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Renaissance Chart Tradition in the Mediterranean Corradino Astengo 7 • The Renaissance Chart Tradition in the Mediterranean Corradino Astengo Introduction coast, and thus sailing them required special techniques and capacities—as Juan de Escalante de Mendoza recog- Medieval nautical charts were adequate for the needs of nized when he distinguished between sailors plotting the navigators of the day, who sailed the Atlantic and courses for coastlines (de costa y derrota) and those for Mediterranean coasts of Europe along well-established deep seas (de altura y escuadría), each group with their routes that were in part determined by the nature of local own skills and aptitudes.5 winds and currents and never led to ships’ losing sight of For more than two centuries the large cities and smaller land for more than two or three days.1 Yet in addition to ports of the Mediterranean continued the medieval tradi- being important working tools, these charts were also the tion of producing manuscript portolan charts and atlases documents that recorded the first achievements of At- organized around the distribution of wind rhumbs.6 lantic exploration, indicating newly discovered archipela- These charts were generally produced in small family gos and the gradually emerging features of the coast of workshops; the traditional art of making charts and im- Africa. Ultimately, the conquest of the oceans made nav- ages for navigation was handed down from generation to igation by the stars a necessity, and thus indications of lat- itude—along with the equator and the Tropics—were Abbreviations used in this chapter include: Carte da navigar for Su- added to the old rhumb line charts, gradually transform- sanna Biadene, ed., Carte da navigar: Portolani e carte nautiche del ing them into flat gridded charts that, even though non- Museo Correr, 1318–1732 (Venice: Marsilio Editori, 1990). isogonic (and therefore inadequate to the needs of ocean- 1. John H. Pryor, Geography, Technology, and War: Studies in the going navigators), would remain in use for more than a Maritime History of the Mediterranean, 649–1571 (Cambridge: Cam- century.2 From as early as the beginning of the sixteenth bridge University Press, 1988), 87–101. 2. Joaquim Bensaúde, L’astronomie nautique au Portugal à l’époque century, Portugal and Spain had public bodies—known, des grandes découvertes, 2 vols. (Bern: M. Drechsel, 1912–17; reprinted respectively, as the Casa da Mina and the Casa de la Con- Amsterdam: N. Israel and Meridian, 1967), and W. G. L. Randles, “De tratación—responsible for drawing up these large nauti- la carte-portulane méditerranéenne à la carte marine du monde des cal world charts, which recorded each new geographical grandes découvertes: La crise de la cartographie au XVI e siècle,” in discovery and thus made regular changes to the image of Géographie du monde au Moyen Aˆ ge et à la Renaissance, ed. Monique 3 Pelletier (Paris: Éditions du C.T.H.S., 1989), 125–31, esp. 128. The au- the world. thor defines this change as a mariage contre nature. Within the Mediterranean area itself, ships continued 3. David Turnbull, “Cartography and Science in Early Modern Eu- to ply the same routes, and, for a century at least, the ship- rope: Mapping the Construction of Knowledge Spaces,” Imago Mundi ping trade suffered no ill effects from the opening of ocean 48 (1996): 5–24, esp. 7. routes. Changes, however, were felt—especially during 4. Fernand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II, 2 vols., trans. Siân Reynolds (New York: the course of the sixteenth century: merchant galleys Harper and Row, 1972–73), 306 –12. tended to disappear, and the large galleons gradually lost 5. Juan de Escalante de Mendoza, Itinerario de navegación de los out to a significant number of small sailing ships that mares y tierras occidentales, 1575 (Madrid: Museo Naval, 1985), 47. made frequent stops and carried all kinds of merchandise 6. “Nonetheless, manuscript cartography continued to prosper; in- (clear proof of extended economic well-being in the area).4 deed, judging from the material that has come down to us, one could say that it flourished as never before. Instead of demand dropping as a The sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were also a pe- result of the availability of printed maps, it increased. All that changed riod of almost uninterrupted war within the Mediter- was the character of such cartography.” Giuseppe Caraci, “Cimeli car- ranean area, with not only such large-scale battles as tografici sconosciuti esistenti a Firenze,” Bibliofilia 28 (1927): 31–50, those of Djerba and Lepanto, but also continuous raids, esp. 48. skirmishes, and acts of piracy (the latter leading to ex- The term “portolan chart,” although vehemently avoided by some historians (see Patrick Gautier Dalché, “Portulans and the Byzantine tensive patrols to protect merchant shipping). In such a World,” in Travel in the Byzantine World, ed. R. J. Macrides [Aldershot: situation, the need for expert navigators and adequate Ashgate, 2002], 59–71, esp. 59), is used here to provide continuity from equipment was obvious. Sailing routes tended to hug the its use in volume 1 of the History of Cartography series. 174 The Renaissance Chart Tradition in the Mediterranean 175 generation.7 And the charts these family workshops pro- they might have encountered many more potential duced reveal a real sense of continuity, with the Mediter- clients. The extensive mobility of Mediterranean cartog- ranean maintaining its central position in the world even raphers appears, in fact, to have been largely due to an after the opening of the Atlantic and the waters beyond. unending search for better markets for their products Large world charts are rare and limited to the early and, even more important, for more favorable working decades of the sixteenth century. Generally, output com- conditions. Such conditions were often determined by the prised numerous charts and atlases that, as in the Middle policies of local governments, which might vary from di- Ages, showed only the Mediterranean area 8 and nautical rect public control (leading to the creation of family mo- atlases that included only a small world chart or dedi- nopolies and the emigration of excluded talent) to a more cated just a few small sheets to the oceans and continents open, laissez-faire regime (favoring new input of energy beyond Europe while continuing to focus on the Mediter- from outsiders).11 ranean, which was covered by larger and more numerous The period under discussion, the sixteenth and seven- charts. teenth centuries, could be said to have opened with the Charts of a single area—such as the Black Sea, the so-called Map of Columbus (fig. 7.1) and to have closed Aegean, or the Adriatic—were also a rarity. The reader with Filippo Francini’s atlas of 1699. The former—whose was therefore given a picture of the Mediterranean as a exact date and attribution are matters of debate 12— unit; more than a simple, unified physical site with a com- undoubtedly comes from sometime around the end of the mon climate, the area was portrayed as a common locus fifteenth century and the beginning of the sixteenth and is of human activity, a unit held together by a fine weave of a perfect example of the transitional phase of Mediter- sea routes. And a key component here was less the sea it- self than the people who plied it—who, in spite of the 7. Giovanna Petti Balbi, “Nel mondo dei cartografi: Battista Beccari conflicts and hostilities that riddled the region, did not maestro a Genova nel 1427,” in Columbeis I (Genoa: Università di Ge- hesitate to move from one place to another if that gave nova, Facoltà di Lettere, Istituto di Filologia Classica e Medievale, them a better chance to practice their art or craft.9 This 1986), 125–32. was certainly true of cartographers, who during these two 8. Nordenskiöld popularized the phrase “area of the normal por- centuries were continually on the move from one tolan,” indicating the geographic area described on portolan charts and represented on medieval nautical charts. It usually included the entire Mediterranean port to another in search of new patrons Mediterranean, the Black Sea, and a small part of the Red Sea. The coast or customers. However, except in some very rare cases, of the Atlantic varied, extending in the south to the Canaries and in the this free movement did not lead to ready exchanges with north to “Cabo Finisterre” or to Denmark, with complete representa- cartographers charting other areas. For example, in Spain tion of Britain and in some cases southern Scandinavia (A. E. Norden- there was a sharp separation between the cartography of skiöld, Periplus: An Essay on the Early History of Charts and Sailing- Directions, trans. Francis A. Bather [Stockholm: P. A. Norstedt & the Casa de la Contratación, which focused on the New Söner, 1897], 16 –17 and 45). We have chosen to use “area of the World and the production of large world charts, and the Mediterranean,” meaning this larger geographic region. work of the Catalan cartographers, who maintained the 9. Braudel, Mediterranean, 276. See also Alberto Tenenti, “Il senso traditional focus on the Mediterranean. The same thing del mare,” in Storia di Venezia, vol. 12, Il mare, ed. Alberto Tenenti and can be seen in France, with an equally sharp division be- Ugo Tucci (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1991), 7–76. 10. Among the exceptions one should mention there are, for example, tween the work of the so-called École du Ponent and that Diogo Homem, who moved to Venice after a period of work in Lisbon, of the cartographic workshops of Marseilles and Toulon: and Pierre Collin of St.
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