees, begging for contribu- to value neutrality. We will always have tions from donors and alumni, seeking cor- need of sociologists who query the founda- porate investment, creating public-private tions of our research and compel us to be partnerships, speculating on its real estate, more reflective about who we are and what and turning the university into a hedge we do, especially in an era of the commodi- fund by leveraging its ‘‘brand.’’ Such fication of knowledge. But critical sociology revenue-raising is supplemented with cost should also direct its focus outward, placing cutting through online education and cuts value commitments front and center of in wages, salaries, and benefits for its explorations of alternatives to the existing employees, and by replacing expensive ten- world. The power of market society makes ured faculty with much cheaper contingent the existing world appear natural and inevi- faculty. With commodification comes dis- table, and sociology’s historic task is both possession. The university has been increas- anti-utopian, explaining how we get trapped ingly hijacked by a class of ‘‘spiralists’’— by domination, and utopian, exploring alter- circulating administrators and their manage- native visions. To make those visions plausi- ment consultants, concerned more with ble it is important to work from the concrete, finance than education and research, who from the actually existing, to tease out prin- thereby threaten the very functions they are ciples behind institutions that challenge hired to protect. We can no longer take the uni- marketization. Exemplary here is Erik versity for granted—it has to become an object Wright’s (2010) work on real utopias— of investigation as well as a launching pad for participatory budgeting, cooperatives, uni- investigation. versal guaranteed income—all of which con- Polanyi’s anti-utopian project that test the supremacy of market forces driven analyzes the forces of marketization gives by the exigencies of capitalism. rise to a utopian project—the societal Subservient to the logic of the market and counter-movement to marketization. Here losing the trappings of welfare, the state is

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Downloaded from csx.sagepub.com at UNIV CALIFORNIA BERKELEY LIB on July 29, 2016 390 Featured Essay less inclined to strike an alliance with sociol- and Bernie Sanders to condemn market- ogy than it was in the Keynesian era. Policy induced inequality, one might suspect that sociology, therefore, has to seek out partners the balance is tilting back to sociology. For in the world of progressive foundations, all the controversy they sometimes raise, ready to support programs that critically recent ethnographic work shows how effec- examine the corrosive effects of the market tive they can be in raising public awareness. such as the Program for Environmental For example, Matt Desmond’s Evicted and Regional Equity and the Center for the describes in pain-inducing detail the conse- Study of Immigrant Integration at the Uni- quences of an unregulated housing market, versity of Southern California or the Center drawing attention to the exploitative relation for Urban Research and Learning at Loyola between rentiers and tenants. University, Chicago. Ruth Milkman and Alongside traditional public sociology, Eileen Appelbaum (2013) pioneered the there is an ‘‘organic’’ public sociology, investigation of new California legislation involving an unmediated face-to-face for paid family leave, encouraging the adop- relation of sociologists with publics such as tion of similar legislation in other states. Yet, trade unions, religious organizations, or at the same time, they hold on to a critical neighborhood associations. This subterra- perspective that sees the outcome of legisla- nean form of public sociology is often more tion as largely reproducing social inequality. effective and longer lasting. With the effer- Theda Skocpol’s Scholar’s Strategy Network is vescence of civil society, registered in such a more ambitious and wide-ranging effort at social movements as the Occupy movement, policy advocacy and critique. Black Lives Matter, or the Dreamers or in the Finally, there is public sociology, not rise of social movements hostile to the always easy to distinguish from policy soci- regulatory state, sociology’s public face can ology, especially when the latter is unwel- gain more prominence. But the populist come in the corridors of power. The goal of upsurge—in Europe and not just North public sociology is to develop a conversation America—can assume a reactionary as well between sociologists and publics about the as a progressive character, and here too pub- direction of society. Shils’ ‘‘calling’’ had public sociology has a battle to join. We have lic sociology at its core—sociology spontane- thought too little about the challenge of ously expressed a singular collective con- addressing publics that are hostile to our sciousness. Subsequent history showed just values. how illusory this public sociology was—the Undoubtedly the most effective public collective consciousness proved to be far sociology has been feminist inspired. more divided and far less open to sociology Whether this concerns the domestic sphere than Shils claimed. To sustain a presence in or the labor market, whether education or the public sphere, sociology has to compete politics, whether patterns of divorce or dat- with corporate interests and powerful media ing, whether adoption or abortion, sexual hostile to its message as well as with other violence or transgender relations, feminist disciplines, notably economics, political sci- sociology has made inroads into public con- ence, and psychology, that are far more consciousness, by way of both sympathy and sonant with the reigning common sense. The reaction. No less important is the silent rev- situation requires a distinction between two olution within sociology that the feminism types of public sociology. movement has wrought, leaving no area In its ‘‘traditional’’ form public sociology untouched. Beyond the inclusion of gender, catalyzes public discussion through the writ- and along with critical race theory, feminism ing of books and contributions to the official has compelled the recognition of ‘‘stand- media (radio, television, newspapers) or the point’’ and the fact that we are never outside ever-expanding blogosphere and digital the world we study. In short, we should not media. What headway can a sociology criti- forget that public sociology carries a two- cal of the market make in a public sphere col- way influence, from publics to sociology as onized by powerful market forces? When well as sociology to publics. economists such as Joseph Stiglitz and As the market invades and transforms the Thomas Piketty join forces with Pope Francis university, there is one arena over which we

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Downloaded from csx.sagepub.com at UNIV CALIFORNIA BERKELEY LIB on July 29, 2016 Featured Essay 391 still have a measure of control. That is teach- can build allies within the university, but no ing. Max Weber had an instrumental view of less important it needs to recognize that the teaching in which students are passive recep- university cannot stand apart from society; it tacles, susceptible to political manipulation. must be accountable to society if it is to win The lecturer, therefore, has to keep his values back legitimacy as a public institution. to himself and focus on the transmission of But our discipline has also to be broad- specialist knowledge. This is how many still ened in another way. If sociology is to treat think about teaching, whether it be convey- the causes and consequences of coming the basic ideas and discoveries of our dis- modification of labor, nature, money, and cipline, often formulated in textbooks, or by knowledge, it has to deal with migration developing special vocational programs in and precarity, environmental degradation, such topics as criminology or health. You finance capital, and intellectual property as might say that the former is a professional global phenomena. Sociology has to become approach to teaching whereas the latter is global not only in its product but also in its a policy approach to teaching. A critical production. Weber’s sociology was pano- approach teaches our students to interrogate ramic but ultimately rooted in German soci- the foundations of our discipline, pointing ety, while structural functionalism believed to new foundations accompanied by alterna- in its own spurious universalism. Today we tive visions. Here we highlight the value have to be more humble and recognize our premises of the material we teach, deliberate- fraught position within a globalizing world ly chosen to reveal the plurality of value with a plurality of sociologies, each with premises even within our own discipline. their own national or regional base, located But there is also teaching as public sociol- in a very unequal and hierarchical global ogy in which students are themselves consti- field composed of universities gaming tuted as a public. In this mode, teaching is world rankings, searching out fee-paying a three-level dialogue: a first dialogue students, and creating networks of global between teacher and students that takes campuses. Increasingly, competition for that very pedagogical relationship as point ‘‘world class’’ status divides higher educa- of departure with a view to exploring the tion into two worlds—elite and non-elite— lived experience of students, enriching it each rapidly receding from the other. with sociological studies; a second dialogue Playing in the global field of higher educa- among students in which they learn about tion undoubtedly has its down side for the themselves through engaging one another; subordinate players who have to follow in and a third dialogue of students with publics the tracks of northern ‘‘distinction,’’ trying beyond the university. Deepening students’ to publish in northern journals run by understanding of their changing relation to northern academics, drawing them away their own institution by placing that rela- from their own national and local publics. tionship front and center of sociological On the other hand, their presence—if analysis might also enlist them in a common organized—can bring pressure to bear on project of defending the university and northern sociologists to shed their provin- advancing sociology. cialism and work toward a global communi- The university will be overrun and ty of critical thinkers. Postcolonial thought, destroyed by market forces if there is no or southern theory, as Raewyn Connell resistance. Sociology is well-positioned to (2007) calls it, demands that we both recog- partake in such resistance, but it cannot nize and transcend our own limited perspec- accomplish this by itself. The counter- tives. This will be necessary if we are to tack- movement to the rationalization of the uni- le the global challenges of today. versity requires not only the reassertion of But for such a sociology to take root we values in its midst and thus the building of will need a civil society of global dimen- alliances across disciplines and across sions, something that neither Polanyi nor schools, but also the building of collabora- Bourdieu could imagine, notwithstanding tions with publics outside the university— the former’s grasp of the internationaliza- publics tied to institutions that are suffering tion of capitalism and the latter’s promotion a similar fate to the university itself. Sociology of an ‘‘international of intellectuals.’’ In this

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Downloaded from csx.sagepub.com at UNIV CALIFORNIA BERKELEY LIB on July 29, 2016 392 Featured Essay regard, if there is one sociologist whose trail not living in the nineteenth century; the pas- we might follow it is W.E.B. Du Bois, who sage of the twentieth century has not been in began by studying the world market in slav- vain. With all its regressions, at least in the ery, created the first laboratory of scientific north, it did create a thriving university sociology, and wrote a brilliant comparative and an expansive civil society—a legacy history of reconstruction in the American now under threat but far from dissolved. South. Discriminated against in the academ- From the messianic period sociology ic field, he took his sociology to wider inherited aspirations for a better world that publics, developing a critical stance toward holds state and market in check. the U.S. state, becoming a communist and In this context, therefore, the sociological a Pan-Africanist, and living his last years in tradition must not be abandoned but revital- postcolonial Ghana. In recovering his ized. It will be a sociology without guaran- pioneering role in the formation of U.S. soci- tees, summoning up the courage to contest ology, Aldon Morris (2015) opens the door to this latest wave of marketization that viewing Du Bois as also the most contempo- threatens to overwhelm not just ourselves rary of sociologists, his colonized status at but the human race. Weber’s ‘‘polar night home leading to an expansive global vision of icy darkness and hardness’’ (PV:128) we so badly need today. may lie ahead, but that possibility only makes the ongoing commitment to sociology more imperative. Conclusion: Sociology without Guarantees References Reared in the halcyon days of the 1960s and 1970s, now observing a discipline in retreat, Bourdieu, Pierre. 1975. ‘‘The Specificity of the Sci- entific Field and the Social Conditions of the disillusioned patrons like Alain Touraine Progress of Reason.’’ Social Science Information and Immanuel Wallerstein say we should 14(6):19–47. dissolve sociology into a broader social sci- Bourdieu, Pierre. (1992) 1996. Rules of Art: Genesis ence. They argue that there is no justifica- and Structure of the Literary Field. Stanford, CA: tion for the separate disciplines whose Stanford University Press. raison d’eˆtre lies in the conditions of the Bourdieu, Pierre. 1998. Acts of Resistance: Against second half of the nineteenth century, the the Tyranny of the Market. New York: New Press. separation of state, economy, and society. Bourdieu, Pierre. (1996) 1999. On Television. New Perhaps an argument could be made that York: New Press. these distinctions did begin to blur in the Bourdieu, Pierre. (1997) 2000. Pascalian Medita- advanced economies of the post-war peri- tions. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. od, and an integral social science perhaps Bourdieu, Pierre. (2001) 2003. Firing Back: Against made sense then. Indeed, Parsons tried to the Tyranny of the Market. New York: New Press. Bourdieu, Pierre, Jean-Claude Passeron, and Jean- pioneer such a social science with sociology Claude Chamboredon. (1968)1991. The Craft of at its center. More recent proposals for an Sociology: Epistemological Preliminaries. New integral social science tend to bury the York: Aldine de Gruyter. sociological tradition rather than elevate it. Brown, Wendy. 2015. Undoing the Demos: Neoliber- Given the power and legitimacy of econom- alism’s Stealth Revolution. New York: Zone ics, today any singular social science would Books. Connell, Raewyn. 2007. Southern Theory: The Glob- be dominated by economics and lose sociol- al Dynamics of Knowledge in Social Science. ogy’s distinctive utopian and anti-utopian Cambridge, UK: Polity. commitments. Desmond, Matthew. 2016. Evicted: Poverty and The distinction between market, state, and Profit in the American City. New York: Crown society rather than being anachronistic has Publishers. been given renewed significance by the Gouldner, Alvin. 1962. ‘‘Anti-Minotaur: The Myth advance of marketization. We are indeed of Value-Free Sociology.’’ Social Problems 9(3):199–213. returning to the nineteenth century, within Gouldner, Alvin. 1968. ‘‘The Sociologist as Parti- which Weber’s two essays become especially san: Sociology and the Welfare State.’’ Ameri- pertinent. Still, for all the parallels, we are can Sociologist 3:103–116.

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