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Sunshine in Korea
CENTER FOR ASIA PACIFIC POLICY International Programs at RAND CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that EDUCATION AND THE ARTS helps improve policy and decisionmaking through ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT research and analysis. HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE This electronic document was made available from INFRASTRUCTURE AND www.rand.org as a public service of the RAND TRANSPORTATION Corporation. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LAW AND BUSINESS NATIONAL SECURITY Skip all front matter: Jump to Page 16 POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Support RAND Purchase this document TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Browse Reports & Bookstore Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND Center for Asia Pacific Policy View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND electronic documents to a non-RAND website is prohibited. RAND electronic documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. The monograph/report was a product of the RAND Corporation from 1993 to 2003. RAND monograph/reports presented major research findings that addressed the challenges facing the public and private sectors. They included executive summaries, technical documentation, and synthesis pieces. Sunshine in Korea The South Korean Debate over Policies Toward North Korea Norman D. -
SOUTH KOREA BETWEEN EAGLE and DRAGON Perceptual Ambivalence and Strategic Dilemma
SOUTH KOREA BETWEEN EAGLE AND DRAGON Perceptual Ambivalence and Strategic Dilemma Jae Ho Chung The decade of the 1990s began with the demise of the Soviet empire and the subsequent retreat of Russia from the center stage of Northeast Asia, leaving the United States in a search to adjust its policies in the region. The “rise of China,” escalating cross-strait tension since 1995, North Korea’s nuclear brinkmanship and missile challenges, latent irreden- tism, and the pivotal economic importance of Northeast Asia have all led the United States to re-emphasize its role and involvement in the region.1 This redefinition of the American mission has in turn led to the consolidation of the U.S.-Japan alliance, exemplified by the 1997 Defense Guideline revision, as well as to the establishment of trilateral consultative organizations such as the Trilateral Coordination and Oversight Group (TCOG) among the U.S., Japan, and South Korea. The increasingly proactive posture by the U.S. has, however, generated grave strategic concerns on the part of China and Russia, which have sought to circumscribe America’s hegemonic parameters in Asia both bilaterally and multilaterally (i.e., the formation of the “Shanghai Six” and the Boao Asia Forum, as well as China’s call for an Association of Southeast Asian Nations Jae Ho Chung is Associate Professor of International Relations, Seoul National University, Seoul, Republic of Korea. The author wishes to thank Bruce J. Dickson and Wu Xinbo for their helpful comments on an earlier version. Asian Survey, 41:5, pp. 777–796. ISSN: 0004–4687 Ó 2001 by The Regents of the University of California. -
Electoral Politics in South Korea
South Korea: Aurel Croissant Electoral Politics in South Korea Aurel Croissant Introduction In December 1997, South Korean democracy faced the fifteenth presidential elections since the Republic of Korea became independent in August 1948. For the first time in almost 50 years, elections led to a take-over of power by the opposition. Simultaneously, the election marked the tenth anniversary of Korean democracy, which successfully passed its first ‘turnover test’ (Huntington, 1991) when elected President Kim Dae-jung was inaugurated on 25 February 1998. For South Korea, which had had six constitutions in only five decades and in which no president had left office peacefully before democratization took place in 1987, the last 15 years have marked a period of unprecedented democratic continuity and political stability. Because of this, some observers already call South Korea ‘the most powerful democracy in East Asia after Japan’ (Diamond and Shin, 2000: 1). The victory of the opposition over the party in power and, above all, the turnover of the presidency in 1998 seem to indicate that Korean democracy is on the road to full consolidation (Diamond and Shin, 2000: 3). This chapter will focus on the role elections and the electoral system have played in the political development of South Korea since independence, and especially after democratization in 1987-88. Five questions structure the analysis: 1. How has the electoral system developed in South Korea since independence in 1948? 2. What functions have elections and electoral systems had in South Korea during the last five decades? 3. What have been the patterns of electoral politics and electoral reform in South Korea? 4. -
The Sunshine Policy and Its Aftermath
The Sunshine Policy and its Aftermath Youngho Kim (Department of Political Science, Sungshin Women's University) I. Introduction The Kim Dae-jung administration's sunshine policy represents a paradigm shift in South Korea's policy toward North Korea. The traditional paradigm was the containment of North Korea based on the defense alliance between the United States and the Republic of Korea. During his presidency the containment policy was replaced by the proactive engagement policy to induce gradual changes of the North Korean regime through reconciliation and economic cooperation. His presidency experienced the North Korea's naval provocations in 1999 and 2002. The emergence of the Bush administration with reservations on the sunshine policy and suspicion of the Agreed Framework created strains on US-ROK alliance. Yet the sunshine policy was pursued without interruption until the end of his presidency. The dispatch of the special envoy to find a peaceful solution for the North Korea's nuclear standoff in January 2003 represents last-minute efforts to rescue the engagement policy. The next administration cannot be free from the legacies of the sunshine policy. Indeed, President-elect Roh Moo-hyun is expected to carry on the former administration's engagement policy toward North Korea.1 Critical assessments of the theoretical backgrounds and the achievements of the sunshine policy will help the Roh Moo-hyun administration to devise and implement its new policies toward North Korea. The Kim Dae-jung administration also raises theoretical questions in pursuit of the sunshine policy. One of the most important issues is the announcement of the policy to dissolve the Cold War structure on the Korean peninsula the administration considers one of the barriers to improving inter-Korean relations. -
Title, Table of Contents, Acknowledgements
☯ A TURNING POINT: DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION IN THE ROK AND STRATEGIC READJUSTMENT IN THE U.S.-ROK ALLIANCE Alexandre Y. Mansourov ii About APCSS The Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies (APCSS) is a Department of Defense regional study, conference, and research center established in Honolulu, Hawaii, on September 4, 1995. The Center staff and faculty of 127, including civilians, multi-service active duty military and contract workers, support the U.S. Pacific Command (PACOM) and complements PACOM's theater security cooperation strategy of maintaining positive security relationships with nations in the Asia-Pacific region. With its non-warfighting, academic focus, the APCSS builds upon strong bilateral relationships between PACOM and 45 Asia-Pacific region governments, and their armed forces, by focusing on a broader multilateral approach to addressing regional security issues and concerns. The Center’s mission is “to provide a forum where current and future military and civilian leaders from Asia-Pacific nations gather to enhance security cooperation through programs of executive education, professional exchange, and policy-relevant research.” The APCSS principles are transparency, non- attribution, and mutual respect. Its website is http://www.apcss.org/. The Center embraces its vision as an internationally recognized, premier study, research, and conference institution, actively contributing to stability and security in the Asia-Pacific Region. iii ROK Turning Point ALEXANDRE Y. MANSOUROV EDITOR ©ASIA-PACIFIC CENTER FOR SECURITY STUDIES HONOLULU, HAWAII 2005 Alexandre Y. Mansourov iv Copyright @ 2005 by the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies Published 2005 by the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies Honolulu, Hawaii Printed in the United States of America All rights reserved. -
Surviving Through the Post-Cold War Era: the Evolution of Foreign Policy in North Korea
UC Berkeley Berkeley Undergraduate Journal Title Surviving Through The Post-Cold War Era: The Evolution of Foreign Policy In North Korea Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/4nj1x91n Journal Berkeley Undergraduate Journal, 21(2) ISSN 1099-5331 Author Yee, Samuel Publication Date 2008 DOI 10.5070/B3212007665 Peer reviewed|Undergraduate eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Introduction “When the establishment of ‘diplomatic relations’ with south Korea by the Soviet Union is viewed from another angle, no matter what their subjective intentions may be, it, in the final analysis, cannot be construed otherwise than openly joining the United States in its basic strategy aimed at freezing the division of Korea into ‘two Koreas,’ isolating us internationally and guiding us to ‘opening’ and thus overthrowing the socialist system in our country [….] However, our people will march forward, full of confidence in victory, without vacillation in any wind, under the unfurled banner of the Juche1 idea and defend their socialist position as an impregnable fortress.” 2 The Rodong Sinmun article quoted above was published in October 5, 1990, and was written as a response to the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Soviet Union, a critical ally for the North Korean regime, and South Korea, its archrival. The North Korean government’s main reactions to the changes taking place in the international environment during this time are illustrated clearly in this passage: fear of increased isolation, apprehension of external threats, and resistance to reform. The transformation of the international situation between the years of 1989 and 1992 presented a daunting challenge for the already struggling North Korean government. -
South Korea's Economic Engagement Toward North Korea
South Korea’s Economic Engagement toward North Korea Lee Sangkeun & Moon Chung-in 226 | Joint U.S.-Korea Academic Studies On February 10, 2016, the South Korean government announced the closure of the Gaeseong Industrial Complex, a symbol of its engagement policy and inter-Korean rapprochement. The move was part of its proactive, unilateral sanctions against North Korea’s fourth nuclear test in January and rocket launch in February.1 Pyongyang reciprocated by expelling South Korean personnel working in the industrial complex and declaring it a military control zone.2 Although the May 24, 2010 measure following the sinking of the Cheonan naval vessel significantly restricted inter-Korea exchanges and cooperation, the Seoul government spared the Gaeseong complex. With its closure, however, inter-Korean economic relations came to a complete halt, and no immediate signs of revival of Seoul’s economic engagement with the North can be detected. This chapter aims at understanding the rise and decline of this engagement with North Korea by comparing the progressive decade of Kim Dae-jung (KDJ) and Roh Moo-hyun (RMH) with the conservative era of Lee Myung-bak (LMB) and Park Geun-hye (PGH). It also looks to the future of inter-Korean relations by examining three plausible scenarios of economic engagement. Section one presents a brief overview of the genesis of Seoul’s economic engagement strategy in the early 1990s, section two examines this engagement during the progressive decade (1998-2007), and section three analyzes that of the conservative era (2008-2015). They are followed by a discussion of three possible outlooks on the future of Seoul’s economic engagement with Pyongyang. -
Korea's Economy
2014 Overview and Macroeconomic Issues Lessons from the Economic Development Experience of South Korea Danny Leipziger The Role of Aid in Korea's Development Lee Kye Woo Future Prospects for the Korean Economy Jung Kyu-Chul Building a Creative Economy The Creative Economy of the Park Geun-hye Administration Cha Doo-won The Real Korean Innovation Challenge: Services and Small Businesses KOREA Robert D. Atkinson Spurring the Development of Venture Capital in Korea Randall Jones ’S ECONOMY VOLUME 30 Economic Relations with Europe KOREA’S ECONOMY Korea’s Economic Relations with the EU and the Korea-EU FTA apublicationoftheKoreaEconomicInstituteof America Kang Yoo-duk VOLUME 30 and theKoreaInstituteforInternationalEconomicPolicy 130 years between Korea and Italy: Evaluation and Prospect Oh Tae Hyun 2014: 130 Years of Diplomatic Relations between Korea and Italy Angelo Gioe 130th Anniversary of Korea’s Economic Relations with Russia Jeong Yeo-cheon North Korea The Costs of Korean Unification: Realistic Lessons from the German Case Rudiger Frank President Park Geun-hye’s Unification Vision and Policy Jo Dongho Kor ea Economic Institute of America Korea Economic Institute of America 1800 K Street, NW Suite 1010 Washington, DC 20006 KEI EDITORIAL BOARD KEI Editor: Troy Stangarone Contract Editor: Gimga Group The Korea Economic Institute of America is registered under the Foreign Agents Registration Act as an agent of the Korea Institute for International Economic Policy, a public corporation established by the Government of the Republic of Korea. This material is filed with the Department of Justice, where the required registration statement is available for public inspection. Registration does not indicate U.S. -
Abl25thesispdf.Pdf (2.788Mb)
THE HOPE AND CRISIS OF PRAGMATIC TRANSITION: POLITICS, LAW, ANTHROPOLOGY AND SOUTH KOREA A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School Of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Amy Beth Levine May 2011 © 2011 Amy Beth Levine THE HOPE AND CRISIS OF PRAGMATIC TRANSITION: POLITICS, LAW, ANTHROPOLOGY AND SOUTH KOREA Amy Beth Levine, Ph.D. Cornell University 2011 This dissertation demonstrates how the urgent condition of crisis is routine for many non-governmental (NGO) and non-profit organization (NPO) workers, activists, lawyers, social movement analysts, social designers and ethnographers. The study makes a contribution to the increasing number of anthropological, legal, pedagogical, philosophical, political, and socio-legal studies concerned with pragmatism and hope by approaching crisis as ground, hope as figure, and pragmatism as transition or placeholder between them. In effect this work makes evident the agency of the past in the apprehension of the present, whose complexity is conceptualized as scale, in order to hopefully refigure ethnography’s future role as an anticipatory process rather than a pragmatic response to crisis or an always already emergent world. This dissertation is based on over two years of fieldwork inside NGOs, NPOs, and think tanks, hundreds of conversations, over a hundred interviews, and archival research in Seoul, South Korea. The transformation of the “386 generation” and Roh Moo Hyun’s presidency from 2003 to 2008 serve as both the contextual background and central figures of the study. This work replicates the historical, contemporary, and anticipated transitions of my informants by responding to the problem of agency inherent in crisis with a sense of scale and a rescaling of agency. -
Experiencing South Korea FPRI/Korea Society 2015 Korean
Experiencing South Korea FPRI/Korea Society 2015 Korean Presidents: an Evaluation of Effective Leadership Author: Ellen Resnek: Downingtown East High School Lesson Overview: Through the use of various primary and secondary sources, students in this lesson will identify, understand and be able to explain the Korean President Power Ranking: Technically, the Republic of Korea has had ten heads of government since its birth in 1948: (1) Syngmn Rhee (1948-1960); (2) Chang Myon (1960-1961); (3) Park Chung-hee (1961-1979); (4) Choi Gyu-ha (1979-1980); (5) Chun Doo-hwan (1980-1987); (6) Roh Tae-woo (1987-1992); (7) Kim Young-sam (1992-1997); (8) Kim Dae-jung (1997-2002); (9) Roh Moo-hyun (2002-2007) ; (10) Lee Myeong-bak (2007-2012).; and Park Geun-hye, 2013–current. But one can see that Chang Myon and Choi Gyu-ha did not last very long, because they abdicated from their posts when their successors rolled into Seoul with tanks. Objectives: 1. Students will learn background information regarding Korean President Power 2. Students will develop an appreciation of people who have helped shape the history and culture of Korea. 3. Students will become aware of some of the most important events in Korean history. 4. Students will examine various leadership styles and determine those the students might want to emulate. Materials Required Handouts provided Computers for research While this lesson is complete in itself, it can be enriched by books on Korea and updated regularly by checking the Internet for current information. Experiencing South Korea FPRI/Korea Society 2015 Procedure: Lesson Objectives: Students will be able to: Evaluate authors’ differing points of view on the same historical event or issue by assessing the authors’ claims, reasoning, and evidence Determine an author’s point of view or purpose in analyzing how style and content contribute to the power, persuasiveness, or beauty of the text. -
Foreign Aid and the Development of the Republic of Korea: the Effectiveness of Concessional Assistance
AID Evaluation Special Study No. 42 Foreign Aid and the Development of the Republic of Korea: The Effectiveness of Concessional Assistance December 1985 Agency for International Development (AID) Washington, D.C. 20523 PN-AAL-075 FOREIGN AID AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA: THE EFFECTIVENESS OF CONCESSIONAL ASSISTANCE AID SPECIAL STUDY NO. 42 by David I. Steinberg u.s. Agency for International Development October 1985 The views in this report are those of the author and should not be attributed to the Agency for International Development. TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface . ................................................... v Summary . ................................................... vii Glossary . .................................................. x Map . ...•.........•..••........••..•••••.•..•••...•.......•. xi 1 • In trod u c t ion . .• . • • • . • • . • • . • . • . 1 1.1 Background . ...................................... 1 1.2 On Folklore and Definitions ..•...•.•.........•.••• 3 1. 2 .1 Growth . .................................... 7 1. 2. 2 Equity . .................................... 7 1.3 Factors in Korean Growth and Equity •.••.•......... 9 1. 3.1 Ethnici ty an~ Culture .•.•.................. 9 1. 3. 2 Land Reform ................................ 11 1.3.3 Education ..•...........•.......•........... l3 1. 3. 4 The Mer i tocratic State ......•....•......... 16 2. Korean Growth ..•••..................................... 1 7 2.1 Economic Accomplishments of the Republic of Korea, 1953-1983 ....•......................••.. -
South Korean Identities in Strategies of Engagement with North Korea
South Korean Identities in Strategies of Engagement with North Korea: A Case Study of President Kim Dae-jung's Sunshine Policy Volume I Son Key-young A dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy GRADUATE SCHOOL Of EAST ASIAN STUDIES UNIVERSITY OF SHEFFIELD June 2004 Abstract This dissertation is a theoretically grounded empirical study aimed at shedding light on the multiple dimensions of South Korean President Kim Dae-jung's Sunshine Policy of engaging North Korea. It questions the ontological viability of conventional strategies and theories of engagement and produces a framework of comprehensi ve engagement based on realist, liberal and, most importantly, constructivist approaches. The study focuses on identifying the new tools of engagement employed by South Korea's policy elites, who created a social environment for South Koreans' shift of identities vis-a-vis North Korea in the course of implementing this engagement policy. To support the thesis of a momentous shift in identities as a result of the Sunshine Policy, this study uses a wide range of interviews with policy e,lites and sets of opinion polls published by news organizations and government agencies, while at the same time analyzing the policy from a theoretical and historical perspective. In order to provide concrete evidence of the identity shift, this dissertation analyzes three major policy issues during the Kim administration: North Korea's improvement of diplomatic relations with Western powers; the Hyundai Business Group's Mt. Kumgang tourism project and its link to the inter-Korean summit in June 2000; and North Korea's revelation of a nuclear weapons programme in October 2002.