The Use of Racist, Antisemitic and Xenophobic Arguments in Political Discourse
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Belgian Polities in 2002
Belgian Polities in 2002 SamDEPAUW Postdoctoral Fellow of the Fund for Scientific Research-Flanders at the Section of Politica/ Sociology of the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven Mark DEWEERDT Politica/ Journalist of De Financieel-Economische Tijd Verhofstadt's cabinet's final year in office has proved to be a difficult one at times . Discord was noticeable between the greens and the other coalition partners. On immigrants' suffrage the Flemish liberals (VLD) and the other partners were poles apart. The slowing economie growth forced the cabinet toa frugal budgetary policy and impeded new initiatives. Corporate taxes were amended and eco-taxation was finally introduced. The implementation of the Lambermont agreement continued and the electoral system and bicameralism were revised. The party system mar/eed a rapprochement of socialists and Spirit (i .e. the farmer Volksunie) in Flanders and greens in Wallonia, the transfer of a number of Spirit MPs to the liberal party, and the francophone Christian democrats' change of name. I. Verhofstadt's second start and the cabinet's Note of Priorities By the end of 2001 Verhofstadt's cabinet appeared to have run out of steam. The slowing economy in the wake of 9/11 restricted public funds and forced the cabinet to cancel new initiatives. Engrossed in the European presidency Verhofstadtwas unable to prevent open discord among the coalition partners over suffrage for immigrants or sentence reduction for 'pentiti'. Rumours of a cabinet reshuffle or even snap elections were particularly persistent. To counter the irnpression that without Christian democrats a cabinet couldn't serve out the whole term Verhofstadt launched a Note of Priorities for the cabinet's remaining 18 months. -
Humanitarian Imperialism: Using Human Rights to Sell War
Bricmont, J. (2006). Humanitarian imperialism: Using human rights to sell war. New York: Monthly Review Press. Preface to the English Edition Two sorts of sentiments inspire political action: hope and indignation. This book is largely the product of the latter sentiment, but the aim of its publication is to encourage the former. A brief and subjective overview of the political evolution of the past twenty years can explain the source of my indignation. The collapse of the Soviet Union can be compared to the fall of Napoleon. Both were the product of major revolutions whose ideals they symbolized, rightly or wrongly, and which they defended more or less effectively while betraying them in various ways. If their natures were complex, the consequences of their fall were relatively simple and led to a general triumph of reaction, with the United Stales today playing a role analogous to that of the Holy Alliance nearly two centuries ago.1 There is no need to be an admirer of the Soviet Union (or of Napoleon) to make this observation. My generation, that of 1968, wanted to overcome the shortcomings of the Soviet system, but certainly did not mean to take the great leap backwards which actually took place and to which, in its overwhelming majority, it has easily adapted.2 A discussion of the causes of these failures would require several books. Suffice it to say that for all sorts of reasons, some of which will be touched on in what follows, I did not follow the evolution of the majority of my generation and have preserved what it would call my youthful illusions, at least some of them. -
Les Facéties D'alexandre Adler
En somme, Adler a croisé Serge July, Claude Imbert, Bernard-Henri Lévy, Alain Duhamel, Jean-François Revel, Jacques Attali, Denis Jeambar, Jean-Marie Cavada, Laure Adler, Jean-Marie Colombani, Alain Minc, Edwy Plenel et Yves de Chaisemartin dans un cadre purement professionnel... qui en dit long sur la profession en question. Telle une araignée « affamée », « l‘expert » tisse la toile de son cercle proche, puis de son réseau d‘amitiés. Toutes ces portes d‘entrée sur le monde médiatique et politique lui permettent de toujours trouver tribune pour Les facéties d‘Alexandre Adler : ses proses, micro pour ses paroles et caméra pour ses gesticulations. Expert en variations et médiacrate tous terrains Un parcours politique « cohérent » Appelant à voter communiste lors des élections « Vous occupez, pour longtemps, toutes les places, européennes de juin 1979 [4], encarté chez les votre réseau contrôle toutes les voies d‘accès et communistes jusqu‘en 1980 [5], appartenant « corps et refoule les nouveaux, le style que vous imprimez au biens [...à] la Gauche française », s‘insurgeant contre les pouvoir intellectuel que vous exercez enterre tout technocrates de droite, ces « fascistes en cravates [qui] possible et tout futur. Du haut de la pyramide, peuplent les cabinets ministériels » [6] ; il a, comme amoncellement d‘escroqueries et d‘impudences, vous beaucoup, sous le règne de François Mitterrand, vendu son déclarez froidement, en écartant ceux qui voudraient âme à la mondialisation de l‘économie de marché et s‘est regarder par eux-mêmes qu‘il n‘y a rien à voir et que le morne désert s‘étend à l‘infini. -
Western Europe
Western Europe Great Britain National Affairs A STRANGE DICHOTOMY marked the year. While the country enjoyed continued prosperity and stability, the government—especially Prime Minister Tony Blair—incurred increasing unpopularity, albeit not to a degree that would threaten Labour's continuance in office. The sustained growth of the economy and low interest rates softened the impact of tax increases on disposable income, although opinion polls did register discontent, particularly over local taxation. Chancellor of the Exchequer Gordon Brown's pre-budget report in December indicated that receipts were lower than anticipated while costs associated with the Iraq war had pushed spending above expectations. Nevertheless, Brown adhered to his "golden rule" that over the economic cycle the government should borrow only to invest. Employment reached a record high of 28.1 million, and the number of people applying for unemployment benefits dropped steadily, reaching 917,800 in November, 7,900 lower than a year before. High employment raised the threat of wage inflation. The burden of interest payments on the growing public debt raised similar concerns. In July, interest rates were cut a quarter-percent to 3.50 percent to stim- ulate the economy, but in December this was reversed for the first time in almost four years; rates went back up to 3.75 percent so as to coun- teract the danger of rises in house prices and personal debt. Politically, satisfaction with the government continued to decline from its peak of about 55 percent just after 9/11 to about 25 percent in De- cember 2003. The results of local elections held in May registered the po- litical fallout: Labour lost a combined 800 seats, and the Conservatives, winning the largest share of the vote, gained about 500. -
Daniel COLARD (*)
LES RELATIONS INTERNATIONALES VINGT ANS APRÈS LA CHUTE DU MUR DE BERLIN (1989-2009) par Daniel COLARD (*) «Qu’est-ce que le présent sinon la pointe extrême d’un long écoulement où chaque vague dépend dans son mouvement… des autres vagues voisines qui l’enserrent et la pressent, mais aussi de celles qui derrière l’ont poussé en avant.» Marc Bloch, Que demander à l’Histoire? «Il n’est pas besoin d’aimer le monde qui vient pour le voir venir.» François de Chateaubriand Remarques liminaires sur le facteur temps et la chronologie La durée, donc l’histoire marquée par la chronologie, joue un rôle essen- tiel dans le domaine des relations internationales (RI). La nécessité du recul pour comprendre et juger une période – ici 1989-2009 – est indispensable. Or, il se trouve que le temps chronologique ne coïncide pas souvent avec le temps politique. En d’autres termes, il y a des siècles qui sont longs (le XIXe siècle : 1814-1914) et des siècles qui sont courts (le XXe siècle : 1919- 1989). La chute du Mur de Berlin – le Mur de la honte (1) –, le 9 novembre 1989, a clôturé la fin du XXe siècle avec celle de la Guerre froide, c’est-à-dire du monde bipolaire. Cet événement aussi extraordinaire qu’inattendu, voire quasi-miraculeux car le sang n’a pas coulé, a été successivement qualifié de choc, de tsunami, de séisme géopolitique et géostratégique ou encore de bas- culement du monde, de bouleversement de l’histoire, de rupture complète du système des RI (2). «Annus miraculis» : «l’histoire est sortie de ses gonds», a dit Mikhaïl Gorbatchev et Adam Michnik a parlé d’«une révolution sans violence, sans utopie, sans projet, mais victorieuse». -
1 a GORBACHEV EPIPHANY 1. Interview with Reagan In
Notes 1 A GORBACHEV EPIPHANY 1. Interview with Reagan in Washington Post, 26 Feb. 1988, A18. 2. A. W. DePorte, Europe Between the Superpowers: The Enduring Balance (New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1979), xii. 3. With some exceptions, for example, Michael Howard, 'The Gorbachev Challenge and the Defense of the West', Survival (Nov.-Dec. 1988). 4. Time, 4 Jan. 1988, 16. 5. New York Times, 16 May 1989, AI, A10. 6. Nezavisimaia gazeta, 8 July 1994, 1. Gorbachev's account of the 'political trial of the ex-President' is in his Memoirs (New York and London, Doubleday, 1995), 681-3. 2 THE OLD REGIME OF THE SOVIET COMMUNISTS: FOREIGN POLICY IN THE COLD WAR 1. Quoted in B. H. Sumner, Russia and the Balkans, 1870-1880 (Oxford Uni versity Press, 1937), 98. V. P. Potemkin (ed.), Istoriia diplomatii (Moscow, Gosudarstvennoe sotsialno-ekonomicheskoe izdatelstvo, 1941),470-71 trans lates Gorchakov's original French se recueille as sosredotochivaetsia (to be concentrated, fixed, focused). 2. Arkady N. Shevchenko, Breaking with Moscow (New York, Knopf, 1985), 156. Jon Jacobson, When the Soviet Union Entered World Politics (Berkeley, Los Angeles, University of California Press), 104. 3. Andrei Gromyko, Memories, trans. Harold Shukman (London and Sydney, 1989), 342-3. 4. Voprosy istorii, No.1 (1945), 4. 5. Khrushchev Remembers: The Last Testament (New York, Little, Brown, 1976), 393. 6. A. W. DePorte, De Gaulle's Foreign Policy, 1944-1946 (Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, 1968),29-44. Georges Bidault, Resistance (London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1965), 147-9. 7. E. S. Varga, Izmeneniia v ekonomike kapitalizma v itoge vtoroi mirovoi voiny (Moscow, 1946), 226-68. -
Batı Kamuoyu, AKP‑IŞİD İlişkileri Ve Kürt Sorunu
Batı Kamuoyu, AKP‑IŞİD İlişkileri ve Kürt Sorunu Taner Timur, Ankara Üniversitesi, Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi emekli öğretim üyesi, e-posta: [email protected] Geçen yıl Ekim ayında Fransız Başbakanı Manuel Valls, ülkelerinin tarihte benzeri görülmemiş bir tehlikeyle karşı karşıya olduğunu söylüyor ve bu tehlikeyi de “bazı Fransızların, gerekirse kendi ülkelerini vurmak için terör eğitimi almak üzere dış ülkelere gitmeleri”nde görüyordu.1 Çok geçmeden de bu kaygısında ne kadar haklı olduğu anlaşıldı: 7 Ocak 2015’te, iki İslamcı terörist Charlie Hebdo bürosunu basıyor ve Fransa’nın en popüler mizahçılarını katlediyordu. Bu iğrenç cinayet sadece Fransa’da değil, bütün dünyada büyük tepkiler yarattı ve gözler IŞİD adlı kanlı yapıya çevrildi. ABD’nin Irak’ı işgalinin yarattığı anarşi ortamı, sonunda bölgedeki tüm kin ve intikam duygularını cihat bayrağı altında toplamış ve dünyaya meydan okuyan bir “İslam Devleti” ortaya çıkmıştı. Öyle ki İran’ın mollaları dahi bu yeni cihatçılar karşısında çok “ılımlı” görünüyorlardı. Ve varılan noktada da, IŞİD radikalizmi, Obama ile Putin’i bile bu tehlikeye karşı nesnel müttefikler haline getirdi. Rus uçakları Suriye’de Cihatçı hedefleri bombalamaya başlayınca, ABD Dışişleri Bakanı John Kerry “Rusya’nın bu meseleye odaklanmayı seçmesinden memnunuz” diyordu.2 Binlerce kilometre uzaktaki ülkeleri bile bu kadar ürküten bu cinayet şebekesine karşı, onunla sınır komşusu Türkiye’nin izlediği politika ne oldu? Bölgedeki gelişmeleri yakından izleyen hemen bütün gözlemciler IŞİD’in bu hale gelmesinde AKP iktidarının rol oynadığını, ya da en azından sınır kontrolünde çok gevşek davranarak bu gelişmeye zemin hazırladığını düşünüyorlar. Neden olarak da Erdoğan’ın Müslüman Kardeşler eksenli politikasının iflas etmesini ve bu iflasın katılaştırdığı Esad düşmanlığını ileri sürüyorlar. -
2003.11.05 Vreemdelingenstemrecht DV
NATIONAAL SECRETARIAAT - STUDIEDIENST INHOUD 1. Inleiding. 2. 40 jaar vreemdelingenstemrecht: iedereen is medeschuldig. 3. Het vreemdelingenstemrecht in enkele OESO-landen. 4. Het Vlaams Blok en het vreemdelingenstemrecht. 5. De voorstellen van het Vlaams Blok. Madouplein 8, bus 9 - 1210 Brussel - Tel. (02) 219 60 09 - Fax (02) 218 19 58 URL :http://www.vlaamsblok.be - e-mail : [email protected] 1. Inleiding Het regeerakkoord zette de deur reeds wagenwijd open en nu is het zover. Terwijl de VLD in de regeerperiode nog terzijde werd gestaan door Louis Michel zijn het nu de Franstalige liberalen die – in navolging van alle andere Franstalige partijen en de Vlaamse linkse partijen – in de senaat een wetsvoorstel tot toekenning van gemeentelijke vreemdelingenstemrecht hebben ingediend. Dat het vreemdelingenstemrecht een louter Franstalige en linkse eis is, is evenwel een misvatting. Uit de volgende nota blijkt dat elke Vlaamse partij medeschuldig is aan de invoering van het vreemdelingenstemrecht. Het Vlaams Blok is de enige politieke partij die net zoals de meerderheid van de Vlamingen ronduit gekant is tegen het vreemdelingenstemrecht, of het nu op nationaal of op lokaal niveau is. Met het voorstel om de beslissing inzake de toekenning van het vreemdelingenstemrecht over te laten aan de gewesten ontloopt de VLD haar verantwoordelijkheid. Dit voorstel tot ‘regionalisering van het vreemdelingenstemrecht is overigens zowel vanuit politiek – Brussel – als vanuit juridisch oogpunt problematisch. De VLD zette zélf de deur open voor het vreemdelingenstemrecht door haar instemming met het regeerakkoord dat deze beslissing overlaat aan het federaal parlement. De VLD heeft Vlaanderen alweer buitenspel gezet. 2 2. 40 jaar vreemdelingenstemrecht: iedereen is medeschuldig A. -
WORLD INSTITUTIONAL INVESTOR FORUM Geneva - January 20Th, 2017
WORLD INSTITUTIONAL INVESTOR FORUM Geneva - January 20th, 2017 This event is sponsored by PROGRAMME 08:30 Registration & Breakfast 09:00 Welcoming Speech Grégoire Haenni (Institutional Circle, CPEG) 09:10 Investment opportunities in alternative risk premia Speaker: Cliff Asness (AQR, Founder) 10:00 Macroeconomic picture of the world (presentations and panel) Short macroeconomic introduction: Frank Brosens (Tatonic, Co-Founder) Speaker: Emil Nguy (Income Partners, Founder and CIO) Speaker: Aidan Corcoran (KKR, Strategist) Moderator: Claus Christjansen (LD Pensions, CIO) 11:15 Pause 11:30 Outlook for political risks Speaker: Alexandre Adler (historian, journalist and expert of geopolitics) 12:30 Lunch Introduction: Valérie Baudson (Amundi, Member of the Executive Committee) 14:00 How does technology impact the global economy? Speaker: Jacques Bughin (McKinsey Institute, Senior Partner) 15:00 Pause 15:30 Institutional Circle Consensus Speaker: Anne-Valère Amo (Institutional Circle, Lombard Odier) 16:00 Key asset allocation decisions for 2017 Speaker: Elisabeth Bourqui (Head of ABB Group Pension Management) Speaker: Vincent Mortier (Global Dep.CIO Amundi) Moderator: Sinikka Demare (Institutional Circle, SDemare Advisory) 17:00 Closing remarks Grégoire Haenni (Institutional Circle, CPEG) 17:10 Drinks SPEAKERS SPEAKERS Alexandre ADLER Historian, journalist and expert of geopolitics Alexandre Adler is a French historian, journalist and expert of contemporary geopolitics, the former USSR, and the Middle East. He is a Chevalier de l’Ordre de la Légion d’Honneur (2002). M. Adler is a history graduate of the École normale supérieure (1969-1974). He directed the Chair for International Relations of France’s Ministry of Defense Interarmy College of Defense (1992–1998) where he remains a professor of higher military learning. -
Belgian Polities in 2001
Belgian Polities in 2001 SamDEPAUW Postdoctora/ Fellow of the Fund for Scientific Research-Flanders at the Section of Politica/ Sociologi; of the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven Mark DEWEERDT Politica/ Journalist of De Financieel-Economische Tijd Throughout 2001 government policy focused on tax reduction, a sustainable health insurance, the reform of the police farces, the elimination of judicia! backlog and the EU presidency. Not without difficulty yet another step was taken in the reform of the state. The government suffered a serious blow, however, by the demise of the national airline carrier, Sabena . 1. Budgetary and Fiscal Policy A. Budgetary Results for 2000 and a twofold Contra/ of the 2001-Budget OnJanuary 5th the ministers of the Budget, Vande Lanotte, and Finance, Reynders, announced that the government (the federal, community, regional, and local governments as wel! as the public bodies involved in social security) had realised a surplus of€ 100 million. For the first time in half a century, the public finances were in equilibrium. Tuis result was better than anticipated by the Stability Programme 2000-2003, arising from a favorable economie trend - the growth rate equalled 4 % rather than the expected 2.5 %-and the ensuing additional revenues. By the end of 2000 the deficit had declined to 110.6 % of GDP. On the other hand, the minor interest in four UMTS-licenses, i.e. third generation radiotelephonic networks, was a setback for the federal government. In 2001 the anticipated proceeds amounted to€ 1 to 1.5 billion, to be used as a starting capita! for the Ageing Fund that would meet the costs of the increasing ageing population (pensions and health insurance) from 2012. -
Belgian Polities in 2005
Belgian Polities in 2005 Sam DEPAUW Postdoctoral Fellow of the Fund for Scientific Research - Flanders at the University of Leuven Mark DEWEERDT Politica! Journalist of De Tijd The first months of 2005 were dominated by the search fora solution to the issue of the Brussels-Halle-Vilvoorde constituency - that was palatable for both the Flemish and francophone political parties. After the government threw in the towel, the focus shifted more to socio-economie issues. Concern over low activity rates among the over-50's led to the presentation of the Generation Pact, but the trade unions refused to endorse it. Throughout the year discord persisted: between the federal and regional govern ments over the Zaventem flight dispersal plans, between the coalition partners over the issue of energy cheques, and within VLD - most notably over the contin ua! refusal to cooperate with Vlaams Belang. 1. Verhofstadt's Government On October 17th Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for the Budget and Public Enterprise Johan Vande Lanotte (SP.A) resigned from the federal government in order to replace Steve Stevaert at the head of the Socialist Party. He was replaced by Freya Van den Bossche as Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for the Bud get - she kept her portfolio of Consumer Affairs. Her portfolio of Employment passed on to Peter Vanvelthoven, who was succeeded in his turn by Bruno Tuy bens as State Secretary for Public Enterprise. Previously, Tuybens had been head of the Sustainable and Socially Responsible Investment Department at KBC Asset Management and a member of the board at Arnnesty International. -
WORLD INSTITUTIONAL INVESTOR FORUM Geneva - January 23Rd, 2018
WORLD INSTITUTIONAL INVESTOR FORUM Geneva - January 23rd, 2018 2018 Global Exclusive Sponsor: PROGRAMME 08:30 Registration & breakfast 09:00 Welcoming speech Grégoire Haenni (Founder of Institutional Circle, CPEG) 09:15 Macroeconomic picture of the world Speakers: Charles Gave (Founder, Gavekal), Emil Nguy (Founder, Income Partners) 10:05 Coffee break 10:25 Global private markets overview Speaker: Roberto Cagnati (Managing director, Partners Group) 10:45 Tactical asset allocation for 2018 Panelists: Emil Nguy (Income Partners), Charles Gave (Gavekal), Roberto Cagnati (Partners Group) Moderator: Grégoire Haenni ( Founder of Institutional Circle, CPEG) 11:15 Outlook on geopolitical risks Speaker: Alexandre Adler (Historian, journalist & geopolitical expert) 12:00 Lunch 13:45 Active vs passive strategies Panelists: Alan Hofmeyr (Partner, Marshall Wace), Laurent Trottier (Global Head of ETF, Index & Smart Beta Management, Amundi), Sinikka Demaré (Founder, SDemaré Advisory), Moderator: Anne-Valère Amo (Institutional Circle, Lombard Odier) 14:30 Climate change: responsibility, challenges and opportunities Standalone presentations & panel Speakers/panelists: Alexandre Ménard (Partner, McKinsey), Peter Damgaard Jensen (Chair, Institutional Investors Group on Climate Change (IIGCC)), Laurent Trottier (Amundi) Moderator: Antoine Prudent (Founder, InPact Advisory) 15:40 Coffee break 16:00 Everything you always wanted to know about blockchain but were afraid to ask Speaker: Arek Wylegalski (Founder, Fly Venture) Fintech: why could the blockchain be a game changer? Speaker: Steve Waterhouse (Partner, Orchid Lab) 16:45 Closing remarks Grégoire Haenni (Founder of Institutional Circle, CPEG) SPEAKERS SPEAKERS Alexandre ADLER Historian, journalist & geopolitical expert Alexandre Adler is a French historian, journalist and expert of contemporary geopolitics, the former USSR, and the Middle East. He is a Chevalier de l’Ordre de la Légion d’Honneur (2002).