Electoral Politics in South Korea
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Presidential Terms and Tenure: Perspectives and Proposals for Change
Presidential Terms and Tenure: Perspectives and Proposals for Change Thomas H. Neale Specialist in American National Government October 19, 2009 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R40864 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Presidential Terms and Tenure: Perspectives and Proposals for Change Summary The terms of the President and Vice President are set at four years by Article II, Section 1 of the Constitution. The 20th Amendment, ratified in 1933, sets the expiration date of these terms at noon on January 20 of each year following a presidential election. From 1789 to 1940, chief executives adhered to a self-imposed limit of two terms, although only 7 of the 31 Presidents from 1789 through 1933 actually served two consecutive terms in office. The precedent was exceeded only once, by President Franklin D. Roosevelt, who was elected to four terms, and served from 1933 through 1945. The 22nd Amendment, proposed and ratified following the Franklin Roosevelt presidency, provides that “No person shall be elected to the office of the President more than twice.” It also specifies that Vice Presidents who succeed to the presidency may be elected to two full terms as President if they have served less than two years of their predecessor’s term, for a theoretical total of 10 years’ service as President. If, however, they have served more than two years of their predecessor’s term, they can be elected to only one additional term, for a total of between four and eight years of service, depending on when the Vice President succeeded to the presidency. -
Sunshine in Korea
CENTER FOR ASIA PACIFIC POLICY International Programs at RAND CHILDREN AND FAMILIES The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit institution that EDUCATION AND THE ARTS helps improve policy and decisionmaking through ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT research and analysis. HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE This electronic document was made available from INFRASTRUCTURE AND www.rand.org as a public service of the RAND TRANSPORTATION Corporation. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS LAW AND BUSINESS NATIONAL SECURITY Skip all front matter: Jump to Page 16 POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY Support RAND Purchase this document TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Browse Reports & Bookstore Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND Center for Asia Pacific Policy View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND electronic documents to a non-RAND website is prohibited. RAND electronic documents are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. The monograph/report was a product of the RAND Corporation from 1993 to 2003. RAND monograph/reports presented major research findings that addressed the challenges facing the public and private sectors. They included executive summaries, technical documentation, and synthesis pieces. Sunshine in Korea The South Korean Debate over Policies Toward North Korea Norman D. -
04-17-1961 Bay of Pigs.Indd
This Day in History… April 17, 1961 Bay of Pigs Invasion On April 17, 1961, a group of Cuban exiles launched an operation in Cuba known as the Bay of Pigs Invasion. It was an important event in the Cold War, and led to major changes between the US, Cuba, and the Soviet Union. The US and Cuba have long had a close relationship. Following the Spanish-American War, the US established a military government there from 1898 to 1902. Cuba’s 1901 constitution included a provision called the Platt Amendment, which allowed the US to intervene in Cuban affairs and buy or lease naval bases there. After the Republic of Cuba was formed, American forces were called back in from 1906 to 1909 to quell a rebellion and again in 1917 to protect American-owned sugarcane plantations. In 1933, army sergeant Fulgencio Batista overthrew the government and pursued friendly relations with the US. In 1934, the US and Cuba signed a treaty ending the provisions of the Platt Amendment, except the permanent lease of Guantánamo Bay for use as a naval base. Batista ruled Cuba through figurehead presidents from 1936-1940. In 1940, Overprinted US Batista was elected president – but with a one-term limit. He moved to Florida stamp issued during after his term ended, but returned to Cuba in 1952 to run for president again. When American occupation it became clear he was going to lose, he overthrew the government again and of Cuba. established himself as dictator with the support of the US. Batista allied himself the American owners of the largest sugarcane plantations, revoking the right of Cubans to strike, and many other political liberties. -
Elections During Crisis: Global Lessons from the Asia-Pacific
Governing During Crises Policy Brief No. 10 Elections During Crisis Global Lessons from the Asia-Pacific 17 March 2021 | Tom Gerald Daly Produced in collaboration with Election Watch and Policy Brief | Election Lessons from the Asia-Pacific Page 1 of 13 Summary _ Key Points This Policy Brief makes the following key points: (a) During 2020 states the world over learned just how challenging it can be to organise full, free, and fair elections in the middle of a pandemic. For many states facing important elections during 2021 (e.g. Japan, the UK, Israel) these challenges remain a pressing concern. (b) The pandemic has spurred electoral innovations and reform worldwide. While reforms in some states garner global attention – such as attempts at wholesale reforms in the US (e.g. early voting) – greater attention should be paid to the Asia-Pacific as a region. (c) A range of positive lessons can be drawn from the conduct of elections in South Korea, New Zealand, Mongolia, and Australia concerning safety measures, effective communication, use of digital technology, advance voting, and postal voting. Innovations across the Asia-Pacific region provide lessons for the world, not only on effectively running elections during a public health emergency, but also pointing to the future of election campaigns, in which early and remote voting becomes more common and online campaigning becomes more central. (d) Experiences elsewhere raise issues to watch out for in forthcoming elections in states and territories undergoing serious ‘pandemic backsliding’ in the protection of political freedoms. Analysis of Singapore and Indonesia indicates a rise in censorship under the pretext of addressing misinformation concerning COVID-19, and (in Indonesia) concerns about ‘vote- buying’ through crisis relief funds. -
A Sociocultural Analysis of Korean Sport for International Development Initiatives
A Sociocultural Analysis of Korean Sport for International Development Initiatives Dongkyu Na Thesis submitted to the University of Ottawa in partial Fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Human Kinetics School of Human Kinetics Faculty of Health Sciences University of Ottawa © Dongkyu Na, Ottawa, Canada, 2021 Korean Sport for International Development ii Abstract This dissertation focuses on the following questions: 1) What is the structure of the Korean sport for international development discourse? 2) How are the historical transformations of particular rules of formation manifested in the discourse of Korean sport for international development? 3) What knowledge, ideas, and strategies make up Korean sport for international development? And 4) what are the ways in which these components interact with the institutional aspirations of the Korean government, directed by the official development assistance goals, the foreign policy and diplomatic agenda, and domestic politics? To address these research questions, I focus my analysis on the Korea International Cooperation Agency (KOICA) and its 30 years of expertise in designing and implementing sport and physical activity–related programs and aid projects. For this research project, I collected eight different sets of KOICA documents published from 1991 to 2017 as primary sources and two different sets of supplementary documents including government policy documents and newspaper articles. By using Foucault’s archaeology and genealogy as methodological -
Title, Table of Contents, Acknowledgements
☯ A TURNING POINT: DEMOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION IN THE ROK AND STRATEGIC READJUSTMENT IN THE U.S.-ROK ALLIANCE Alexandre Y. Mansourov ii About APCSS The Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies (APCSS) is a Department of Defense regional study, conference, and research center established in Honolulu, Hawaii, on September 4, 1995. The Center staff and faculty of 127, including civilians, multi-service active duty military and contract workers, support the U.S. Pacific Command (PACOM) and complements PACOM's theater security cooperation strategy of maintaining positive security relationships with nations in the Asia-Pacific region. With its non-warfighting, academic focus, the APCSS builds upon strong bilateral relationships between PACOM and 45 Asia-Pacific region governments, and their armed forces, by focusing on a broader multilateral approach to addressing regional security issues and concerns. The Center’s mission is “to provide a forum where current and future military and civilian leaders from Asia-Pacific nations gather to enhance security cooperation through programs of executive education, professional exchange, and policy-relevant research.” The APCSS principles are transparency, non- attribution, and mutual respect. Its website is http://www.apcss.org/. The Center embraces its vision as an internationally recognized, premier study, research, and conference institution, actively contributing to stability and security in the Asia-Pacific Region. iii ROK Turning Point ALEXANDRE Y. MANSOUROV EDITOR ©ASIA-PACIFIC CENTER FOR SECURITY STUDIES HONOLULU, HAWAII 2005 Alexandre Y. Mansourov iv Copyright @ 2005 by the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies Published 2005 by the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies Honolulu, Hawaii Printed in the United States of America All rights reserved. -
The Political Business Cycle in Asian Countries
Journal of Business and Economics, ISSN 2155-7950, USA October 2019, Volume 10, No. 10, pp. 966-980 DOI: 10.15341/jbe(2155-7950)/10.10.2019/005 Academic Star Publishing Company, 2019 http://www.academicstar.us The Political Business Cycle in Asian Countries Ling-Chun Hung (Department of Political Science, National Cheng Kung University, Taiwan (R.O.C.)) Abstract: The political business cycle (PBC) theory argues that an incumbent party tends to use government resources to impress voters, so government spending always rises before but declines after an election. Many PBC studies have been done for an individual country or cross-countries, but the results are conflicting. The purpose of this paper is to explore possible fluctuating patterns of government spending in response to political elections in Asian countries because of a lack of studies across this region. In this study, data on 219 elections in 26 countries from 1990 to 2014 are collected. There are two main findings: firstly, government spending falls the year after elections in Asian countries; secondly, the degree of democracy and transparency have impacts on government spending in Asian countries. Key words: political business cycle; election cycle; government spending; government expenditure; Asian JEL code: H51 1. Introduction The political business cycle (PBC) theory has been addressed for four decades. The theory states that an incumbent party will use government resources to impress voters, so economic performance is good before but is poor after an election. However, empirically, scholars have not reach a consensus. Many PBC studies have been done for an individual country or cross-countries, but the results have not been consistent. -
Abl25thesispdf.Pdf (2.788Mb)
THE HOPE AND CRISIS OF PRAGMATIC TRANSITION: POLITICS, LAW, ANTHROPOLOGY AND SOUTH KOREA A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School Of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Amy Beth Levine May 2011 © 2011 Amy Beth Levine THE HOPE AND CRISIS OF PRAGMATIC TRANSITION: POLITICS, LAW, ANTHROPOLOGY AND SOUTH KOREA Amy Beth Levine, Ph.D. Cornell University 2011 This dissertation demonstrates how the urgent condition of crisis is routine for many non-governmental (NGO) and non-profit organization (NPO) workers, activists, lawyers, social movement analysts, social designers and ethnographers. The study makes a contribution to the increasing number of anthropological, legal, pedagogical, philosophical, political, and socio-legal studies concerned with pragmatism and hope by approaching crisis as ground, hope as figure, and pragmatism as transition or placeholder between them. In effect this work makes evident the agency of the past in the apprehension of the present, whose complexity is conceptualized as scale, in order to hopefully refigure ethnography’s future role as an anticipatory process rather than a pragmatic response to crisis or an always already emergent world. This dissertation is based on over two years of fieldwork inside NGOs, NPOs, and think tanks, hundreds of conversations, over a hundred interviews, and archival research in Seoul, South Korea. The transformation of the “386 generation” and Roh Moo Hyun’s presidency from 2003 to 2008 serve as both the contextual background and central figures of the study. This work replicates the historical, contemporary, and anticipated transitions of my informants by responding to the problem of agency inherent in crisis with a sense of scale and a rescaling of agency. -
Domestic Constraints on South Korean Foreign Policy
Domestic Constraints on South Korean Foreign Policy January 2018 Domestic Constraints on South Korean Foreign Policy Scott A. Snyder, Geun Lee, Young Ho Kim, and Jiyoon Kim The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) is an independent, nonpartisan membership organization, think tank, and publisher dedicated to being a resource for its members, government officials, business execu- tives, journalists, educators and students, civic and religious leaders, and other interested citizens in order to help them better understand the world and the foreign policy choices facing the United States and other countries. Founded in 1921, CFR carries out its mission by maintaining a diverse membership, with special programs to promote interest and develop expertise in the next generation of foreign policy leaders; con- vening meetings at its headquarters in New York and in Washington, DC, and other cities where senior government officials, members of Congress, global leaders, and prominent thinkers come together with CFR members to discuss and debate major international issues; supporting a Studies Program that fosters independent research, enabling CFR scholars to produce articles, reports, and books and hold roundtables that analyze foreign policy issues and make concrete policy recommendations; publishing Foreign Affairs, the preeminent journal on international affairs and U.S. foreign policy; sponsoring Independent Task Forces that produce reports with both findings and policy prescriptions on the most important foreign policy topics; and providing up-to-date information and analysis about world events and American foreign policy on its website, CFR.org. The Council on Foreign Relations takes no institutional positions on policy issues and has no affilia- tion with the U.S. -
Lifespan and Digital Communication Graduate Program Dept. of Communication & Theatre Arts Old Dominion University
Lifespan and Digital Communication Graduate Program Dept. of Communication & Theatre Arts Old Dominion University The Lifespan and Digital Communication Graduate Program features faculty members with a variety of research interests and methodological training. Below are summaries of some current projects they are working on. For more information about specific faculty members, please refer to the faculty listing on our department website: http://www.odu.edu/al/comm/facstaff_comm.html. 2011-2012 Graduate Faculty Bob Arnett, Associate Professor of Communication Ph.D., University of Southern Mississippi My research has focused on film. My early work focused on screenwriters (emphasis on narrative), but my more recent work deconstructs films from a critical perspective shaped by cultural factors. For example, James Bond being “remixed” as a superhero and the role of place/non-place in Michael Mann films. Other current projects include an analysis, written with Burt St. John, of how the National Association of Manufacturers used promotional films to promote industry as a person and adapting my Michael Mann work for book on Mann’s films. Tim Anderson, Assistant Professor of Communication Ph.D., Northwestern University Dr. Anderson's research specializes in researching how new media practices and technologies transform, affect and negotiate those institutions and practices that make music popular. He has also been a regular contributor to the online journal Flow and in 2006 accepted a position to be come a charter member of the MediaCommons editorial board. Dr. Anderson's current research is on how the American music industry has had to re-articulate the vision of musicians, audiences and its products in the wake of recent social and technological changes such as the rise of file sharing, the ubiquity of broadband networks and the rise of online social networking platforms as part of our daily lives. -
How Do Asians See Their Future?
HOW DO ASIANS SEE THEIR FUTURE? edited by François Godement ABOUT ECFR The European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) is the first pan-European think-tank. Launched in October 2007, its objective is to conduct research and promote informed debate across Europe on the development of coherent, effective and values-based European foreign policy. ECFR has developed a strategy with three distinctive elements that define its activities: • A pan-European Council. ECFR has brought together a distinguished Council of over two hundred Members – politicians, decision makers, thinkers and business people from the EU’s member states and candidate countries – which meets once a year as a full body. Council Members provide ECFR staff with advice and feedback on policy ideas and help with ECFR’s activities within their own countries. The Council is chaired by Carl Bildt, Emma Bonino and Mabel van Oranje. • A physical presence in the main EU member states. ECFR, uniquely among European think- tanks, has offices in Berlin, London, Madrid, Paris, Rome, Sofia and Warsaw. Our offices are platforms for research, debate, advocacy and communications. • A distinctive research and policy development process. ECFR has brought together a team of distinguished researchers and practitioners from all over Europe to advance its objectives through innovative projects with a pan-European focus. ECFR’s activities include primary research, publication of policy reports, private meetings and public debates, ‘friends of ECFR’ gatherings in EU capitals and outreach to strategic media outlets. ECFR is a not-for-profit organisation supported by a range of donors. Our work would not be possible without the generous support of these donors allowing us to publish our ideas and advocate for a values-based foreign policy for Europe. -
Imposing Nationalism on Diaspora Peoples: Korean Chinese in the Master Narrative of Chinese Nationalism
Imposing Nationalism on Diaspora Peoples | 56 Imposing Nationalism on Diaspora Peoples: Korean Chinese in the Master Narrative of Chinese Nationalism Peng Hai, UCLA ABSTRACT One of the most challenging aspects of the historiography of modern nation states is how to write diaspora peoples of an immigrant past into the national history, especially when the diaspora settlement pre-dates the birth of the modern nation state itself. The Korean Chinese as a minority nationality in today’s People’s Republic of China exemplify the myriad issues that occur when nationalistic historiography seeks to override and sanitize an uneven past. By looking at the impulse of Chinese nationalistic historiography in appropriating the subaltern past of Korean Chinese, this paper exposes and problematizes the master narrative of nationalism in history writing. Master narratives, by imposing "nationalism," a prototype modern set of values, retrospectively on a chaotic and contingent past render diaspora peoples particularly vulnerable to the sways of nationalism. Historians of diaspora peoples should therefore be critically aware that the past is full of contingencies that must be contextualized. Keywords: Diaspora Nationality; Tacit Taboos; Nationalistic Historiography; Chinese Nationalism; Chinese Ethnic Minorities; Korean Chinese; Master Narratives INTRODUCTION Typing the characters for “Yanbian independence” (yanbian duli) into China’s main search engine Baidu.com produces results that hint at the debate over whether or not Korean Chinese in the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture want independence. The so-called Yanbian Independence Incident referred to in numerous blogs and Bulletin Board System (BBS) discussion forums is hard to pin down. As a matter of fact, one can easily get so lost in these pseudo-positions either accusing the Korean Chinese of their secessionist inclinations or coming to their defense that the alleged independence incident itself is ultimately subsumed if not simply non-existent.