D7e4beeab4b8ba925f481487c7

The Global Victimization of Children

Clayton A. Hartjen ● S. Priyadarsini

The Global Victimization of Children

Problems and Solutions Clayton A. Hartjen S. Priyadarsini Department of Sociology Department of Sociology and Anthropology and Anthropology Rutgers University Rutgers University Newark, NJ 07102, USA Newark, NJ 07102, USA [email protected] [email protected]

ISBN 978-1-4614-2178-8 e-ISBN 978-1-4614-2179-5 DOI 10.1007/978-1-4614-2179-5 Springer New York Dordrecht Heidelberg London

Library of Congress Control Number: 2011944832

© Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012 All rights reserved. This work may not be translated or copied in whole or in part without the written permission of the publisher (Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, 233 Spring Street, New York, NY 10013, USA), except for brief excerpts in connection with reviews or scholarly analysis. Use in connection with any form of information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed is forbidden. The use in this publication of trade names, trademarks, service marks, and similar terms, even if they are not identiﬁ ed as such, is not to be taken as an expression of opinion as to whether or not they are subject to proprietary rights.

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Springer is part of Springer Science+Business Media (www.springer.com) Preface

The most dangerous period of life for every living thing is the earliest phase of its life span. This is true also for human beings, but with a difference. Unlike other animals and plants, this fundamental reality of life is neither necessary nor inevitable for human beings. For the human child early death, injury, harm, and abuse of all kinds can be prevented, and, in many cases, virtually eliminated. However, in societies across the globe all too often the reality is quite otherwise. Millions of young people throughout the world face early death, violence, sexual, physical, and emotional abuse and exploitation. This need not be the case. The worldwide victimization of young people does not have to occur, or, at least, its incidence can be greatly reduced if purposive action is taken to do so. In seeking to help achieve this end, this volume documents some of the numerous ways in which young people throughout the world are victimized by others of their species Ð particularly adults Ð and what, if anything, is or can be done to curb the harm infl icted on them. Eight distinct forms of victimization are addressed at length in this analysis. Specifi cally we describe sexual, physical, and economic harm infl icted by others on young people throughout the world. Included are discussions of child prostitution and pornography, economic exploitation, physical and other abuse infl icted on young people in schools and other institutions, the use of children as armed combatants, and the denial of the basic needs and rights of children to such things as a home and education. The victimizations addressed do not, of course, exhaust the list of possibilities. In choosing which victimizations to investigate our fi rst consideration was to address forms of harm impacting young people in all or most of the world’s societies, victimization that are, in effect, global in scope. Second, we sought to include victimizations that are purposive-harms committed by people against young people. Third, of necessity, our choice of topics was limited by the available research and information. We make no pretense at being experts in youth victimization as such, any of its diverse forms, or the localities in which many of these activities take place. But we do bring together examples and information regarding the numerous ways in which young people are manipulated and exploited against their own wellbeing and interests, and, therefore, the long term interests of us all. In discussing the eight forms

v vi Preface of victimizations addressed, this book attempts to draw together the global literature on child and youth victimization in order to better understand both why such activity exists and its pervasiveness throughout the world. But we also seek to illuminate how the victimization of young people is, or may be, combated. The citations throughout this volume reference information from individuals or organizations, experts in specifi c topics, that offer readers numerous resources to consult should they care to explore specifi c issues more fully. We also do not claim to be exhaustive in our analysis of important forms of youth victimization. In some parts of the world, for example, children are “married off” to others without their fully realizing what has transpired. In some parts of the world, millions of girls and young women suffer greatly from religious or culturally mandated genital mutilation. Each year, millions of children die each year before reaching age fi ve from preventable diseases or the consequences of malnutrition. And everywhere young people can be the targets of psychological and emotional attack from parents or others. Such victimizations have been left out of our analysis. This is not because they are unimportant or do not infl ict harm on many young people. In some cases published information on a particular topic may be quite limited. Or, on the other hand, even if a vast reservoir of research has been published, it largely concerns children in a single country, such as the United States. Our goal in this inquiry is to provide a global overview of a number of pervasive forms of youth victimization that appear to be persistent, impact large numbers of young people, are not culturally specifi c, and have been of concern to human rights organizations for many years. We have drawn freely from a very large and diverse reservoir of information in our discussions of each form of victimization addressed. Either in general, or specifi cally, the examples of victimizations addressed here have received considerable attention and much research from child rights activists, the mass media, international organizations, and scholars in varied scientifi c disciplines, with some fi elds of inquiry represented more than others. For instance, criminology and criminal justice have focused attention on investigating and understanding the criminal behavior of young people, and what is done and should be done to combat it. Consequently, the sciences of crime have devoted tremendous energy to understanding the illegal behavior of young people. Although victimization clearly falls within their purview, they have largely ignored the other side of the coin, the victimization of children and young people. On the other hand, other scientifi c disciplines, especially social work and psychology, and to a lesser extent sociology, have produced a sizable literature on the general topic of victimization, and a hefty portion of that work is devoted to the study of child victims and victimization. Specialized journals also focus on research and theories on why such behavior may occur. But most of this inquiry is limited in geographic scope with an occasional reference to research carried out in different societies across the globe. But there is no systematic compilation of what is known about the victimization of children and young people in its diverse forms across the globe in this literature. Thus, illuminating as it may be, the information provided by scientifi c disciplines on youth victimization is of limited value in drawing a comprehensive picture of the extent and nature of youth victimization on a global scale. Consequently, Preface vii we have relied upon other sources of information to understand its worldwide nature and patterns. Specifi cally, the vast literature provided by the United Nations, UNICEF, UNESCO, and other international agencies is invaluable for anyone seeking to learn about this subject. In addition, organizations such as Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and Childwatch International are rich authoritative sources of information and insights. Publications offered by numerous NGOs working in specifi c countries, or on specifi c issues, were also heavily relied upon in our research. And much can be gleaned from media stories, especially reports produced by the BBC and other internationally reputable publications. In conducting our research, the internet proved to be an essential means of locating and accessing all manner of information. Wherever possible, internet sources are cited in the reference section to allow readers the widest possible access to the resources we employed in compiling our narratives. Readers with access to the internet should easily be able to locate almost all the material referenced throughout this volume should they care to explore specifi c topics or cases more fully. The analysis presented in this volume is based on two major premises. First, and foremost, is the United Nation’s Convention on the Rights of the Child. This international agreement provides the foundation that children are to be protected and that in doing so they have certain rights by virtue of their status as “children.” The Convention and later protocols have been accepted by almost all nations as legally binding standards for the treatment of young people and recognition of their rights as human beings worthy of respect and nurturance. While some may take issue with some specifi c aspects of this agreement, it is the single most widely ratifi ed United Nations agreement attesting to its global acceptance as a standard for conduct pertaining to children everywhere in the world. As such, the provisions of this agreement served to guide our assessment of forms of behavior deemed to be victimizing of young people. Since the international declarations have been agreed to by almost all the world’s governments, the second premise concerns the role of governments in the victimization of young people. We fully accept the idea that governments legitimately exist only to serve and protect the governed. As stated so elegantly in the United States Declaration of Independence: We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed……… This sentiment that governments are created to secure the wellbeing of the governed is also articulated, in one fashion or another, in essentially all constitutions enacted in various countries since the United States government was established. Although not specifi cally mentioned in such documents, young people are among those included in the words “people,” “governed,” or “nation.” As such, governments are created to secure and protect their rights and wellbeing as much as those of any other segment of the population. Therefore, if children are victimized and governments fail to take adequate steps to prevent or redress that victimization, such viii Preface victimization is not only a function of the individuals engaged in the victimizing behavior, it is also a refl ection of the failure of governments to exercise their duty to protect a country’s children. To the extent that this failure-to-protect is within the power of government offi cials, the victimization of children and young people in any society is ultimately a form of government crime. In this regard, a central argument of this volume is that the worldwide, and pervasive, victimization of young people is to be understood as and ultimately addressed as a form of “government crime” against the young.

Newark, NJ, USA Clayton A. Hartjen S. Priyadarsini Contents

1 Introduction ...... 1 The Problem ...... 1 Varieties of Victimization ...... 4 Child Victimization is Crime ...... 6 Child Victimization is “Government Crime” ...... 8 Addressing the Problem ...... 13 References ...... 15 2 Child Labor ...... 17 Why Children Work ...... 20 Extent and Prevalence ...... 22 Children’s Work ...... 24 Issues in Child Labor ...... 26 A Western Concept ...... 26 Development at Any Cost ...... 28 Child Labor Versus Working Children...... 29 Rural Versus Urban Disadvantage...... 30 The Victimizaiton of Children Who Work ...... 31 Denial of Education ...... 32 Hazardous Work ...... 33 Trafﬁ cking for Child Labor ...... 36 Laws ...... 40 Eliminating Child Labor...... 43 Conclusion...... 46 References ...... 47 3 Abandoned and Street Children ...... 55 Deﬁ ning Terms ...... 57 Numbers ...... 59

ix x Contents

The Children Behind the Numbers ...... 62 Age ...... 63 Gender ...... 63 Length of Stay on the Streets ...... 64 Other Characteristics ...... 64 Why are They on the Streets? ...... 65 Surviving the Streets ...... 69 Their Social Network ...... 73 Street Children as Victims ...... 75 Health ...... 76 Law Enforcement ...... 78 Mental Health and Self-Concept ...... 79 Addressing the Problem ...... 82 Basic Considerations ...... 82 Laws ...... 83 Social Services ...... 85 Role of Media and Public Relations...... 89 Conclusion...... 90 References ...... 92 4 Child Soldiers ...... 97 What is a ‘Child Soldier?’ ...... 98 Laws Prohibiting Child Soldiers ...... 99 International Agreements ...... 99 Regional and National Laws ...... 101 The Impact of Law ...... 102 Extent and Prevalence ...... 103 Nature of Victimization ...... 108 Becoming a ‘Child Soldier’ ...... 113 Efforts to Combat ...... 117 Prevention...... 119 Treating the Victims ...... 123 Conclusion...... 128 References ...... 130 5 Sexual and Commercial Traffi cking of Children ...... 137 What is “Child Traffi cking?” ...... 137 Forms of Traffi cking ...... 139 Commercial Labor Exploitation...... 139 Adoption and Other Purposes ...... 141 Commercial Sexual Exploitation ...... 142 The Numbers of Children Traffi cked ...... 143 The Problem of Counting ...... 143 Global Figures ...... 144 National Estimates ...... 145 Gender ...... 147 Age ...... 148 Contents xi

Causes of Traffi cking ...... 149 Poverty ...... 150 War and Confl ict ...... 150 The Money Involved ...... 151 Victims and Victimizers ...... 152 Origins, Transit Points, and Destinations ...... 152 Victims ...... 154 Victimizers ...... 156 Recruting and Controlling Victims ...... 158 Health Hazards ...... 162 Laws ...... 164 International Laws ...... 164 National Laws ...... 165 Enforcement ...... 167 Preventing Traffi cking and Helping Children ...... 169 Prevention ...... 170 Helping Victims ...... 173 Conclusion ...... 175 References ...... 177 6 Child Pornography and Pedophelia ...... 185 The Internet and Child Sex-Victimization ...... 186 What is the Problem? ...... 188 Direct Victimization ...... 188 Indirect Victimization ...... 191 Extent of the Problem ...... 193 Scope ...... 194 Prevalence ...... 196 Trends ...... 197 Offenders ...... 198 Types of Offenders ...... 199 Offender Characteristics ...... 201 Victims ...... 202 Characteristics of Victims ...... 202 Impact on Victims ...... 203 Law ...... 206 International Law ...... 206 National and Local Legislation ...... 207 Dealing with the Problem ...... 211 Legislating Morality ...... 212 What More to do? ...... 216 Conclusion ...... 222 References ...... 224 xii Contents

7 Institutional Victimization ...... 233 What is “Institutional” Victimization? ...... 234 Schools ...... 235 Sexual Abuse ...... 236 Corporal Punishment ...... 236 Other Abuse ...... 239 Orphanages and Residential Care ...... 240 Children Are to Suffer...... 242 National Cruelty ...... 243 A Worrisome Future...... 247 Detention and Correctional Institutions ...... 247 Police Abuse...... 248 Detention ...... 251 Justice Denied ...... 257 Stopping Institutional Victimization ...... 258 Conclusion...... 263 References ...... 264 8 Denial of Education...... 271 Education is Essential ...... 272 Numbers: Good and Bad ...... 274 Barriers to Educating Children...... 276 Poverty...... 276 Geographic Location ...... 278 Lack of Access ...... 279 Lack of Qualifi ed Teachers ...... 280 Lack of Amenities ...... 281 Health Issues ...... 282 Systemic Discrimination ...... 283 Confl ict and Chaos ...... 284 Issues in Educating the Young ...... 284 What Kind of Education? ...... 284 Controlling Resources ...... 285 Free or Fee...... 286 Classroom Size ...... 289 Decentralization and Quality of Education ...... 289 Enrollment, Attendance and Completion of School ...... 291 Violence and School ...... 291 The Color of (Ill-Spent) Money ...... 293 Gender and Education: The Case of Girls...... 295 Power of Social Stratifi cation...... 299 Laws and Initiatives ...... 300 Contents xiii

International Agreements ...... 300 Regional and Local Laws ...... 302 Achieving ‘Universal Education’ ...... 303 Conclusion ...... 310 References ...... 312 9 Peer Victimization ...... 323 Deﬁ ning Terms ...... 324 Counting Peer Victimization ...... 326 Cross-National Research ...... 326 National and Local Studies ...... 330 Bullying in Care Institution ...... 332 Victimization Patterns ...... 333 Victimizers, Victims and Others ...... 334 Players in the Game of Bullying ...... 335 Victimizers ...... 337 Victims ...... 340 Others ...... 342 The Harm Kids Can Do ...... 343 Conditions Conducive to Peer Victimization ...... 347 Doing Something About the Problem ...... 349 Reducing School Violence ...... 350 Dealing with Individuals ...... 351 The Anti-Bullying Industry ...... 352 A Promising Approach ...... 353 Conclusion ...... 355 References ...... 356 10 Combating Victimization ...... 365 Individual ...... 367 Preventive Measures ...... 368 Corrective Measures...... 371 Organizational ...... 374 Preventive Measures ...... 375 Corrective Measures ...... 376 Systemic ...... 378 Preventive Measures ...... 379 Corrective Measures ...... 382 Some Concluding Thoughts ...... 385 References ...... 386 Index ...... 393

Chapter 1 Introduction

In Afghanistan opponents to the very idea that girls would be given an education have thrown acid on girls making their way to school. In an unprecedented case in the United States a women sued her uncle alleging that when she was a child he had used her in the production of pornographic videos. After being relentlessly teased by fellow students a 12 year old girl jumps from a high building in Japan resulting in her death. In the United States a 13 year old girl committed suicide because of similar harassment from other students. A 10 year old boy in Congo forced to kill his mother is then made to fi ght alongside the very people who compelled him to commit that atrocity. A 16 year old girl from Slovenia, who thought she was being taken to England to work, fi nds to her dismay that the work in question is really prostitution in a local brothel. A 12 year old boy picked up by the Brazilian police tells aid workers that he had been subjected to beatings and sexual attacks in the police station where he was detained. In India, an 11 year old boy is “loaned” to a local brick manufacturer to work off the debt owed by his parents. A 10-year old girl, whose family can no longer support her works as a domestic servant in South America, sleeps on the kitchen fl oor, is not allowed to attend school, and is often abused by her “employers.” In Thailand, a Western tourist purchases a 7-year old girl for a night of sexual acts that leave her physically damaged. And in virtually any city of the world sometimes small armies of homeless youths are found seeking warm places and safe shelter for the night only to be found begging on the streets the next day. Multiply these cases several million times each day and we begin to realize something about the plight of young people throughout the world today.

The Problem

Evidence abounds demonstrating that young people everywhere are not only subject to all the forms of victimization experienced by adults, but also that they suffer a host of victimizing acts not normally experienced by adults, acts from which they are supposedly protected by virtue of the their age and position as dependent

C.A. Hartjen and S. Priyadarsini, The Global Victimization of Children: 1 Problems and Solutions, DOI 10.1007/978-1-4614-2179-5_1, © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012 2 1 Introduction individuals in human society. In an analysis of crime victimization rates in the United States, David Finkelhor and Patricia Hashima (2001 : 49) noted that: “… children are among the most highly victimized segments of the population. They suffer from high rates of the same crimes and violence adults do, and then they suffer from many victimizations relatively particular to childhood.” This observation applies to the United States, but it is by no means an overstatement to assert that children and young people are the most victimized segment of the world’s population and that their victimization is universal, pervasive, and takes multiple forms. These victimizations are not benign or inconsequential. Instead “… victimization has enormous consequences for children, derailing normal and healthy development trajectories. It can affect personality formation, have major mental health consequences, impact on academic performance, and also is strongly implicated in the development of delinquent and antisocial behavior” (Finkelhor and Hashima 2001 : 49). Information allowing us to gauge just how serious this problem may be comes from a variety of sources. For instance, estimates of the extent of victimizing acts inﬂ icted on children are provided by surveys that measure the numbers of young people who have experienced different forms of crime and abuse. One example is the annual crime victimization survey conducted in the United States. Data from these surveys consistently reveal that rates of victimization for violent crime decrease with age Ð the older we get the less likely we are to be the victims of violent attack. Children ages 12Ð15 not only have the highest overall rate for violent victimization, but they also tend to have the highest or near highest rate of virtually every other form of violent victimization (see, e.g., US Department of Justice 2009 : 4). Another kind of survey directly asks children if they had been victimized recently. For example, in a nationally representative sample of youths aged 12 to 17 Finkelhor et al. ( 2005) found that only some 30% of the children sampled had not been subjected to at least one form of direct or indirect victimization during the previous year. And of the 70% who had been subjected to some form of victimization, on average each child had experienced three victimizations. The researchers report that during the previous year more than one-half of the respondents had been subjected to at least one physical assault, more than a quarter were victims of some kind of property crime, one out of eight had experienced some kind of child maltreatment, more than 8% were victims of a sexual offense, and more than a third had directly witnessed some form of violence or been indirectly victimized in some way. Based on reports of child protection services agencies, the US Department of Health and Human Services ( 2008) estimated that over 900,000 children were victims of maltreatment in 2006. That represents 12 out of every 1,000 children victimized severely enough that some agency felt it necessary to intervene. Of course, many such interventions do not necessarily mean that actual maltreatment took place, but during one year child protection service agencies in the United States carried out assessments and evaluations of 3.6 million children who had reportedly been victimized in some way. Research in other countries similarly documents that the young have disproportionately high rates of victimization in virtually all societies. For example, a multinational study surveying youths in European and Latin and North American countries and cities queried respondents about their victimization experiences The Problem 3

(Enzmann et al. 2010 ) . Children reported being victimized in all the localities surveyed, although considerable variation was found in prevalence rates for individual offense types across cities and countries. For example, more than 30% of the American respondents reported being the victims of some kind of property crime, as did respondents from Aruba and Slovenia, while fewer than 20% of the youths in Finland, France, Portugal, Armenia, Lithuania, Russia and elsewhere reported being the victims of a property crime. Similarly, youths in all countries and cities surveyed reported being the victims of assault, but these rates varied from a low of 1.2% in Spain and Portugal to almost 8% in Russia and the Netherlands Antilles. A study of infant homicides in various countries reports average rates by gender for 39 countries (Hunnicutt and LaFree 2007 ) . Most commonly 2 to 3 infants out of every 100,000 children of either gender are murdered each year in the countries for which data were reported. The highest rates were in Finland where on average about 11 out of every 100,000 children are murdered each year. The lowest rates were found in Spain where fewer than 1 out of every 100,000 infant girls and boys are murdered each year. Other international data reveal not only the universality of child and youth victimization, but are suggestive of the varied and often hidden forms such abuse may take. In a comprehensive analysis of youth violence and child abuse and neglect in the world’s societies, the World Health Organization (WHO) paints a dismal picture of the extent and types of victimization to which young people across the globe are subjected (Krug et al. 2002 ) . Defi ning “youth” as persons between ages 10 and 29, the report contends that across the globe almost 200,000 youth homicides occurred in the year 2000. This means that 9.2 out of every 100,000 youths are killed each year. Of course these rates varied greatly by region. For instance, less than 1 child per 100,000 are murdered in European nations each year, but over 36 per 100,000 die from violence in Latin American countries. Why this great disparity exists has not as yet been seriously investigated by behavioral and social scientists. The World Health Organization report also documents the extent to which the world’s young suffer from child abuse and neglect. As the authors state (Krug et al. 2002 : 59) “… there is clear evidence that child abuse is a global problem. It occurs in a variety of forms and is deeply rooted in cultural, economic and social practices.” For example, reporting data from a number of studies in individual countries, the World Health Organization notes that about 37% of the youths surveyed in Egypt had been beaten or tied up by parents with 26% suffering physical injuries as a consequence. In South Korea two-thirds of the parents responding to a survey admitted whipping their children while 45% said they had hit, kicked, or beaten a child. In Romania nearly one-half of the parents surveyed said they regularly beat their children. As the report documents, the use of physical punishment by parents and other adults is by no means a limited, or social-culturally specifi c, phenomenon. People in all parts of the world do it, albeit to greater or lesser extent. The same can be said about child sexual, emotional, and psychological abuse. Signifi cantly, as noted by the World Health Organization report, the violence, abuse and neglect experienced by the world’s children is by no means inconsequential. Child and youth victimization contributes to a signifi cant portion of the global burden of 4 1 Introduction

(physical and mental) diseases that victims have while they are children besides those they suffer from in their adult years. As revelatory as victimization studies of various kinds may be, they grossly under-count the true rate of child and youth victimization while under-representing the varied types of victimizations young people experience. To obtain a true global estimate of the extent to which young people are subjected to victimizing acts, we would have to add to the long list of “crimes” normally counted in victimization reports the numbers of young people victimized by a host of things not usually included in these counts. Where possible, reports of these rates are presented throughout this volume. Thus, besides the number of young people murdered in what are considered “normal” criminal acts, we should count those killed in combat while serving in some armed force or the other. In addition to the numbers of below- age girls (and boys) subjected to rape or sexual assault, we should add the numbers found in brothels throughout the world, depicted in pornographic fi lms and photos, or sexually victimized by their employers in whose households they work. Data on assaults reveal that, as a group, young people are frequently subjected to physical attack. But the reports are unlikely to include the often serious physical and other injury children may receive from an older sibling at home, or from a parent whose child-rearing philosophy is “spare the rod, spoil the child.” These and a host of other victimizations are not normally treated as, or even recognized as, crimes in typical criminal-victimization surveys and, therefore, not counted as such. Indeed, when it comes to the young, not only do such surveys often grossly undercount their criminal victimizations, they also leave out much of the stuff that would be counted as crimes if experienced by adults. One may fi nd estimates of these forms of victimization in child welfare data, surveys of self-reported victimization in specifi c countries, or research into particular forms of victimization such as estimates of the number of child soldiers, working youth, or young people involved in prostitution. But even then much is excluded, never regarded as worthy of being counted. And compiling diverse measures together to arrive at reasonably accurate estimates of how many young people across the globe are victimized in which ways is, at best, a tricky matter and, scientifi cally, a highly challenging pursuit. But, if the data on the diverse ways young people are harmed by others in human societies across the globe were added to measures of their criminal victimization experiences, very quickly it would become clear to anyone that childhood is an exceedingly dangerous time of life for human beings everywhere. Indeed, if the varied forms of child and youth victimization were collectively counted as a single disease, we could only conclude that “victimization” is the number one health problem faced by young people around the world.

Varieties of Victimization

Common crimes are things that young people in all societies experience. In addition, with varied probabilities of encountering them, young people in the world’s societies are also subject to a variety of actually or potentially harmful experiences Varieties of Victimization 5 that normally involve acts of criminality in order to occur but that are rarely so considered or so treated by authorities. In fact, not infrequently, authorities may actually be committing these acts. For example, in Brazil it is a crime for a police offi cer to beat any child held in detention. However, this behavior has been reported frequently. Yet, it is practically unheard of for any offi cer to be severely disciplined for doing so or to face criminal prosecution as a result. Similarly it is illegal to employ children as prostitutes in Cambodia. But, practically no one has ever been imprisoned in that country for doing so. International law forbids conscripting anyone below age 15 to serve in the armed forces. Yet, hundreds of thousands of teenage youths across the globe have been forced to serve in combat units and sometimes die in the service of some government or insurgent army. To date not one individual has even been convicted for this crime, much less punished for their activities. In this volume we analyze eight forms of victimization impacting the lives of literally tens of millions of young people each year found in all the world’s societies. Chapter 2 addresses the exploitation of child labor. Chapter 3 focuses on the lives of street children. Chapter 4 covers the exploitation of young people as soldiers in armed services. In Chapter 5 we examine the traffi cking of young people for sexual and economic exploitation. The issues of child pornography and pedophilia are analyzed in Chapter 6 . And in Chapter 7 we discuss the abuse of children in institutions like schools, prisons, and orphanages. Chapter 8 focuses on how many young people across the globe are denied the very essential requirement for living in modern times, a basic education. And Chapter 9 address the problem of bullying in schools and elsewhere. Two of these forms of victimization involve the sexual exploitation of young people – traffi cking and pornography. Two involve their exploitation as substitutes for adults Ð child soldiers and child labor. Two are concerned with the neglect of children in need Ð street children and the denial of education. And two chapters focus on young people being victimized in situations of care Ð being abused in institutional settings and bullying at school. In each case, the children victimized may suffer physical, psychological, and emotional trauma. Their life chances are directly or indirectly diminished because of the harm they experience. Some of these forms of victimization are found in abundance in some societies while some, like children in armed combat, are nearly non-existent in others. Other victimizing experiences, such as physical assault by adults or other children, appear to be truly universal. In some cases the problem may impact specifi c segments of particular societies (e.g., girls more than boys). None, however, are specifi c to any single country, culture, or social-economic system. Children are victimized in every way imaginable virtually everywhere. As such, the global victimization of young people reveals the extent to which the lives of young people in all human societies depart from the ideal portrayals of, or international pronouncements regarding, the sanctity of childhood. Yet, while highlighting these eight forms of victimization reveals the dark underside of humanity and our inhumanity toward the weak and dependent, the global, national, and local efforts of countless people to combat this inhumanity are enlightening. Child and youth victimization may be universal, pervasive, and timeless. But it is not beyond our ability to combat. The world’s children can be educated. 6 1 Introduction

The use of children in armed combat can be stopped. The sexual abuse of boys and girls by priests, teachers, or correctional authorities can be prevented. Parents can be taught and encouraged not to beat their children. Homeless youths can be provided places of refuge. Measures can be taken to keep kids from picking on others in schools. And the exploitation of child labor can be ended. We need only to act.

Child Victimization is Crime

Frequently the victimizations young people experience are referred to as forms of “abuse,” “neglect,” “maltreatment,” or “exploitation” (cf. Crosson-Tower 1999; Dorne 1989 ) . In one analysis, for example, Finkelhor and Hashima ( 2001 : 50) categorized various child victimizations as “crimes,” “child maltreatment,” and “noncrimes.” And academic journals having titles such as Child Abuse and Neglect, Child Abuse Review , and Child Maltreatment are exclusively dedicated to this issue. But, as descriptive as these categories and titles may be, they miss the crucial fact. Yes, a sexually assaulted youth is surely “abused.” A child forced to engage in unpaid or underpaid labor is clearly “exploited,” and likely also “mistreated.” Children denied the opportunity (for whatever reason) to gain an education are certainly being “neglected.” And the list can be multiplied several fold. However, all such descriptions actually refer to actions or failures to act by someone that are in essence crimes, even if they are not always clearly so identifi ed as such in law. They are criminal acts because they directly, or indirectly, cause harm to other human beings and, as such, either in law or public sentiment the individuals engaging in this behavior universally are to be considered culpable as criminal offenders. Few people would argue that a child “abuser” should not be subject to criminal punishment. Except for some cultural or religious extremists, keeping young people from obtaining an education is probably viewed by most people as worthy of sanction. And people who underpay or fail to pay youthful employees and who may also expose them to health or physical risks in the process are unlikely to be considered model “businessmen” by most people. The sexual “abuse” of a child may be illegal under the criminal code, but the economic exploitation of a child’s labor may be less clearly recognized as such. A nation’s laws may “mandate” that all children be provided at least a primary education, But failing to fulfi ll that mandate, whether purposively or not, denying a future to many of a country’s young may be viewed by members of that society as normal, or at best regrettable, but not necessarily criminal. Regardless of their specifi c legal designation we contend that these and other acts that harm young people are, by any designation, victimizing acts. As such, they are criminal acts that are to be treated as such. Whether actually so treated or not, the behaviors of adults who subject young people to victimizing acts are also typically criminal behaviors in fact. Such behavior is actually defi ned as illegal, either by prevailing international or national and/or local laws. Thus, an Child Victimization is Crime 7 act (e.g., child labor) may be listed under a child welfare statute, rather than the penal code, in some countries and, therefore, not counted as a “criminal” act. However, under international laws, to which almost all countries are signatories, the behavior would be deemed criminal. Sibling violence may not be socially considered criminal in the pure sense under any law, even if the same acts would be so considered if committed by two adults. In short, the host of actions, or failures to act, that are often referred to as abuse, neglect, instances of maltreatment or exploitation, or even as youthful misconduct or naughty behavior, can be categorized as “victimizations” and viewed in the same light as any form of criminal victimization. But virtually everywhere in the world, what it is about being young that so frequently subjects them to various forms of victimization? While numerous national and international organizations and governments across the globe have come to recognize specifi c kinds of child and youth victimization as serious matters worthy of concerted action, the scientifi c literature offers little by way of an answer to this question. In part, this probably refl ects a general perspective that behaviors normally referred to as “child abuse” “neglect” “maltreatment” and the like are somehow not “real” crimes to which social and behavioral scientists concerned with questions about crime and justice have traditionally directed their explanatory efforts. It also refl ects a conceptual focus these scientists have had with the delinquent behavior of young people, as opposed to their victimization. Consequently, the criminality of the young, rather than their experiences of being criminally victimized, has dominated research and theory (Finkelhor and Hashima 2001 : 49). Re-conceptualizing the various forms of victimization that young people experience across the globe as nothing less than “criminal” acts, we can apply all the scientifi c explanations of criminal behavior to youth victimizing behaviors of all kinds, regardless of who may be the perpetrators of such behavior or the form this behavior may take. Explanations of why, for example, strangers may murder, rape, steal from, or do any of the things to other adults that are normally thought of as “crimes” can also serve to explain why parents may kill their children, classmates may coerce another for his or her lunch money, clerics may rape under-age parishioners, or 16-year-olds may be forced into military service by governments or insurgents. Using terms like abuse, neglect, and maltreatment may be descriptive of the behaviors to which the young are subjected. Yet these terms also serves to down- play the seriousness of the harmful experiences of being victimized by being abused, neglected or maltreated, while diverting attention from the criminal nature (in law or sentiment) of such behavior. It is our argument throughout this volume, therefore, that the term “victimization” most clearly refl ects the true criminal nature of abusive, neglectful, and maltreating acts that harm tens of millions of children throughout the world, and that this behavior should be understood and reacted to as criminal in a more forceful manner than has typically been the case by either scientists trying to understand this behavior or child advocates trying to stop or prevent it. 8 1 Introduction

Child Victimization is “Government Crime”

Throughout this volume we characterize the various forms of child and youth victimization we address as forms of “government crime.” We use this term intentionally to highlight the sometimes direct and more often indirect impact that government actions, or failures to act, have on the pervasive existence of child and youth victimization in all forms. All victimizing acts are, of course, reprehensible and to be combated no matter who the object (adult or child) of that action. In the case of children and young people, however, such behavior is more reprehensible in that the victims are, by their very nature, vulnerable individuals who are dependant, powerless, often defenseless, and in need of support. The 1989 United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) was the most signifi cant development in drawing attention to the global necessity for States to take action against the harm infl icted on children world wide. More meaningfully, it established standards that people in all nations should strive to achieve in caring for their young (United Nations 1989 ). Although not beyond criticism, the specifi cations agreed to in this Convention and later agreements have provided a body of international law to which all but a handful of nations have committed themselves (Alderson 2000 ). According to The People’s Movement for Human Rights Education ( 1997) this Convention and other international human rights treaties and declarations guaranteed that children and young people everywhere are entitled to (1) an adequate standard of living, (2) freedom from discrimination, (3) the highest possible standard of health and access to health care, (4) a healthy and safe environment, (5) an education, (6) protection from neglect and abuse, (7) protection from sexual and economic exploitation, (8) the ability to express their opinion regarding decisions affecting them, and (9) the right to live in a family environment. Moreover, not only have the young been accorded these rights, but governments throughout the world have expressly committed to ensuring that these rights are actually realized. In effect, the world’s nations now have a complete set of laws governing the treatment of persons below age 18. Signatory nations have agreed to abide by the standards established in the convention and protocols, consenting to utilize them to modify or enact legislation to fulfi ll their standards to protect the wellbeing and interests of young people in their jurisdiction. In essence, worldwide “law” exists which, if enforced, criminalizes the behavior of those who violate international standards regarding the care and treatment of young people. Promoting the wellbeing of the young is surely the responsibility of parents, families, guardians, and the society in general. And, if individuals responsible for a child’s wellbeing allow or even participate in their victimization they are ultimately to be held responsible for the harm young people experience under their guardianship. In the end, therefore, we all are to be blamed for the harm experienced by the worlds’ young. So, how then can we call this victimization a form of “government crime?” Our argument for the role of government in the victimization of children stems from our acceptance of the idea that governments should only exist to protect and promote the wellbeing of “all” the governed. At minimum, it is the business of Child Victimization is “Government Crime” 9 government (regardless of form) to protect those who are most vulnerable to harm. Thus, parents may have the legal responsible to “look after” their children, and members of the community in general may have the moral responsibility to do so. But, it is the responsibility of government to ensure, facilitate, encourage, and enable parents and societal members to carry out that responsibility. As noted by Englehart (2009 : 163), “It is now universally accepted that states are responsible for human rights conditions within their borders... .” It may very well be a simple fact of living that harm may come to some young people no matter what anyone does to protect them. But, the widespread, systematic, and pervasive harm experienced by many of the worlds young on a daily basis is largely preventable and, therefore, inexcusable. Someone is failing to do his or her job. “Malfeasance,” “misfeasance,” and “nonfeasance” are all terms normally applied to government offi cials who wantonly harm the governed, are, intentionally or not, incompetent in governing, or who simply do not do the jobs they are appointed to perform. In other words, these offi cials are either engaged in purposive or inten- tional crime, crime by inaction, or crime by neglect. Whatever the case may be, under the mens rea standards of modern criminal law, if the actions, inappropriate actions, or failures of government offi cials to act result in or contribute to harm experienced by any member of the governed, these offi cials are, in effect, contribu- tors to that harm and, thus, parties to the crime. If that harm involves persons deemed children, these offi cials are guilty of child abuse, neglect, or maltreatment Ð that is, child victimization. A recent incident in South Africa is but one example of what is an all too frequent reaction to victimizing behavior. As reported by the BBC (2010 ) school authorities purposively neglected to respond to a case of gang-rape of a female student on school grounds. The incident was videotaped by the student-attackers and when shown to teachers the teachers reportedly found it “hilarious.” School offi cials decided to take no action in the case contending that doing so would trau- matize students scheduled to take exams. When the case was reported in the media, resulting in a public outcry, government offi cials acted with “outrage” and action was fi nally taken against the attackers, although no disciplinary action was directed toward school offi cials. Although a blatant example of government failure, this case is by no means unique. Even more pervasive and blatant had been the long standing practice of Roman Catholic authorities to turn a public blind eye to accusations of sexual abuse by their clergy. Indeed, efforts to curb such abuse and to aid victims only materialized after widespread media attention focused on the worldwide scandal (Bennhold et al. 2010 ) . Throughout this volume we document similar cases where young people are victimized but nothing is done to offenders and preventive measures are taken only “after the fact.” Indeed, often it is only after embarrassing media attention, or lawsuits by victims that the wellbeing of children becomes a priority of governmental and establishment interest. It could, of course, be argued that it is the people, not governments that are responsible for the nasty things that befall the world’s young. Some may argue, yes, in some cases the government may be responsible, as when the rulers of Myanmar conscripted below-age boys and girls to serve as armed combatants against insurgents. 10 1 Introduction

And, of course, sometimes government offi cials may be the ones committing the abuse, as when the police or correctional offi cers physically and sexually assault street children or incarcerated youths. And, yes, government offi cials may sometimes be complacent in the harm infl icted on children, as when government offi cials did nothing to stop the widespread physical and sexual abuse of children in Irish and Chinese orphanages. And often governments are neglectful in providing generally recognized amenities essential for the wellbeing of young people, such as schools, while squandering resources on arms ensuring that they remain in power. And it can be argued that, in many cases, meaningful prevention or even strong reactions to many forms of youth victimization are simply beyond the means of many governments that are simply too poor, lack the means, or are under stress of some kind. Some would contend that it is beyond the legitimate authority of government offi - cials to do much more than react to cases of harm only after they have taken place. Abusive parents, for example, cannot be arrested until after they actually harmed their children or there is clear reason to believe they intend to do so. School offi cials cannot be punished for not implementing anti-bullying policies until or unless a need for them becomes apparent. The government generally cannot act in cases of abuse or neglect until a case arises. The blame lies with the people who commit the acts, not the failure of governments to combat that behavior. As true as these arguments may be, they miss the point. In accepting the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as a global standard for conduct, and The United Nations Declaration of the Rights of the Child as law, and the idea that governments are to exist to secure the rights and promote the wellbeing of all the governed, it then follows that it is more than legitimate to demand that those in power (the government) take all reasonable measures to actually protect the rights and advance the wellbeing of the governed as specifi ed in these documents. We need not demand absolute success. But then, why not? We can demand that meaningful effort and resources be devoted to that end. And it is in this context that the extensive and nefarious, but highly preventable, victimization of young people in countries around the world must be understood as a manifestation of government crime. Criminalizing some behavior, or not doing so, are both expressions of political power Ð either direct, wanton actions intended to advance the economic, moral, status position, and other interests of some power group (such as a corporation) or a refl ection of the moral values of those groups with the ability to shape public policy (Hartjen 1978 ). If, for example, the police do not enforce laws against child prostitution, it is not merely a decision of some individual police offi cers. It refl ects how the values of those who infl uence police policy are to be protected or advanced. Someone of authority is either purposively directing police offi cers to “ignore” some criminal activity, or implicitly condoning their not doing so. As such, the failure to act is essentially a way of saying that someone’s right to be protected by the law is not important, therefore, it is not a right at all. As noted by Haugen and Boutros ( 2011 : 1) regarding injustice for the poor generally: Without functioning public justice systems to deliver the protections of law to the poor, the legal reforms of the modern human rights movement rarely improve the lives of those who Child Victimization is “Government Crime” 11

need them most. In fact, in much of the world, the poor fi nd that virtually every component of the public justice system Ð police, defense lawyers, prosecutors, and courts Ð works against, not with, them. Claims that we lack resources, or that the public is opposed, or that our religion prescribes or proscribes something are not justifi cations for neglecting to enact protective legislation or enforcing laws that already exists. Such claims are mere excuses that often allow harm to occur, or continue to occur. Law is a human creation. Failures to act (enact or enforce law) is the same as acting (legislating or enforcing those laws that already exist) . As such, the failure to protect young people from harm represents a choice, a conscious decision to allow some members of a society to suffer. Not passing laws to protect young people from some harm or not enforcing existing laws is the same as condoning and facilitating the behavior that protective legislation would prevent if such law existed and actually was a matter of enforcement concern. It is a universally accepted idea that states are responsible for human (children’s) rights conditions within their jurisdictions (Englehart 2009 : 163). Where that responsibility is not fulfi lled, state leaders can, thus, be legitimately held responsible for that failure. However, as Englehart also notes: “Even if well-intentioned, weak states may not be able to prevent abuses by powerful private actors.” And conditions for human rights abuses tend to be ripe in such states where governments lack control over powerful citizens, or even their own employees. Thus, war, civil strife, or poverty may make the pursuit of child wellbeing near impossible in some parts of the world. And, indeed, as indicated throughout this volume, it is precisely in failed states or those where governments are incompetent, corrupt, or repressive that child victimization appears to be most widespread and prevalent. But, no society anywhere is so impoverished that it cannot provide at least a minimum of the things international standards deem essential to the wellbeing of children. No public anywhere actually condones the neglect of, or direct harming of, young people. No religion anywhere allows for the wanton misuse and exploitation of children. Claims that our country is “too poor,” “we lack resources,” “our religion proscribes it,” and the like are simply falsehoods invented by victimizers or their apologists. Government offi cials who voice such claims, or allow those that do so to determine public policy, violate their position of authority. To the extent that this failure results in harm to any segment of the people, the government is a party to that harm and, thus, guilty of failing its duty to the people. Governments of any kind that do not act to criminalize victimizing acts are a party to those acts. As such, government functionaries who do not ensure that adequate measures are taken to protect young people from harm are guilty of contributing to, if not directly causing, the very harm they have failed to defi ne as crime or adequately act to prevent. Some cases of youth victimization may be “culturally” rationalized. Some victimizing behavior may be criminal under international and even local law. But in some cultures it is considered common practice, a “tradition” deemed to be more 12 1 Introduction important than the dictates of any law. Such claims, for instance, are frequently made by family members who murder a daughter or sister for violating marriage traditions and fi nd (or attempt to fi nd) a mate outside the clan, caste, or group. Similar claims are made by people in societies that “marry off” pre-pubescent children (especially girls). And societies exist that still deny more than a basic (or any) education to girls under the excuse that doing so would be a waste of funds, unnecessary, or against their beliefs. Governments unwilling to prevent or seriously reduce the harm resulting from “tradition,” often fall back on that very thing to justify their inaction. Other instances of youth victimization might be understood as the result of deviant (aberrant, abnormal, disturbed) individuals, something beyond the control of authorities in many cases. Child pornography or sexual assaults may be condemned by everyone, deemed illegal and subject to serious sanction when offenders are detected. In spite of efforts to prevent it, some individuals are bound to breakthrough the protective wall of laws and preventive efforts. “What more can we do?” often becomes the response of offi cials who fall short of fully combating the behavior. Indeed, it would be unreasonable to expect authorities to eradicate all crime everywhere. The issue, however, is what crime should be targeted and how much effort should be expended? And some instances of victimizing conduct might be understood as the consequence of improper socialization, or are actually an expression of the value orientations of a community. Bullying behavior, for example, has been attributed to both. Bullies are often found to come from dysfunctional home environments where children are physically and psychological abused, enacting this learnt behavior in the school yard. Similarly, such behavior can be understood as a consequence of an orientation found in some societies that glorify violence and aggression. But efforts to change such orientations or intervene in situations where conditions promote such expression against others are fundamentally the responsibility of societal leaders who can be held accountable for the wellbeing of all of the members of that society. Failure to do so implicitly signals to aggression-prone individuals that displays of aggression are acceptable or even laudatory behavior. However, most forms of youth victimization can be best understood as purely economic in nature, activities by victimizing individuals and groups motivated by greed and profi t. The most blatant examples of this are direct forms of victimization, such as the use of children in the commercial sex-trade, the production of pornographic materials, or the exploitation of child labor in industries, as domestics in households, or sources of income by uncaring, addicted, or vicious relatives. Many other forms of victimization are also economic in nature, but in a more indirect fashion. The recruitment or abduction of children to serve as soldiers in armed confl icts around the world, whether paid for their services or not, is as much as anything an economic decision on the part of recruiters/abductors. Children are “cheap” and “expendable” substitutes for more expensive adult soldiers. Even more subtly, the decision not to build a school or orphanage, or to provide shelter to homeless youths, to actively staff playgrounds to deter bullying, or to expose members of one’s organization who sexually abuse boys or girls are fundamentally economically driven concerns. Money in most cases seems to override the wellbeing of kids. Addressing the Problem 13

Poverty is often viewed as the cause of many of the kinds of child victimization described in this volume. Indeed, being destitute facing a bleak future without hope can make people do desperate things Ð such as selling or giving up a child, putting a child to work rather than attend school, and the like. And much of human suffering can surely be alleviated if poverty across the globe were drastically reduced. But being poor, in and of itself, is neither the cause of nor is its alleviation the ultimate solution to child victimization. Poverty should be eradicated for its own sake because there is no real reason why masses of humanity should be kept in conditions of economic despair. It is not poverty, but the economic exploitation of the poor, the social disparagement of the poor’s children, the powerlessness of poor youth, and the inability of the poor to effectively control the behavior of others that links poverty to youth victimization. Ending poverty means empowering people, and empowering people is the chief ingredient to ending poverty.

Addressing the Problem

In nations around the world numerous efforts can be found to combat various form of child victimization. Some are international in their orientation and funding. Others are country specifi c. Some focus on a specifi c form of victimization. Others are more general, oriented to improving the wellbeing of children generally. With a few exceptions, these efforts are to be commended and many are probably of some benefi t. Some may actually make a substantial difference in the lives of children in various parts of the world. When addressing specifi c forms of victimization in this volume, we identify some of these efforts and in the concluding chapter we take up the question directly. It should be noted, however, that the vast majority of these efforts are at best “stop gap” measures, continuing only so long as funding for them continues. For example, in 2010 a 3-day crackdown on the sexual exploitation of children in the United States resulted in the rescue of 69 child prostitutes ranging in ages from 12 to 17 and the arrests of some 900 adults, including 99 pimps. Since 2003 a Federal government initiative has succeeded in removing almost 1,250 children from prostitution in America (Cloherty 2010 ). But, while the success of such efforts appears impressive, the numbers only refl ect a minuscule fraction of those in need of help and those worthy of apprehension. And as successful as efforts such as these may be, very few are actually directed to totally eradicating the problem they are intended to address. And none are even close to fundamentally altering the vulnerability of children worldwide. Even aspiring to achieving such a goal is, one might argue, a Pollyanna-like dream. As indeed it is in many cases. The sexual abuse of students by teachers in Kenya, for example, may require fundamental changes in culture before any purposive efforts will succeed in eradicating the activity. In fact, over a two year period more than 1,000 teachers were fi red in Kenya for abusing girls in their care, and one nationwide confi dential helpline for victims revealed that the problem was nationwide and much more extensive than anyone had expected. But, while many cases were known to district offi cials, they often 14 1 Introduction were not reported to law enforcement authorities and criminal convictions were often impeded by lack of information (BBC 2010a). Yet, one can only imagine the situation if such programs did not exist at all. If much of the global victimization of young people is ultimately a function of government inaction, as we contend, any real solution to the worldwide victimization of young people would involve changing the behavior of those who are in government. Campaigns to feed the children, establishing anti-bullying programs in schools, creating an oversight commission for a nation’s orphanages, paying damages to victims of sex abuse, fi ring abusive offi cials, and similar efforts are all good and needed undertakings in combating youth victimization in specifi c forms or cases. But, none really address the core problem. What is more vital is an end to such incidents necessitating remedial measures in the fi rst place. Many programs appear to seek to do just that, even if when constrained by their usually limited resources achieving that goal is highly unlikely. The use of children in armed combat, or as suicide bombers, is not likely to be eradicated from the globe any time soon. But, international condemnation of this activity can make people targeting the young in this manner give pause before doing so. Individuals with a proclivity to obtain sexual gratifi cation from children will probably always exist, fi nding likely young victims to exploit regardless of the obstacles invented to prevent their doing so. But the hotel and tourism industry can make a substantial dent in this behavior by taking steps to make sex-tourism a high risk venture. International boycotts of products of virtual-slave child labor can, at least, make producers more attentive to their employees’ basic needs. And, building schools in, rather than supplying arms to countries where gaining an education is a distant dream for most children, can do much to eradicate illiteracy across the globe. None of the victimizing acts and situations that befall young people in the world that we address in the following chapters is beyond resolution. None are so organi- cally entrenched in the fabric of human societies as to be outside the reach of purposive action. None are unsolvable. But to really resolve any of them requires concerted government (national and international) action. And today it is this concerted government action that is missing in efforts to effectively address any of the issue discussed in this volume. Perhaps, in the end, it is the power of shame, more than any direct pressure that compels nations to act on behalf of the best interests of their young. And, even if the community of nations can do little by way of “enforcement” to help children in abusive situations, the Convention on the Rights of the Child stands as the single most forceful tool in moving the world’s governments toward doing so. As Alderson ( 2000 : 442Ð443) notes: … the CRC is by far the most widely agreed treaty ever. Every Government has ratifi ed it except Somalia, which has no government, and the United States. In ratifying the CRC, governments undertake to implement it in law, policy and practice and to make the CRC well known to ‘adults and children alike.’ The CRC is a tool for change. Governments report regularly to the UN Committee on the Rights of the Child on their progress in putting the CRC into practice, and receive comments from the Committee. … Success and problems in the way governments treat their children and widely publicized in the media at the time of each national review and children’s organizations use them as opportunities to press for improvements in the care and protection of children in their country. References 15

The need has been recognized, the dimensions of the problem are being documented, and the tools to address the problem are at hand. Child victimization may never be eradicated. It can, however, be greatly reduced, and often prevented. It is our purpose in the chapters that follow to help inform and motivate our readers to work to achieve these goals.

References

Alderson, Priscilla. 2000. UN Convention on the Rights of the Child: Some Common Criticism and Suggested Responses. Child Abuse Review. 9:439Ð443. BBC. 2010. South Africa Fury at Inaction Over School Gang-Rape. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/ world-africa-11717466 . Bennhold, Katrin; Kulish, Nicholas & Donadio, Rachel. 2010. Abuse Scandal’s Ripples Spread Across Europe. http://www.nytimes.com/2010/03/25/world/europe/25church.html?emc=eta1 . Cloherty, Jack. 2010. 12-Year-Old Picked Up in Child Prostitution Sweep. http://abcnews.go.com/ News/law-enforcement-child -prostitution-sweep-picks-69-children/ . Crosson-Tower, Cynthia. 1999. Understanding Child Abuse and Neglect. 4th. ed. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Dorne, Clifford K. 1989. Crimes against Children. New York: Harrow and Heston. Englehart, Neil A. 2009. State Capacity, State Failure, and Human Rights. Journal of Peace Research. 46:163Ð180. Enzmann, Dirk; Marshall, Ineke Haen; Killias, Martin; Junger-Tas, Josine; Steketee, Majone & Gruszczynska, Beata. 2010. Self-Reported Youth Delinquency in Europe and Beyond: First Results of the Second International Self-Report Delinquency Study in the Context of Police and Victimization Data, European Journal of Criminology. 7:159Ð183. Finkelhor, David & Hashima, Patricia Y. 2001. “The Victimization of Children and Youth: A Comprehensive Overview, pp., 49Ð78 in White, Susan O. (ed.) Handbook of Youth and Justice. New York: Klumer. Finkelhor, David; Ormrod, Richard; Turner, Heather & Hamby, Sherry L. 2005. The Victimization of Children and Youth: A Comprehensive, National Survey. Child Maltreatment. 10:5Ð25. Hartjen, Clayton A. 1978. Crime and Criminalization. 2nd. Ed. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Wilson. Haugen, Gary & Boutros, Victor. 2011. And Justice for All: Enforcing Human Rights for the World’s Poor. http://www.hufﬁ ngtonpost.com/gary-haugen/and-justice-for-all-enfor b 583217. html . Hunnicutt, Gwen & LaFree, Gary. 2007. Reassessing the Structural Covariates of Cross-National Infant Homicide Victimization, Homicide Studies. X:1Ð21. Krug, Etienne G.; Dahlberg, Linda L.; Mercy, James A.; Zwi, Anthony B. & Lozano, Rafael. 2002. World Report on Violence and Health. Geneva: World Health Organization. The People’s Movement for Human Rights Education. 1997. The Human Right to Education. http://www.pdhre.org/rights/education.html . United Nations. 1989. Convention on the Rights of the Child. New York, NY: United Nations. US Department of Justice. 2009. Criminal Victimization, 2008. http://www.ojp.usdoj.gov/bjs/ abstract/cv08.htm . US Department of Health and Human Services. 2008. Child Maltreatment 2006. http://www.acf. hhs.gov/programs/cb/pubs/cm06/cm06.pdf . Chapter 2 Child Labor

The participation of children in work is a universal phenomenon. It occurs in the richest countries, such as the United States, and the poorest countries, like Haiti. Children who work acquire the skills and knowledge necessary to function as adults within their families and communities. Recent European research reveals that work has a natural place in children’s lives. And some scholars propose that the modern mode of production artifi cially separates work and learning. Others question the emphasis placed on formal schooling as the only route to learning, arguing that formal education is not the only means to acquire skills needed in adulthood (see Liebel 2004 ; Rodgers and Standing 1981 , 1981a ). But, everyone agrees that children should be protected from work that interferes with the acquisition of formal education and is detrimental to their wellbeing and development. Thus, in addition to its potential disruption of schooling, child labor can be exploitative and abusive in numerous ways. The problem is not that children may be engaged in work. It is the negative aspects of their working that makes child labor a potential form of child victimization. From time immemorial, children have participated in the labor force in all societies and cultures (see Bass 2004; OECD 2003; Pinheiro 2006 ) . Often, they worked side-by-side with adults. Boys joined hunting and fi shing expeditions, worked with elders on the farm or in the shop. Girls gathered fi rewood, collected water, minded the family plot or younger siblings and the elderly, and assisted adult women in preparing the meals. In China, for example, documents reveal that child labor has existed since the beginning of that nation’s history (Tong and Lu 2004 ) . In ancient India, children lived in their teacher’s household (“gurukulam”) while acquiring formal learning and while doing so shared basic chores of the family. In Africa too, there was a tradition of children participating in the common labor of the community or family (see Bekombo 1981 ) . The medieval European custom of “apprenticing” children served a very useful purposive. In many instances guilds and master craftsmen, as well as bourgeoisie families, provided training for the child’s adult roles and responsibilities. In England and Wales during 1851–1911, boys and girls as young as fi ve

C.A. Hartjen and S. Priyadarsini, The Global Victimization of Children: 17 Problems and Solutions, DOI 10.1007/978-1-4614-2179-5_2, © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012 18 2 Child Labor have been recorded as participating in the labor force (Cunningham and Stromquist 2005 ) . In the industrializing United States the offspring of disenfranchised slaves and immigrants provided the labor needed in the booming industries (see Department of Labor 2000 ) . As an investigator for the Children’s Bureau during 1912–1920, the sociologist-photographer, Lewis Hine pictorially recorded immigrant and poor children engaged in a variety of jobs (Hindman 2002 ) . Traditionally child work took place within the context of their immediate group and local community by which the child gradually learnt the fundamentals of being an adult. Particularly among working-class families, child labor was inseparable from family activities since a separate system of education had not emerged until the late nineteenth century (see Aries 1962 ; Montgomery 2001 ) . Thus, if children in various areas of the globe always did participant in the labor force, one might question why does their working pose a problem today? The issue, of course, is not that children engage in labor, either within or outside the home, but the nature of their work and the misuse of that labor in the contemporary world. Historically, as today, working children were typically poor, ignorant, illiterate, and lacking sophisticated guardians. And they were often exploited in every economic pursuit (Pieris 2004 ) . Indeed, with the spread of trade and industrialization during the twentieth century, the exploitation of child labor was common. In the 1920s, for example, when confronted by the International Labor Organization (ILO), some colonial powers in the Gold Coast – now Ghana – reportedly resisted efforts to restrict children working in cocoa processing plants (Cullen 2005 ; Cunningham and Stromquist 2005 ) . There is a vast difference between children working in the context of traditional and pre-industrial, subsistence economies and the work many children are engaged in throughout the world today. Unlike traditional societies where children’s work was part of the survival and cultural experience of the group, the transformation in work caused by industrialization and urbanization means that most children now work out of necessity due to poverty amidst plenty, and often have to survive alone while fending for themselves and other dependents. Typically poor members of a society or of marginal groups (e.g., lower castes, ethnic, racial or religions minorities, immigrants, indigenous peoples) constitute a desperate, “detached,” labor force providing many an opportunity for unscrupulous entrepreneurs (see Weiner et al. 2006 ) . Except perhaps in remote and isolated rural sectors of some developing economies where children continue to be an integral part of family pursuits and the local economy, most contemporary child labor is isolated from traditional humanizing and protective infl uences. Thus, it is the change in the nature of work brought about by modern industrial economies that has made child labor in the modern world potentially harmful for children. Everyone “knows” what is meant by the term “child labor” but fi nding an agreed upon defi nition of the term is diffi cult. One broad defi nition of “child labor” charac- terizes it as any activity of children that contributes to production, or frees or facili- tates the work of adults, replacing the employment of adults (Kenny 2007 ; Schildkrout 1981) . A major problem in defi ning child labor, much less defi ning any such activity as “victimizing,” is the variability in both the nature and meaning of Child Labour 19 such activity across the globe. Is the time and effort a middle-class suburban American boy spends in straightening out his bedroom and taking out the trash equivalent work to his female Indian counterpart who helps her mother at home rolling out raw tobacco leaves into “beedi” for sale in the local market? Are the efforts of an unpaid child who minds her younger siblings all day in the favelas of Recife, Brazil equivalent to that of an American newspaper delivery boy? Is the reluctant domestic chore done by a 10-year old Iranian girl the same as the work of a 16-year old who apprentices as a plumber half the day in contemporary France? How do we standardize the time and effort spent by child workers around the world? Resolving the question of whether or not children who work are being victimized is also confounded by a lack of agreement on such matters as how child labor is defi ned and measured. The International Labor Organization and UNICEF delineate among three different types of children’s work: (1) child work that does not affect their health and development, (2) child labor that is based on the minimum age as defi ned by the International Labour Organisation’s (ILO) 1973 convention 138, and (3) the “worst forms” of child labor – work that endangers children’s immediate and long term wellbeing – as defi ned by ILO convention 182 in 1999 (see Pawar 2007 : 52). Although under all three categories employed children could be subject to various forms of victimization, it is the “worst forms” of child labor that raise the most concern. Foremost among these is the nature of the work involved. Are the children engaged in labor in conjunction with others in their primary group, or are they burdened with intense labor all alone or in a non- familial and unfamiliar environment? Indeed, in the 1990s, the ILO tried to delineate between the concepts of “labor” and “work,” fi nally abandoning the idea altogether (Liebel 2004 ) . How exactly does one standardize and measure a child’s work in a culturally diversifi ed world? And, even within a single society, how do we calculate a young person’s labor – by the clock, by piece-meal, or contract work (see OECD 2003 ) ? Such issues of measurement aside, for the purpose of this chapter, child labor victimization is defi ned as any work (as defi ned by the United Nations agreements) engaged in by children that is harmful to a child – that takes place at the expense of a child’s education, or that involves a child in exploitative, hazardous, or illegal, tasks. These include being required to carry out too many or to arduous chores, activities that expose the child to toxic substances which pose a danger to a child’s health, or engaging in illegal activity such as prostitution or pornography that risk the over-all development and wellbeing of a child. A major issue with the contemporary use of children for labor is their “commodifi cation.” Children have become commodities to be negotiated, changed among hands, and disposed of like property (Montgomery 2001 ) . Perhaps the most troubling example of this is the abusive and exploitative use of child labor, or using children to work in places where risky and unsafe labor practices prevail. For many employers, children have become an expendable commodity, particularly when recruited as child soldiers, traffi cked as prostitutes, or bought as slaves (Bass 2004 ) . Frequently child workers are members of powerless, minority and marginal groups – such as the Narikurava, “gypsy,” rag-pickers in Tamil Nadu, India; the 20 2 Child Labor

Muslim children in the glass factories of Firozabad in Uttar Pradesh, India; or poor children in the bangle making units of Mumbai, India (c.f. BBC 2007; HRW 2006 ; HRW 2007 ; Kannan 2006 ; The Hindu 2006 ; Weiner et al. 2006 ) . Desperately poor and illiterate parents aspiring for a better future for their offspring can be easily mis- led by the falsehoods of recruiters or acquaintances who promise to care for their children and part with their progeny to strangers (LaFerniere, Sharon 2006 ; Bass 2004) . The losers in these transactions are the reluctant, isolated, unhappy children. Children who work rather than attend school full-time face great impediment to their life chances because the evolving technologically-based world economy demands formal schooling to succeed. It is in the world’s best interest to not only protect children from harsh working conditions, unfettered by dangerous or exhaust- ing tasks for which they are ill-equipped, but to insure that they acquire the skills and education essential for living in a rapidly changing world. Children remain our best investment in the future. It is an imperative that the young be capable, competent, and healthy to deal with the unknown challenges of the globally interconnected world. Any work that interferes with a child’s opportunity to prepare for the future is, therefore, a form of child victimization.

Why Children Work

Combating the victimization of working children is complicated by the diverse reasons why children enter the labor force around the world. Contemporary child labor is not motivated by one cause or condition although, undoubtedly, necessity is the major factor motivating most children to work, but there are numerous reasons why guardians allow or require that their children work. In some cases the child’s parents put them to work claiming that it is an economic imperative that their children work at the family craft lest such traditions be lost. It is felt that, like themselves, their children are destined to “learn the trade.” But such noble motives for hereditary occupations can be misguided. For example, children are often used in family glass-making enterprises in Firozabad in Uttar Pradesh, India with the claim that doing so is necessary to maintain the “family tradition” even though glass-making in this region is only six or seven decades old (Weiner et al. 2006 ) . In other cases children work to save for the future. In southern India, for example, female children may work to save for their dowry (Anandharajakumar 2004 ) . Children might also work to earn discretionary, “spending money.” For example, in western industrialized societies children may work even though there is no dire necessity that they do so (Department of Labor 2000; HRW 2000) . In a study of 9,022 American youths, over half held some job (Department of Labor 2000) . One commentator notes that in many western societies “…child labor is a large and painful symptom of …the glitter of a consumer culture, a culture which worships effi ciency and profi t and where economics dictate all actions” (Reddy 1995) . And, according to some, the new emerging rapacious, consumer culture is driven by exploitative advertisement and ruthless labor practices plaguing our post-industrial, Why Children Work 21 sales- and market-driven, contemporary society. So much so that, “Children (in developed countries) work in fast food joints more hours than the statutory limit until they are asleep and get their fi ngers sliced in slicing machines. All for a pair of Nike shoes… .” (Reddy 1995 : 211) But most working children do so out of economic need. Street children everywhere, for example, are forced into the labor force for survival (Kenny 2007 ; Montgomery 2001 ; Moyo 2004 ; Weiner et al. 2006 ) . In Alwar in India’s, Rajasthan, it was discovered that in about 40 villages prostitution of minor girls was conducted on a large scale by the male heads of the families who enjoyed the fruits of their young girls’ labor, some of whom – if particularly beautiful – may end up as far away as Bombay’s red light district (Gathia 1999 ) . In war-torn Afghanistan, children beg because their widowed mothers cannot work (Sykes 2009 ) . In a survey, many parents in India and Indonesia admitted that their children’s earnings added about a fi fth to the family income (ILO 1996 ) . In Iran too, such contributions by Afghan and Iraqi refugee children may constitute 25% of their family’s income (Jalali 2004 ) . In spite of what the law may say, often, girls born on the tea estates of West Bengal in India pick the tender tea leaves with their nimble fi ngers and put them into their mothers’ baskets – thereby boosting the mothers’ earnings. When they reach age twelve, they are given their own baskets to fi ll and earn the prevailing low wages of adult tea-pickers (Weiner et al. 2006 ) . And, it isn’t unusual for poor Brazilian children to work part-time in the markets to add a few coins to the family coffer (World Vision International 2007 ) . In other cases, poverty or conditions related to poverty necessitate that poor children work in order to gain the schooling essential for their futures. In 2003 the number of HIV/AIDs-orphans became rampant in Zimbabwe. Bourdillon ( 2006 ) found that in his small sample of 144 domestic child workers, 133 were still in secondary school, some using their wages to pay for their schooling in a country where public education is non-existent for the poor. Thus, being “fostered” in Zimbabwe – a practice common in African countries – can help a child continue schooling by leaving home, living and helping in the home of some relative or acquaintance while using the revenue from this work to pay for private schooling. Similarly, the Haitian rural and poor “restavecs” (or rester avec, literally staying with) children temporarily lodge with some willing host exchanging their domestic labor for a roof over the head, some leftovers, and the opportunity to go to school (Lacey 2008 ) . The “earn and learn” schools of Zimbabwe’s coffee and tea plantations seem like a logical alternative to the defi ciencies in educational opportunities existing in many third world societies (Bass 2004 ) . However, one wonders how well these children actually do in school after back-breaking work during the day. In rural China, “work and study” has become institutionalized. According to Human Rights Watch (2007 ) , it is not only for personal fi nancial benefi t that children work, particularly in poorer and remote rural areas. Often their labor sustains the inadequately-funded public school system it self. Human Rights Watch (2007a : 2) notes: Children from poor areas not only face vastly inferior resources, now they must also engage in heavy work to fi nance the schools they attend. The responsibility for adequately funding compulsory education should not fall on the shoulders of the children themselves. 22 2 Child Labor

Whatever the motivations behind their working, children who want to or are forced to work are found in all areas of the world. Whether or not children should or should not work at all, is a debatable issue. But how they are to be treated while working and, the kinds of work they are to be protected from doing are matters of international law.

Extent and Prevalence

Given that much of the work children are engaged in is out of sight, illegal, or otherwise uncountable, estimates of the numbers and locations of working children are likely to be gross underestimates (OECD 2003; Schildkrout 1981 ) . Indeed, it is impossible to accurately count the numbers of invisible child workers laboring in diverse settings across the globe. Most offi cial statistics often include only those workers earning wages for labor, automatically excluding much of the work in which most children are routinely engaged. For example, although more boys than girls work, the home-labor of girls, however valuable to the family, lacks any cash value and is often not counted as child labor (HRW 2003 ; ILO 1996 ). And information compiled by many governments often excludes the part-time labor of girls (or those working while attending school) from being counted in the labor force (Liebel 2004) . Instances of children on their own working to support themselves and their younger siblings abound in the HIV-ravaged and confl ict-prone areas of Africa, and among the deliberately abandoned children living on the streets of Asia and South America (see Bourdillon 2006 ; Kenny 2007; Liebel 2004) . But few of them actually are counted in child-labor statistics. A major question, of course, is who is to be counted as a ‘working’ child? Are juveniles being paid by parents or neighbors to do yard work or babysitting “for spending money” to be included in the labor data? Is only paid work to be counted and not the labor of millions of young people who share family chores without being paid? Moreover how accurately can we document the numbers, genders, and types of labor-force participation of children in areas where insurgencies, wars, terrorism, ethnic confl icts, and instability are a daily staple? To what extent can we trust the statistics provided by governments whose reputations are at stake or the estimates of NGOs and voluntary agencies that have their own agendas to promote, however well-meaning these may be? Take the example of India. For decades, India refused to rely on sources other than its decennial census to estimate the number of children in its labor force (Pinto 2007 ) . As a consequence, while the Indian government estimates 12 million to be the number of children at work, children’s advocates claim that the real number is closer to 60 million (Gentleman 2007 ) . Yet others claim that almost 20% of India’s economy employs workers below 14 years of age ( BBC 2007 ) . Which number is accurate? From interviews with various people in the glass factories of Firozabad in Uttar Pradesh, India Weiner et al. ( 2006 ) estimate that 40,000 to 50,000 minors are employed. The government’s labor department’s estimates are much lower. Extent and Prevalence 23

Regardless of the diffi culty in counting them, estimates of the number of working children throughout the world are staggering. The actual size of the child labor force lies somewhere between the numbers reported in offi cial data and what various organizations with interests in child labor insist the true fi gures must be (Kenny 2007 ) . However, whatever the data source, the evidence suggests that while child labor is a worldwide phenomenon, both the numbers and worst forms of it are concentrated in certain pockets of the world. One estimate suggests that worldwide, there are more than 320 million children below 16 years of age who work (Parker 2008 ; Schmitz et al. 2004 ) . On the other hand, UNICEF estimates that the number is closer to 158 million working children. It is believed that one of every fi ve – over a quarter of a billion – children between the ages of 5 and 14 are engaged in remunerative work (Reddy 1995 ) . Similarly, the ILO estimates that of the 250 million children between age 5 and 14 who work in developing countries almost two-thirds live in Asia, a third are in Africa, and only 7% are located in Latin America. UNICEF (2001 ) has a slightly different distribution count. According to their estimates, of the 5–14 year-olds who work, 41%, 21%, and 17% respectively are in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. Herath ( 2007 ) suggests a somewhat different distribution with 41% of the worlds’ working children living in Africa, 29% in Oceania (except Australia and New Zealand), 21% in Asia, 16% in Latin America and the Caribbean, and essentially 0% to be found in North America. UNICEF estimates that 69 million – one in three – sub-Saharan African children are engaged in labor while 44 million South Asian children are in the labor force (UNICEF 2008 : Table 9). Of 218 million working children, 126 million are believed to be involved in hazardous work and at least 120 million are full-time laborers (HRW 1989; ILO 2006) . According to some estimates, about a quarter of the 5–15 year olds work as wage earners in Latin America, where they constitute an important segment of the labor force (Carey 2004 ) . There are 300,000 15–17 year olds employed in American agriculture alone (HRW 2000 ) . Between 1996 and 1998, almost three million juveniles worked during the school year, while four million worked during the summer months (Herz and Kosanovich 2000 ) . The United Farm Workers Union estimates that 800,000 children are employed on family-owned farms and as hired workers in North America (HRW 1989 ) . And, in Germany between 36% and 46% of German children work several times a week while 6–8% are engaged in labor daily (Liebel 2004 ) . What accounts for the varied distribution of child labor around the world? Undoubtedly it has to do with the distribution of poverty across the globe, as well as various factors related to the types of work available. But, also more subtle economic factors may be involved. For example, in one analysis Bass (2004 ) argues that the percentage of children found working in a country is correlated with income disparity. When income is concentrated in the top 10%, as in Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Kenya, the rate of child labor increased to over 40%. Comparatively, in Germany, Japan, Sweden, and the United States where income is distributed among more than a fi fth of the population, only a negligible number of children are engaged in labor. Thus, although poverty of the families of child workers is related to the necessity of their children to work, their individual misfortune alone does not 24 2 Child Labor explain the aggregates of working children in any society, nor does it necessarily account for their mistreatment in some social orders. Even if it is close to impossible to accurately count the true number of young people engaged in work activities in countries across the globe, the evidence clearly indicates that large numbers of young people do work. For many their participation in the labor force may benefi t both them and society at large. However, for millions, their labor is exploited, the work they are required to do is harmful to their immediate and long-term health, and their labor-force participation negates their acquiring the skills and education necessary for adulthood as well as robs them of the childhood most people consider to be their birthright.

Children’s Work

Lewis Hine’s engaging photographs of nineteenth century America recorded children working in industries as disparate as spinning and textile mills, the garment industry, tobacco products and match making, glass works, coal and other mines, oyster shucking and fi shing, berry and cotton picking, dressing shop windows, setting pins in bowling alleys, and acting as golf-caddies (Hindman 2002 ) . The same photographs could just as well be taken in the twenty-fi rst century. Even if the occupations may have changed somewhat, today, most of the world’s working children are engaged in agricultural work and, as in past centuries, they are also found working in small-scale manufacturing all over the developing world, as well as selling just about anything imaginable, and begging (ILO 1996 ) . Throughout the world, wherever nimble-fi ngered, small-sized, obedient, and manageable laborers are needed, exploitable child workers are to be found. Often malnourished, they silently labor for long hours at strenuous tasks at low wages, or for no returns at all save for meager existence. Larson (2004 ) claims that about 84% of rural child workers in India are involved in agricultural labor, while about 39% of urban Indian children are engaged in manufacturing and another 15% work in various trades and commerce. Tong and Lu ( 2004 ) report that in China “Children work in construction, the apparel industry, and other industrial and commercial enterprises. In the 1990s, of the 10 million construction workers in China from rural areas, one-quarter of them were male child laborers.” According to UNICEF (2001 ) , children are increasingly used as couriers by drug traffi ckers in Asia and Latin America, and most working children are employed in the informal sectors such as small scale industries, contract manufacturing, and street vending. C hildren work in the carpet weaving industries of Afghanistan, Pakistan, and India; labor in textile mills in India and Portugal; and work in roadside eateries and tea-stalls all over the world. Child workers are employed also in match- stick and fi re-cracker making in India, or they can be found in mining, construction, and garment manufacturing in China. They pan for gold and diamonds in West African countries, serve as soldiers in many insurgencies in African countries, and Children’s Work 25 labor in the quarries and rock piles of Uganda (Bashkaran 2007 ; Pownell 2008 ) . Indonesian girls work as domestics in Malaysia and under-aged females serve as domestic laborers in El Salvador, Malaysia, Togo, and other countries (HRW 2004 ) . Children mind untold numbers of small shops and stalls in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. As recently as 2001, with the ILO’s persuasion, the United Arab Emirates discontinued the practice of using boys, usually from South Asia, as camel jockeys in the Middle East (Pinheiro 2006 ; Wheeler 2006 ) . Children cut fl owers in Colombia and pick oranges in Brazil, cocoa in the Ivory Coast, tea in Argentina, Bangladesh, and India, and vegetables and fruits in the United States. American youngsters also fl ip hamburgers in fast food joints, work as golf-caddies, and baby-sitters. Similarly, in Spain children are employed in the agricultural sector. Legally entitled to only 75% of the wages received by adults, youngsters in Portugal are employed in shoe, clothing, and textile industries, while in southern Italy many under-aged workers tend to labor in industrial workshops and agriculture. In Russia, young boys and girls are exploited by criminal gangs in enterprises that often endanger their health and wellbeing (Liebel 2004 ) . In the Dominican Republic child labor is predominantly masculine with almost 75% of the boys seeking employment (Bryson and Bryson 2004 ) . Female children work primarily within the home but, increasingly, as they age seek outside work. Most working children are under age 14. Child labor is slightly higher in the rural zone (19.9%) compared with the urban regions (16.4%). Although much of the labor involving children is engaged in by boys, girls make up a substantial proportion of working juveniles. In Tamil Nadu, India, for example, young girls are found rolling tobacco into beedis for smoking (Anandharajakumar 2004 ) . And girls regularly accompany their mothers to pick tea leaves in West Bengal, India (Weiner et al. 2006 ) . Even at the tender age of fi ve girls may be employed in India (Anandharajakumar 2004 ; Subbaraman and Witzke 2007 ) . In Chile boys may supplement the incomes of their unemployed and underemployed fathers while girls take over the domestic tasks of their mother who may be working outside the home (Luz Silva 1981) . In Pakistan disproportionate numbers of rural and urban boys, compared to girls, are engaged in making a living (Munir and Mangi 2007) . On the other hand, in rural China girls are more likely to be engaged in paid work compared to boys, representing close to 75% of the total child labor force in some villages (Tong and Lu 2004 ) . In Chile, Luz Silva ( 1981 ) found that 39% of Chilean boys were engaged in farm work while 53% of the girls were engaged in service occupations. Rodgers and Standing (1981 , 1981a) categorize the work performed by children into: domestic work; non-domestic non-monetary work; tied or bonded labor; wage labor; and marginal economic activities. Based on this categorization the various types of work children do can be grouped into four major types. One: Probably the most common form of child labor consists of the chores and unpaid work children do at home for their family’s maintenance. Girls are predomi- nant among these child-workers everywhere and in developing countries their brothers may also manage herds of cattle, goats, or work along side adults in the fi elds. Some of these children may be in school, but most are not. 26 2 Child Labor

Two: A large number of children engage in unpaid work outside the domicile on behalf of their family, such as participation in the family’s small enterprises at the market or in the family shop. The basic use of this labor is to help the family’s enterprise while perhaps enabling the child to pick up the skills of that enterprise for the future. These children may attend school, but more likely are not acquiring any formal schooling. Three: Some children who, in exchange for payments to their family, are lent or contracted – if not outright sold – to others for payment of some family debt. The only rewards for the children in this transaction are the, often leftover, scraps from the tables of their “employers.” Bondage, serfdom, and slavery belong in this category. Large numbers of such children are “employed” as domestics in third world cities, towns, and working in the farms around the world. Four: Uncounted thousands of children work as the sole breadwinners of their households due to sickness, accidents, and death in the family, or abandonment by their erstwhile caregivers. These young people, in effect, are the heads of the household often caring for younger siblings and sick adults. Typically these children are not in school and, moreover, are burdened not only with the chores of the household but also have to fend for themselves and their dependents.

Issues in Child Labor

Individuals and organizations concerned with working children of various kinds confront a number of issues in attempting to regulate, reduce, or even eliminate child labor in countries across the globe. These include: (1) whether or not the involvement of children in labor of any kind is something to be concerned about at all; (2) the role of child labor in economic development; (3) paid versus unpaid child labor; and (4) variations in child labor in rural versus urban milieus.

A Western Concept

Some people argue that objections to children being engaged in work activities stem from a Western bourgeois notion of children’s rights that is not necessarily shared by many cultures in the world. Liebel ( 2004 ) , for example, notes that children in some countries “… often already enjoy rights that do not fi gure at all in modern western views of children’s rights. It is a wide-spread practice among Amerindian and African peoples to entrust to children animals and arable land which they are able to use according to their own judgment and for which they are responsible.” And Ennew et al. ( 2005 ) observe that because of their tradition and culture, in Southeast Asia’s lower Mekong Delta, forbidding children’s work is translated as Western cultural imperialism rather than some sincere concern for the wellbeing of children. This view has been contested by others who contend that today droves of children are employed in risky jobs where the necessary skills are neither Issues in Child Labor 27 traditional to some culture or of long-term benefi t to the worker (Weiner et al. 2006 ) . Indeed, rather than preparing their children for the future, the parents of Togolese girls regularly entrust their daughters to strangers in exchange for small amounts of cash (HRW 2003 ) . In many places certain rites – associated with birth, coming of age, marriage, and death – encumber countless millions of parents in displays of conspicuous consumption. If poor, their children’s labor becomes the collateral for their debt (Rodgers and Standing 1981 , 1981a ). And many parents, in the expectation that their wages will be remitted back to them, even send their children to far off urban centers as domestic servants or brothel prostitutes (Bass 2004 ; HRW 1989 ) . Although such activity may be acceptable according to some cultural beliefs, it is questionable if such beliefs can override the well being of the children being exploited and harmed in the process. A similar argument contends that children have a “right” to work. This argument is quite valid. As with anyone else, children and young people should not be prohibited form working just because of their age alone. Working children help themselves and their primary groups to stay alive. They add to their societies’ wealth. And by working they can acquire a sense of self and augmented power (Gathia 1999 ; Kenny 2007) . But this perspective ignores the often ugly side of contemporary child labor. People in nations across the globe have come to realize that “rights” also can, and in many cases should be, subject to regulation. No one would contend that children can not work at all. The issue is what kind, how long, under what conditions, and for what compensation can they work. It is not their working but the abuse of their labor that is of concern. And there is ample documentation of abusive child labor practices in contemporary societies. One glaring example is the global cross-national transportation of children, specifi cally girls, for servitude by immigrants and temporary residents into the United States and other Western countries: The traffi cking of children for domestic labor in the U. S. is an extension of an illegal but common practice in Africa. Families in remote villages send their daughters to work in cities for extra money and the opportunity to escape a dead-end life. Some girls work for free on the understanding that they will at least be better fed in the home of their employer. The custom has led to the spread of traffi cking, as well-to-do Africans accustomed to employing children immigrate to the U. S. Around one-third of the estimated 10,000 forced laborers in the United States are servants trapped behind the curtains of suburban homes. According to a study by the National Human Rights Center at the University of California at Berkeley and Free the Slaves, a nonprofi t group. No one can specify how many are children, especially since their work can so easily be masked as chores (MSNBC 2008 ) . In many instances of abusive child labor, parents pawn their children’s lives to some acquaintance or stranger while benefi ting, directly or indirectly, from such arrangements. Or they may actually believe that their decision is in their child’s best interests (see: HRW 2003 ; Kenny 2007 ; Kristoff 2009 ) . One Brazilian woman ruefully stated: When I was eight years old I was already working in other people’s kitchens, just as my mother had done before me. Now my kids are growing up with the same routine, working to help me (Kenny 2007 ) . 28 2 Child Labor

But apart from parents, who jeopardize their children’s lives and future by putting them to work too early, national rulers or “wannabe” rulers motivated by the lust for power and wealth have been known to kidnap uncounted numbers of minors to forcibly work on their behalf. As discussed in Chaps. 4 and 5 , captive children are readily found in war-torn third world countries, particularly in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. According to news reports, in Sudan’s civil war both the government army and their supportive militia, the Janjaweed, systematically and regularly kidnapped not only non-Arabic speaking adults, but also children (BBC 2008 ; Winter 2007 ) . In violation of International Labor Organisation Convention No.182 (ILO 1999 ) , captive boys were used as forced agricultural labor; girls were raped and forced to “marry” their captors whose household chores and farming also beneﬁ ted from such forced labor. While a desire to protect children from working may, indeed, be a Western, bourgeois, concept, it is doubtful that even the most culturally-sensitive would object to intervening when the use of child labor is exploitative, abusive, dangerous and inimical to the immediate and long-term best interest of the children concerned.

Development at Any Cost

World data clearly indicates that lower rates of child labor are directly related to higher levels of economic development. The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) contends that open trade practices, as advocated by Western nations, also correlate highly with the lower employment of children (OECD 2003 : 42). And it is also argued that the trade union movement also depresses the recruitment of children into the labor force by limiting minimum age and hours of labor, guarantee of livable wages, and secure working conditions (ILO 2006 ) . The positive impact of citizens’ education – a concomitant of development – is demonstrated in Kerala, India with its high rate of adult employment and literacy and lower incidence of child labor compared to other parts of India (Subbaraman and Witzke 2007 ) . So, it is clear that economic development will lead to a reduction in the use of child labor in societies across the world. Paradoxically, however, it also appears that the rush to modernize and develop economically can entangle many minors in the labor force. The process of economic development, in short, may itself lead to the victimization of child labor. An excellent example is China where the building boom propelled child slavery in the brick kilns of Shanxi Province (French 2007 ) . In their race to ﬁ nish buildings for the 2008 Olympics, many Chinese contractors employed children as young as 12 and 13 who slogged 15-hour work days on various enterprises in Beijing ( BBC 2007a ; b ; Bristow 2007 ) . During 1997 in Beijing alone there were 160,000 children younger than 15 working in the brick making industry. Some 66,392 were between ages 6 and 15, and an almost 14% of these children were not attending school. About a third of Chinese children worked in factories and, at least, 924,000 children below age 15 work in China, (Tong and Lu 2004 ) . Issues in Child Labor 29

In developing economies it is next to impossible to enlist and retain pupils in schools amidst entrepreneurs who are busy luring them away to work ( see Pawar 2007 ) . Because they are a source of inexpensive and trouble-free labor, many export- oriented sweat shops in India, Bangladesh, and China recruit child workers (Barboza 2008 ; BBC 2007 ; Rahman 2006 ; Tsai 2007 ) . To meet ever-growing demand chemical plants, like naphthalene factories in China, regularly use labor from the poorer southwest, and often children are included among these workers (French 2007 ) . By some estimates, only about 5% of the work engaged in by children is in export- oriented labor but the export industries of developing countries across the globe employ a large number of young people in diverse forms of labor (HRW 1989 ) . For instance, with no, or inadequate, equipment children in Ilakaka, Madagascar dive for sapphire destined for foreign markets (Hogg 2007 ) . And the world’s insatiable demand for cocoa has also led to a demand for children to work in the cocoa plantations of Ghana and the Ivory Coast, often under very adverse conditions (Bass 2004 ; Severson 2006 ) . Although some argue that the employment of large numbers of minors in the work-force, even in the West, is a symptom of the emergence of “want,” and not “need,” based economies (see Reddy 1995 ) , it is not an exaggeration to say that what has been a blessing for people in developed countries – afﬂ u- ence and conspicuous consumption – has become a curse for the children of the poor worldwide. But for the demand from those with deep pockets in the developed world, young boys would not be risking their lives mining sapphires in the hot and rocky plains of Madagascar (Hogg 2007) . And if the penultimate child consumer works to “buy,” the poor child labors to provide the goods they buy, even if they could never even think of buying these goods themselves.

Child Labor Versus Working Children

Most critics of child labor acknowledge the distinction between helping out in the family home and children working outside the home for wages. The latter usually is a systemic problem of pervasive poverty. Often, the defi nition of what constitutes child labor is interpreted differently by the diverse parties involved – what the children, their parents, and their employers may defi ne as simply “helping out” and what the law may defi ne as illegal child labor. For example, in the Muslim community of Kano, Nigeria children often serve as the intermediaries between their economically productive, but secluded, mothers and the commercial world of the bazaar outside (Schildkrout 1981 ) . In the Caribbean island nation of the Dominican Republic the Secretaria de Estado de Trabajo (Labor Secretariat) estimates that over 20% of adolescents do unpaid family work. The Labor Secretariat also estimates that more than 50% of working children are less than 14 years of age (Bryson and Bryson 2004) . In the Dominican Republic the vast majority of minors (some 68%) attend school but also work outside the home, and work where they reside. Males make up the largest proportion of those working outside their homes (Bryson and Bryson 2004 ). Are children who enable their mothers to engage in income-producing 30 2 Child Labor activities “child labor” or simply “helping out?” It might be asserted that as long as such activities do not interfere with the education and wellbeing of the youngsters, the activity belongs in the latter category. But, since their “helping out” is economically remunerative, it could also be seen as “labor.” Given the lack of data and the dispersed and hidden global distribution of child labor, it is diffi cult to quantify the role of children in unpaid enterprises that are detached from the family and group. This unpaid labor could result in income (Bass 2004 ) . For instance, children may be sell eggs, chilies, and tomatoes from the family garden, coconuts from the backyard trees, or the slightly narcotic khat leaves for chewing along the streets of Mogadishu and other East African countries. Or, they may be found working in roadside family-stalls, or vending commodities along city streets. It is not an unusual sight to see youngsters peddling balloons, toys, pencils, q-tips, or roasted peanuts along the avenues of San Jose, Lagos, Mexico City, Chennai, Port-au-Prince, or cities in virtually any developing country. The proceeds of their labors become part of the family’s income, not the child’s. Whether it directly or indirectly contributes to the family coffers, children’s work in domestic activities must be considered a form of child labor that may be rife with all manner of victimizing abuse and exploitation. Thus, when addressing the problem of “child labor,” the unpaid family-related work of children throughout the world should be included in any ameliorative action, and regulatory efforts must address the issue of the survival of the primary group as one of the conditions that lead to children working.

Rural Versus Urban Disadvantage

Poor rural areas of any country seem to be eternal sources of cheap child-labor simply because educational amenities are sparse and the immediate needs of the family require every pair of hands that can work. International data suggest that globally 90% of employed children work in agriculture (ILO 1996 ; HRW 1999 ; OECD 2003 ; Cigno et al. 2002 ) . Much of this involves subsistence farming or marginal production. In rural Sri Lanka, children regularly share the task of peeling and bashing cinnamon barks with adults ( BBC 2007c) . At least a quarter of the rural children are reportedly employed in an almost endless list of African countries – from Angola, Botswana, Cameroon, Congo, Côte d’Ivoire, Gabon, Ghana, Lesotho, Mauritania, Namibia, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Togo, and Zambia. Rural children constitute 73% of the children working in the independent kingdom of Lesotho and 20% of the working children in Gabon (Bass 2004) . In Chile, just under a third of urban 12–14 year-olds are engaged in “personal service” while almost 60% of comparable rural youths hold agricultural jobs (Luz Silva 1981 ) . According to Tsotseria ( 2004 ) the disadvantaged rural children of post Soviet Georgia are disproportionately found to be employed in contrast to those living in the capital (40% compared to 21%). Over all, 39% of the 10–14 year old and 19% of 5–9 year-old Georgian children work. In India, children make up about 23% of those working in manufacturing and trades, while children equal 55% of those The Victimizaiton of Children Who Work 31 working in agriculture. About 75% of rural children are engaged in farm and related work (Subbaraman and Witzke 2007 ) . In China, where this rural–urban disparity prevails, school children in rural and remote areas are subject to fairly heavy manual seasonal and recess-time work, often far away from home while their compatriots in Beijing and Shanghai often attend private schools in comfort (ILO 2006 ; HRW 2007 ) . Even if not directly engaged in agricultural work, rural children still seem to dominate the world of working children worldwide. For example, in rural southern Tamil Nadu, India – a region that is inundated with small ﬁ reworks and match-stick manufacturing units – much child labor exists inside the homes in rural areas and small settlements around the town of Sivakasi away from the 640 licensed factories. These workers supply the ﬁ nished piecemeal product to the nearly 6,000 unlicensed cottage industries that dot the landscape (Menon 2007 ) . And in Afghanistan there is ample evidence of child labor, particularly among traditional village-craftsmen of Istalif – renowned for pottery glazed with turquoise, ochre, and green – who divide the work based on the age and seniority of the children ( BBC 2007e ) . Longitudinal data from villages studied during 1996 to 1999 in Benin, West Africa also demonstrate this rural–urban divide in child labor. The practice of “fostering” in Africa almost always involves rural boys and girls being relocated, if only temporarily, to kin or to higher status households in urban areas (OECD 2003 ; Bass 2004) . But, while children used to leave with urban relatives with whom they were placed, children increasingly are now leaving with strangers to work, increasing the chances of their being exploited and abused (Bass 2004 ) . An urbanizing, developing, world it is the children of the rural poor who are overwhelmingly forced to earn a living before they attain adulthood, often at the expense of formal schooling. This disparity raises the issue of where amelioration efforts should be concentrated and to what end. For example, should rural children be facilitated by bringing schools and work to them so they can continue to reside in their homes and stay in the rural settlements or should they be supported to leave for economic advantages in the cities of developing societies? If they depart from home, at what age should they be encouraged to leave, what protective measures need to be in place, and how is their long-term potential to be guarantee?

The Victimizaiton of Children Who Work

Few people would object to children working, as long as that labor beneﬁ ted them and did not harm or exploit them or detract from their future life chances. Organizations concerned with child labor, however, object to a large number of things that, in effect, result in the victimization of children engaged in work activities. Among these concerns are the impact working may have on the child’s education, affecting future earnings and potential for development. A second concern is that of (legal and economic) equity since children are often economically exploited by being paid less, if at all, for their labor than an adult would be. A third concern 32 2 Child Labor focuses on the physical and mental-health dangers that working children often face. And fourth is the pervasive issue of the use of children in illegal activities with the risk such activities pose to their lives, liberty, or their moral development.

Denial of Education

The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UN 1989 ) is an acknowl- edgment that even in the least developed societies of the world, a minimal education is critical to individual children’s marketable skills, and a society’s future economic and social potential. The CRC requires all signatories to guarantee a child’s right to education by protecting them against any work that interferes with their schooling. It is estimated that a quarter of the world’s children do not complete even primary education in spite of the almost universal affi rmation of this Convention by the member nations (Parker 2008 ) . And, by one count over 80 million children do not go to school at all (Harmer 2007 ) . As discussed more fully in Chapter 8 , although there are many reasons why children do not attend school, the necessity that they work is one major impediment to their doing so. In this regard, many young people in the world face a life-defi ning paradox. In order to obtain a good job in adulthood, they need to acquire formal schooling. But, in order to survive into adulthood, they need immediate work – work that can greatly impede, if not totally deny, their ability to acquire formal schooling. Caught in this trap, they, and in turn the children they will one day have, are ensnared in an endless cycle of poverty and destitution (Baland and Robinson 2000 ; Emerson and Souza 2003 ; Traver 2004 ) . In Honduras, for example, close to 300,000 children aged 10–18 have left school to work (see Liebel 2004 ; Zelaya and Larson, 2004 ) . Many of the children drop-out because of the confl ict between hours of work and the school schedule, and due to the failure of their inadequate wages to cover the cost of school fees and/or other incidental expenses. Human Rights Watch ( 2002) reports that fewer than 40% of the children in Ecuador over age 14 attend school, primarily because they need to work. Some youths are able to attend night classes, but traveling to and from school at night involve increased risk to their safety, particularly for female children (HRW 2004 ) . Many Brazilian children attend school until noon and then work in the market to supplement the family’s income. Most report that they wished they could attend school full time (World Vision International 2007 ) . To rectify this problem, some countries, such as Zimbabwe, offer “earn and learn” schooling programs. But the dropout rate, even there, is as high as 20% of participants each school year (Bass 2004 ) . Similarly, China has systematically failed to provide suffi cient funding for public schools in poor, remote areas so that schools have had to fi nd innovative ways to replenish their coffers. More than 400,000 middle and junior high schools have set up agricultural and manufacturing schemes using student labor to generate income ( HRW 2007 ) . The Victimizaiton of Children Who Work 33

Relatively simple steps can be taken by governments to facilitate school attendance even if children work. One example is offered by the Indian state of Kerala. For decades, Kerala has had the highest literacy rate among the Indian states. The state also has a negligible percentage of children aged 5–14 who are the main workers of the family (Weiner et al. 2006 ) . To avoid absenteeism, school recess has been established to coincide with the harvest time so that youths can help in the tea, pepper, nutmeg, cardamom, and ginger harvesting. Similarly, although there are almost two million working children between that ages of 9 and 18 in Iran (usually refugees from Iraq and Afghanistan), the Iranian government has forbidden children below 15 from working while encouraging children to work fewer hours and attend free schools for longer hours (Jalali 2004 ) .

Hazardous Work

In addition to long hours, poor wages, and denied educational opportunities many child laborers face risking their immediate and long-tem health. One such danger is malnutrition. Often entering the labor force malnourished children may leave home to work only to fi nd that they are fed minuscule amounts while being required to engage in tasks that expend more calories than they consume. Or, those who remain at home while engaged in labor share their earnings to feed their family, thus reducing their own calorie consumption while they are expending more energy working to help feed the family. Because of limitations of physiological and emotional development inherent to age there is scientifi c reason to protect children from this exploitation. Children are also at a physiological disadvantage due to a higher chemical absorption rate, rapid skeletal growth, lower heat tolerance, and ability to assess risks (see Child Labor Education Project, ND). Thus, working children may be physically victimized by the simple fact that their labor actually detracts from their nutrition. Among the many external dangers working children may face are toxins, carcinogens, bad and unsanitary working conditions, sexual harassment and related diseases, childhood arthritis from redundant labor. Article 19(1) of the Convention on the Rights of the Child stipulates that all children have the right to be free of “…all forms of physical and mental violence, injury or abuse, while in the care of parent(s), legal guardian(s), or any other person who has the care of the child.” But many working children – especially those away from home – experience threats to their wellbeing as well as abuse and exploitation by their employers and fellow workers (HRW 2006 ; UN 1989: 19). In many instances the jobs young workers are assigned involve risky enterprises and dangerous work-sites that could have both immediate and long-term negative health consequences. Weiner et al. ( 2006 ) observed that accidents and health risks shorten the number of years a child-worker may be able to be a productive worker. Many young workers, for example, labor in recycling units all around the third world in cheap dumping grounds salvaging parts from used computers and other 34 2 Child Labor electronics. Invariably they labor without protective gear and are exposed to toxic chemicals and other health hazards. Some children work at extremely risky ventures, endangering their very lives such as the children sold to fi sherman in Ghana, and elsewhere in West Africa, who risk losing their lives while diving to loosen trapped nets (Omaar 2007 ) . In Afghanistan, Cambodia, and Northern Iraq children work to salvage the copper, brass, and aluminum from unexploded landmines and ammunition. Not infrequently, they set the explosives off, losing their lives and limbs (Townsend 2003 ; The Hindu 2009 ; The Nippon Foundation 2008 ) . And under-aged matadors may bring much pride to their parents, who usually are their masters, at the risk of injury or their lives ( BBC 2009 ) . Article 3C of the International Labour Organization’s The Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention No. 182 prohibits work that …by its very nature or the circumstances in which it is carried out, is to harm the health, safety or morals of the children” (ILO 1999 : 2). Although India is an enthusiastic signatory to this international agreement, enterprises that recruit child labor in India often violate this standard (Subbaraman and Witzke 2007 ; Weiner et al. 2006 ) . One such industry is fi reworks manufacturing where child workers face an imminent and a constant threat of fi re. According to some estimates about 45,000 children below age 15 are employed in the fi reworks and match-making related cottage industries in and around the town of Sivakasi in Tamil Nadu, India (Weiner et al. 2006) . Many children, along with their parents, are engaged in making small fi reworks in the backyards of their homes (Menon 2007 ) . In the United States, child agricultural workers, typically the poorest of the poor migrating wherever harvesting is in season, may be exposed to an array of dangers that arise from carcinogens in pesticides, unsanitary working and living conditions, and accidents from risky equipment (CDC 1998 ; HRW 2000 ) . In China, an under-aged worker in a naphthalene factory near Najing died in an explosion while a 15-year old boy, exhausted from successive 20-hour days, died from being caught in a ginning machine (French 2007 ) . In Guangdong, in southern China, for scant amounts girls between the ages of 13 and 15 are forced to work for 300 hours a month (Barboza 2008 ) . In China 131 children who ingested oil were poisoned while working in a school manufacturing enterprise making castor oil on its premises for a local business ( HRW 2007 ) . The same report reveals that in Xinjiang Province local authorities fi nally banned cotton-picking for elementary and middle school children as being excessively physically demanding, although picking vegetables and collecting recycling materials were not forbidden. Working children around the world face physical health risks that would be deemed criminal if faced by adult workers in many parts of the world. In one case, a garbage-heap resident of Phnom Penh, Cambodia hoped that her 10-year old child would grow up to work in a factory because she had seen other children picking trash in the garbage-heap being run over by garbage trucks ( Kristoff 2009b ) . In Uttar Pradesh, India over 5,000 children employed in pottery factories routinely inhale silica dust that could cause pulmonary fi brosis ( Weiner et al. 2006 ) . Around the globe, many child workers are affected by the onset of early arthritis and joint diseases stemming from repetitive movement and the cumulative effects of toxins and harmful chemicals (HRW 2000 ; Kenny 2007 ) . In the brick-making industries of The Victimizaiton of Children Who Work 35

Peru, it is not unusual for a young child to haul between 1,000 and 2,000 bricks a day – each weighing four to nine pounds (Parker 2008 ) . Indeed, in Latin America, Asia, and Africa the sight of usually barefoot small children carrying loads on their heads while dodging a variety of hurdles is a regular affair. Although illegal, 1,000 of Bolivian children, referred to as “jucus,” work pushing and steering carts fi lled with tin, drill holes with sledge hammers weighing twenty-fi ve pounds to extract and clean tin ore. When inhaled, dust from this ore can cause headache, loss of appetite, and death due to prolonged exposure (World Vision International 2007 ) . Sudhakar ( 2008 ) reports that a minor girl was lured, without her parents’ knowledge or consent, by an offi cial of a spinning mill in Tirunelveli in Tamil Nadu, India into feeding cotton in a machine which chopped off four of her right-hand fi ngers. In Ecuadorian banana plantations children as young as 8 and 12, working for as little as $3.30 per day, are not only endangered by 12-hour shifts, sexual harassment, and sharp objects such as knives, but also toxic pesticides sprayed from aircrafts that pose long-term health risks. As noted by Human Rights Watch (2002 : 4): …they used to protect themselves from the toxic liquid: hiding under banana leaves, bow- ing their heads, covering their faces with their shirts, covering their noses and mouths with their hands, and placing banana cartons on their heads. In violation of law, Egyptian youngsters employed in the cotton cooperatives are systematically exposed to toxic chemicals. Sometimes they are asked to saturate cotton ropes with dangerous pesticides using motorized pumps to spray since it is the pumps that have wide-aperture nozzles, and collect egg masses of pests from the residue-soaked cotton crop (HRW 2001 : 8). Besides the hazards of their work, child workers often experience brutal employers. For example, LaFerniere (2006 ) described the life of a thirty pounds 6-year old in Ghana, who from the chilly pre-dawn paddles a canoe a mile out from shore for 5 hours so that his employer could fi sh. He often worked 14-hours a day besides receiving liberally dealt out beatings from his employer. The lives of illiterate boys engaged in dangerous work in the lead gas fume fi lled environments of auto repair shops in the Dominican Republic are hopeless and bleak (World Vision International 2007 ) . Children employed in roadside food stalls in India face a variety of threats (Pandey 2006 ) . Besides the dangers lurking in working in recycling activities, the boys experience “Physical violence against child workers ranges from slaps to severe beatings using implements such as shoes, belts, sticks, or household implements; knocking heads against the walls; and burning skin with irons, among other forms of violence” (HRW 2003 : 2). Children, some traffi cked across from Mali and Burkina Faso working in the cocoa farms of the Ivory Coast report beatings, long hours in the hot sun, and injuries from the machetes they are too small to handle to split the cocoa pods (Bass 2004; Fedrau 2008; MSNBC 2009 ; Tiger 2003 ) . Haitian boys and girls, report physical and psychological abuse in the hands of the masters of the households where they work as “restavecs” (World Vision International 2007 ) . The problem is of a different kind, but accentuated when the child worker is female while working in someone else’s household. “One of the most common forms of mistreatment that serves to reinforce the inferiority 36 2 Child Labor of child domestic workers’ status in the household is the withholding of food, or providing poor quality or rotten food” (HRW 2003 : 2). Besides demeaning personal attacks and slurs when they make mistakes, cause accidents, or commit minor infractions, or even for cleaning poorly or responding slowly to an order, some employers resort to physical violence such as beatings with objects or injuring the children with hot metal (Agal 2006 ; HRW 2003 : 2; HRW 2006 ) . It is not uncommon for child workers to also encounter psychological trauma of various kinds. For example, when minor girls are employed as domestics, some of them are sexually harassed by the men of the household, or the women and children repeatedly taunt or denigrate them personally, use ethnic slurs or insults regarding their indigenous or lower status (HRW 2006 ) . In El Salvador and Guatemala, more than 15% of the female domestic workers changed employers due to sexual harassment or abuse (HRW 2003 ) . Indonesian and Philippino under-aged domestic workers report being fondled and sexual harassed by the men of the households. Similar accounts are not uncommon from Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (HRW 2006 ) . And Guatemalan girls working as maids often report unwanted sexual advances by men living in, or associated with, the households where they are employed (Human Rights Watch 2004 ) . A young girl recalled that “The employer’s sister’s husband tried to abuse me sexually, several times. … He used to come to my room. I would cry, so he never succeeded” (Haviland 2007 : 3). Many a physical woe and psychological trauma awaits girls traffi cked, sold, or engaged in prostitution for a livelihood. These include HIV/AIDs, venereal diseases, recurrent unwanted pregnancies, and their consequent attempts to end them by abortions, serious and persistent physical injuries from their patrons and brothel owners, and pimps who humiliate them and induce a drug habit to terrorize the shat- tered children into obedience ( Kristoff 2009a ) . In addition, physical damage can occur from sexual penetration of a girl or a boy by an adult – sometimes causing repeated bleeding and tears (Montgomery 2001) . The sex-slave trade in girls in Southeast Asia, particularly Cambodia, is notorious for its mistreatment of girls and young women (Hansen 2008 ; ILO 1996 ; Morris 2005 ) . The same dangers are faced by girls in China migrating to the cities in search of work (Davidson 2001 ) . Many of these girls wind up in the brothels of Bangkok and Chiang Mai in Thailand and minors from Nepal and Bangladesh are traffi cked into the brothels of Indian cities (ILO 1997 ) . Thus, by the nature of their work and the adults they encounter while working, the involvement of children in labor can pose tremendous threats to their present and future wellbeing. Their physique, resources and power, knowledge and ability are unequal to those who may abuse and exploit them. In immoral and exploitative environments many children do, indeed, become disposable commodities.

Trafﬁ cking for Child Labor

The ILO’s ban on the “worst forms of child labour” includes traffi cking (ILO 1999 ) . Traffi cking of a child is defi ned as taking minors from their domicile country, across The Victimizaiton of Children Who Work 37 different countries’ borders – legally or illegally. The United Nations Traffi cking Protocol, Article 3, prohibits recruitment, transportation, transfer, harboring, or receipt of persons by any means – including fraud, coercion, and deception – to give and receive payments or benefi ts ( UN 2000 ) . Even if the destination is not the brothels or the streets of cities but respectable well-to-do neighborhoods in urban centers, danger lurks for the victims of child traffi cking – physical harm, sexual harassment, rape, non-payment of salary, loss of freedom to associate and move. Children transported across borders are typically destined to two sectors of the labor market: domestic work and the sex trade. In an extreme case, children as young as 13 were kidnapped from the impoverished rural southwestern Sichuan Province and sold to work in the labor-scarce boom areas of China (Barboza 2008 ) . Italian authorities discovered under-aged Bulgarian children working in circus in Italy ( BBC 2007e ). Unsurprisingly, sex-traffi cking tends to focus on desperately poor young girls ( BBC 2007e, f, g; Buckley 2005 ; Kitsantonis 2008 ; Kristoff 2009, a, b , Morris 2005 ; Pressly 2007 ) . The traffi cking of child workers is closely intertwined with the practice of selling of children into bondage and slavery, particularly in South Asia and Africa. International agreements prohibit “All forms of slavery and practices similar to slavery, such as the sale and traffi cking of children, debt bondage and serfdom, and forced or compulsory labour, including forced or compulsory recruitment of children for use in armed confl ict” (ILO 1999 : Article 3a). Regardless, the slave trade in children is a global reality. By some estimates the worldwide number of enslaved children could be as high as nine million (Omaar 2007 ) . Gang-controlled child slave-workers are an invisible and unaccounted source of labor in China (Tong and Lu 2004) . Human bondage and slavery still prevails in many part of Africa and Asia where many a child is trapped, seemingly forever, by their own ignorant parents, and willing adult guardians (Bass 2004 ; Caistor 2007 ; LaFerniere 2006 ; Omaar 2007 ; Rodgers and Standing 1981). Although the Convention on the Rights of the Child, Article 35 prohibits the abduction, sale of children for any purpose, some governments like Sudan rationalize slavery as a tribal tradition of hostage-taking by rival ethnic groups (Winter 2007 ) . A 12-year old boy in Mawulehawe, Ghana was sold by his mother to a fi sherman “master” for $48.00 worth of local money – two months’ local wages (Omaar 2007 ) . Child slaves are a common sight in the cocoa plantations of the Ivory Coast (Severson 2006 ) . And, smuggled in from Yemen to Saudi Arabia, a child may be forced to beg by his or her owners (Omaar 2007 ) . Whether it is called slavery, bonding the labor of a child, “restavec,” fostering, or some other term the practice of traffi cking children as labor is often motivated by the same inability of poor parents to provide fundamental amenities for their young. And, regardless of the explanations they may offer, the goals of the purchasers of bonded child labor are always the same – to maximize labor value, even if it means exploiting and endangering the children under their power. In this equation, the losers are the youngsters who are overworked, their health and life often put at risk, and their future traded off and made bleaker by their diminished potential for employment due to ill-health, and/or the lack of skills required in a modern world wired for technology. 38 2 Child Labor

Rodgers and Standing (1981a ) describe the negative impact that low local farm wages have on debt bondage among the scheduled castes and tribes in several Indian states where, to free themselves of debt, fathers depute their sons to work for the lenders. Grammaticas (2007 ) reports that an estimated 25,000 sex slaves in Karnataka, southern India where prepubescent girls who were sold as “devadasis” – slaves to the goddess of fertility – by their own parents whose major source of income was their daughters’ prostitution. A 12-year old Cambodian girl, traffi cked and sold to a brothel owner, was kept caged underneath the brothel (Omaar 2007 ) . In a vivid report Hansen ( 2008) describes the plight of child sex-slave workers in Southeast Asia, particularly Cambodia, whose ubiquitous health risks includes violent punishment for infractions. In many tradition-bound cultures selling a child, particularly a daughter, is sometimes cloaked under the label of acceptable commercial transaction. For the equivalent of $300 a poor father in Iran sold his under-aged daughter in marriage to an older man. Girls are sold for as little as $33 in Khorassan, in the north, while in the southeast girls are reportedly sold for as little as $4.00 to work in the brick-making, carpet weaving, textile and clothing-industries (Chatsaz and Samsami 2006 ) . In the small American farming community of Greenfi eld, California a migrant laborer-father sold his 14-year old daughter to an 18-year old man for $16,000 in cash, and some cases of beer, and meat (MSNBC 2009a ) . Babies destined to be forced into labor as children from a Nigerian “baby farm” fetch about $127 (BBC 2008a) . In Mauritania, West Africa both chattel and contract slavery persists, even after the slaves have been freed by aid agencies. Of the 300,000 Africans who were “bought back” by aid agencies, many continue to work for their owners because of psychological and economic barriers to their returning home (Bass 2004 ) . In Haiti, ironically the fi rst country to abolish slavery after its independence in 1804, poverty and the breakdown of the social order has resulted in slavery-like conditions for 1,000 girls placed in domestic servitude under the euphemism restavec, “stay a while” (Caistor 2007 ) . LaFerniere (2006 : 3) narrates a vivid account of traffi cked children: In 2001, 35 children, half of them under age 15, were discovered aboard a vessel in a Benin port. They said they were being shipped to Gabon to work. In 2003, Nigerian police rescued 194 malnourished children from stone quarries north of Lagos. At least 13 other children had died and had been buried near the pits, the police said. Nigerian police stumbled upon 64 girls aged 14 and younger, packed inside a refrigerated truck built to haul frozen fi sh. They had traveled 100 of miles from central Nigeria, the police said, and were destined for work as housemaids in Lagos. In the case of traffi cked and laboring children, it is diffi cult to count the numbers whose lot is the consequence of their family’s troubles or the victimization by machete and automatic weapons-wielding bands and gangs who kidnapped them to sell them into slavery. A 2002 study estimates that there are 12,000 traffi cked children applying pesticides, clearing fi elds with machete, and slicing open cocoa pods in the Ivory Coast’s cocoa fi elds (LaFerniere 2006 ) . Bass ( 2004: 149) reports that in the The Victimizaiton of Children Who Work 39 large Adjame market of Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire, investigators discovered a “maid market” where young girls were being bought and sold from a ramshackle, corrugated iron and wood shack. A Small group of slaves who had been liberated from the estimated 20,000 slaves in Niger again had substantial number of children. In the late 1990s the Sudanese government was implicated in the practice of allowing marauders to carry out “slave raids” in which innocent women and children were captured and then sold as domestic and agricultural slaves. Amnesty International estimates that 90,000 black Africans still live as “property” of Arab Berbers in Mauritania, and that 300,000 freed slaves are trapped both psychologically and economically into continued servitude under their former masters. Additionally as many as 3000 girls live in bondage as part of the Trokosi institution in the Volta delta of Ghana, where girls and women provided physical labor and sex to shrine priests to atone for sins committed by their relatives. Slave families in Taudenni in the north of Mali mine salt blocks sold in Mpoti. The prospect of poor youngsters being sold into slavery plagues African nations, while in South Asia bonded-labor is the nemesis of the children born into poverty. In India, there may be regional variations in its incidence. In the cotton fi elds of Andhra Pradesh, India alone some 95% of the 250,000 girl-laborers were bonded by their indebted parents (Weiner et al. 2006 ) . Since the 1980s one social activist, Kailash Satyarthi, had freed 75,000 bonded, Indian child-laborers. Weiner et al. ( 2006 : 26) note that “…according to the National Survey on bonded labour conducted by Marla, in Andhra Pradesh 20% of the bonded labourers in the state were under the age of 15… . In Orissa children below the age of 15 years make up 20.5% of the total bonded labourers in the state.” In Rajasthan, 17% of the bonded workers were below age 20, while in Tamil Nadu about 11% of the 11–15 year old workers were in bondage. Economically developed nations are not immune to bonded child labor. In the United States, and in European countries such as Germany, France, the Netherlands, and England, employers – overwhelmingly themselves immigrants – have been tried and punished for bringing under-aged servants into the country. In Michigan a Cameroonian man was given a 17-year prison term for bringing a 14 year-old Cameroonian girl as an unpaid domestic (MSNBC 2008) . An Egyptian girl was held as a virtual slave (leased for a 10-year period for the payment of $45 per month to her parents) by a wealthy Egyptian couple in California charged with a number of crimes: The couple pleaded guilty to all charges, including forced labor and slavery. They were ordered to pay $76,000, the amount Shiyma would have earned at the minimum wage. The sentence: Three years in federal prison for Ibrahim, 22 months for his wife, and then deportation for both (MSNBC 2008 ) . LaFerniere (2006 ) reports that a Ghanaian couple eking out an existence as fi sher folk sold fi ve of their children into labor through friends and acquaintances of their Ghanian employers who paid a commission for each child supplied to work as domestics and fi sherman. 40 2 Child Labor

Laws

The employment of children is not a simple matter of necessity dictated by informal tribal and social customs. Important socioeconomic factors such as modes and places of production, motives of entrepreneurship, and the concept and goals of work, generate the contemporary milieu of supply and demand that affect the role of children in the work place. For one, children are a cheap source of labor compared to adult, particularly unionized, workers. Two, by hiring children employers can avoid accountability as they are easily disposable and they are not constituents of politicians. Three, out of fear of physical and emotional brutality and ignorance of their rights, children demand less and are easily train- able, fl exible, and controllable. Many countries have laws concerning the hiring and employment of minors and some, like Nicaragua, even have constitutional provisions regarding children’s rights (see Library of Congress 2009 ) . However, the age at which young people can be employed vary, ranging from 14 years in Niger to 18 in Libya with most considering 15 or 16 to be the age of majority (Rodgers and Standing 1981a ). Federated countries like the United States and Canada have a plethora of state and provincial laws under the aegis of their respective labor departments (Library of Congress 2009 ) . In addition to local and national laws, several international protocols and agreements on the employment of children provide them some protection. The International Labor Organization is foremost among the international organizations that almost single-handedly brought about changes in the laws regarding the employment of children. This organization has tirelessly waged a battle against the exploitative employment of children (Bass 2004 ) . As early as 1930, the International Labour Organization’s Forced Labour Convention No. 29 tried to set standards on compulsory and forced labor in all its form – slavery and debt bondage (ILO 1997 ) . With the single exception of Saudi Arabia countries around the world have signed on to this agreement (HRW 2006 ) . In 1973, the ILO also introduced the Minimum Age Convention No. 138 in all sectors of the economy ( ILO 1997 ) . This agreement allowed for the employment of children in light work when reaching age 13 in general and age 12 in under-developed economies. The agreement, otherwise, set age 18 as the norm for dangerous work. Since 1919, again in 1930, and in subsequent conventions that culminated in the Worst Forms of Child Labor Convention No. 182 during 1999, the ILO committed that signatories to the agreement eliminate child labor in their respective countries by the year 2016. The consensual priority of the convention was to abolish the worst form of child labor, with the fi nal goal of eradicating child labor altogether (Pinheiro 2006 ). In the western hemisphere, the Central American country of El Salvador was the fi rst to develop a time-bound program (TBP) for the elimination of the worst forms of child labor. Of the 173 ILO member states, 133 are signatories to, and bound by, one or more of the various ILO protocols. Laws 41

Since 1979, the ILO has carried out its own research on child labor (Liebel 2004 ) . In 1992 the organization also launched the International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC) specifi cally focusing on forced labor, hazardous conditions, and under 12-year olds (ILO 1992 ) . For decades, the World Health Organization (WHO) has focused attention on the health risks faced by child workers. And the World Bank has investigated the correlation between poverty and child labor (see Cigno et al. 2002; Liebel 2004) . And UNICEF’s concern with street children led to a focus on child workers. Numerous Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) concerned with human rights and children’s rights and children’s lives, such as Save the Children, also started to pay attention to children in the labor force. In declaring 1979 as The International Year of the Child, the United Nations began a move toward an international human rights movement on behalf of children. Ten years later the United Nations ( 1989 ) convened the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) with the goal of establishing the human rights of children. Member states voted and agreed upon Article One that sets age 18 as the end of childhood. Article 32 focused on children’s work, while Article 19 protects children from all forms of physical and mental violence, injury, abuse, neglect or negligent treatment (Pinheiro 2006 ; UN 1989 ) . However, the Convention provided some leeway in Article One by asserting that every human being below the age of 18 years, unless under the law applicable to the child, majority is reached earlier (OECD 2003 ) . Under this Convention, the various signatory countries that lacked protective legislation were prodded into enacting appropriate laws to prevent, and punish, those exposing children to exploitative and dangerous work. Again in 2000, the United Nations included two Optional Protocols to the Convention ( UN 2000a ) . These forbid entangling children in armed confl icts and prevent the sale of children, child prostitution, and child pornography, frequent sources for exploiting child labor. Besides these general rules, other agreements among the member states of the United Nations have resulted in agreements regarding specifi c issues. Various international human rights agreements, and the protocols against “Kidnapping” (Article 11) and “Traffi cking”(Article 35) specifi cally aim to prevent traffi cking children for their labor by punishing those who transport, transfer, harbor, or receive the victims (Muntarbhorn 1996 ; UNICEF 2005 ; UN 1989, 2000, 2002 ) . However, these agreements are not as legally binding as are local laws. Moreover, for those countries that are not signatories to the Convention, and even among those that violate the agreed upon standards, enforcement power is lacking. There is little that the United Nations can do to actually “punish” any country for not living up to or agreeing to these standards. In addition in many societies there are issues of deep-seated culturally ingrained misogyny against certain segments of the population. Fore example, in Pakistan with its cultural norms and legal standards that discriminate against females, instead of help, under-aged prostitutes from Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, and Sri Lanka receive cruel justice (Muntarbhorn 1996 ) . Some countries, putting national 42 2 Child Labor prestige above the welfare of children, have chosen to opt out of time-limits to eradicate the worst forms of child labor (ILO 1999 ) . On the other hand, some countries have enacted major laws targeting the protection of children from harsh, hazardous, and exploitative deployment into the labor force (see: LOC 2009 ) . For example, Argentina enacted “Law for the Integral Protection of Children and Adolescents” that went into effect in 2005. In Australia and Canada, federal, state, and territory-wide laws govern the employment of all children below age 18. The Brazilian Constitution covers the rights of minors below age 14 from being employed, except as apprentices. China also has passed various domestic laws guaranteeing that children below age 16 are not employed, except in literature, arts, and physical culture. France, requiring compulsory education between ages 6–16 and allowing only light work for those who are at least 14 during the school recess, has set into motion various mechanism to monitor the enforcement of the CRC. In Germany, the law forbids those below age 14 from engaging in the labor force under the rules of the European Human Rights Convention. Israel adheres to the international protocol while maintaining special laws to protect children below 15 from being hired. Japan and Greece have set the legal age to start employment at 15. Lebanon categorically prohibits those below 13 from working. Besides the CRC, the Mexican Constitution (Article 123) and specifi c laws protect children below 14 from being recruited to work (see: Carey 2004 ) . Nicaragua meanwhile has incorporated the CRC as a constitutional mandate, and forbids those below 14 from working, while allowing minors aged 16–18 to enter into labor contracts and those between 14 and 16 to do so with the consent of their parents and the Ministry of Labor. Although a signatory to the CRC, national legislation incorporating the agreement has not been enacted in the Russian Federation, however children below 15 are not allowed to work. Iran’s Islamic law’s prohibits children under 15 from working and those under 12 from engaging in traditional carpet weaving. The South Korean constitution and laws also prohibit the employment of children below age 15 (Traver 2004 ) . With numerous ordinances Bangladesh limits the age at which children can be employed (Gentleman 2007 ; Hasan 2007 ) . India has had child labor legislation from 1881 when various Acts of the Parliament were passed under British rule (Weiner et al. 2006) . In addition, India’s constitutional guarantee of universal education until age 14, and the various labor laws on the books since colonial times, offi cially discourages employment of children younger than 14. The Child Labour Prohibition and Regulation Act (Part B) of 1986 in India has a list of 17 occupations that are forbidden of children, such as rolling tobacco, carpet weaving, cement manufacture, cloth printing, dyeing, and weaving, soap manufacture, mica cutting, manufacture of matches, explosives, and fi re works, tanning, wool cleaning, and soldering of electronics (Anandharajakumar 2004 ; Weiner et al. 2006 ) . Thus, both under international law and local and regional laws, child labor is either prohibited, or limited and regulated in some way. Yet children are found working around the world in spite of legal prohibitions against it. What more can be done? Eliminating Child Labor 43

Eliminating Child Labor

There are two basic identifi able goals sought by those concerned with the victimization of children who work. One is to abolish existing child labor. The second is to prevent child labor in the future. Achieving each may require unique and appropriate measures given the diversity of motives, circumstances, and economies associated with the use of children in labor. Poverty, family breakdown, health issues, and disasters, cultural biases and other forces “push” children into the labor force. Unscrupulous employers, recruiters, and traffi ckers “pull” them into work (OECD 2003 ; UNICEF 2005 ) . Boyden and Myers ( 1995 ) point out that child labor is diffi cult to control in developing countries due to poverty, the dispersive nature of most child work, and the limitations of traditional, legal approaches. Thus, measures to eliminate child labor must include a system- wide strategy such as the enactment of laws and their enforcement. In addition, individual actors – the parents, the children themselves, their recruiters, and their employers, and the consumers of the fruits of their labor – must be targeted. Legislation is the major weapon that countries use in trying to eliminate child labor. However, such laws if un-enforced or unenforceable are useless. A case in point is India’s ban on children under 14 from being employed as domestics. In spite of the law, child servants are to found in households around the country (see Pandey 2007 ) . In addition to “labor” laws, to make sure that children are not entering the labor force, risking their wellbeing and displacing adult workers, all countries have various laws requiring school attendance of children, and limit the recruitment of youngsters by setting age restrictions on when they can quit school. However, legislation is effective only if enforcement is rigorous (see Belletini and Ceroni 2004 ) . Many countries like the United States have enforceable, state-level “truancy laws” and truancy offi cers to enforce them. But there is often a disparity between what exists on “the books” and what happens in reality. In many societies enforcement is a major problem, although many countries do have multi-pronged means of enforcement. Sri Lanka, for example, has a National Child Protection Authority, the Department of Probation and Childcare under the Ministry of Social Welfare, the Department of Labor, the police, and the juvenile magistrate courts available to enforce its child-protection laws (Arunatilake and de Silva 2007 : 169–187). There are also laws threatening employers with punishment, usually nominal monetary penalties, for employing children. Even in the rare instances when they are levied, these penalties do not appear to be adequate deterrents in many localities given the enormous profi ts to be made from exploiting child workers. In India surprise and midnight raids to rescue child workers from industrial units have been used (Kannan 2007 ; The Hindu 2006, 2007 a, b, c ) . But, any attempt to abolish the victimization of child labor through legal means must involve the real use of prison terms and heavy fi nes ( The Hindu 2007d) . The problem is that of getting authorities to actually enforce the law. It is heartening that precedence is being set by a local regional tribunal in Niamey, Niger, for example, which ordered the government to pay $19,000 in damages to a 24-year old woman who was sold into slavery at age 12 (Polgreen 2008 ) . 44 2 Child Labor

One tactic that seems to be effective in getting those in power to enforce the law is to give them incentives to do so. Media coverage and publicity to educate the public everywhere about the plight of working children can be a powerful instrument to mobilize public opinion and support. Reminiscent of the successful grape and lettuce boycotts organized in the United States, yet another strategy is trade sanctions and boycotts of employers who use child labor (BBC 2007a ; HRW 1989 ; McDougall 2008 ; MSNBC 2007 ) . A case in point is the trade sanctions that were imposed on the importation of garments produced by Bangladeshi children (Boyden and Myers 1995) . However, in a one-industry country like Bangladesh, an abrupt end to the employment of children does not guarantee a good life for children who come from households on the precipice of poverty unable to survive without the child’s income. Moreover, the victims of such strategies are usually female children who have assumed some power that comes with being a wage-earner. Also, not providing the children viable alternatives, such as education, nutrition, and some training in skills, makes trade embargos and similar tactics less desirable as long- term solutions. In Bangladesh the effective trade-embargo campaign waged by various NGOs, with UNICEF and trade unions support, actively negotiated with the government, helped produce nation-wide long-term change by a gradual withdrawal of children’s involvement in the economy while simultaneously improving education, nutrition, and family support. Some action to enforce some laws seems to be taking place in countries where this kind of child victimization is most acute. For example, African countries have prosecuted nearly 200 traffi ckers during 2005 – four times as many as in 2003 (LaFerniere 2006 ) . The Ghanian government has convinced employers to sign social contracts under threat of prosecution thereby releasing at least some of the child workers for whom the parents had been paid (LaFereniere 2006 ) . Recently, a West African regional court found the government of Niger guilty for its failure to protect a young woman who was sold into slavery when she was 12 (Polgreen 2008 ) . Worldwide valiant attempts are being made by various international organizations, such as UNICEF, the International Labor Organization, and the United Nations, to eliminate the use of child labor. In addition numerous worldwide and local voluntary, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and child advocacy groups, such as Save the Children, are involved in helping working children, besides preventing their being engaged in labor in the fi rst place. Targeting consumers of imported goods, the use of certifi cation that products are free of child labor has been a useful strategy. For example, the Rugmark Foundation’s label – a mark of good labor practices – was jointly introduced in 1994, by the Indo-German Export Promotion Council and UNICEF in the carpet industry in India, Pakistan, and Nepal, guaranteeing that no child labor was used in the manufacturing process (Subbharaman and Witzke 2007 ; Nepal 2007 ; OECD 2003 ) . The “Fair Trade Organization’s” mark identifi es coffee, banana, and other products from the developing world as not involving child labor. In many instances, a corporate sense of social responsibility may be stimulated, particularly with the threat to their pocketbook (see McDougall 2008) . “Global March against Child Labor” and its coalition partners, Free The Children, Radde Barnen of Sweden, International Eliminating Child Labor 45

Labor Rights Fund, Anti-slavery International, and the Child Rights Information Network of Switzerland have all raised consciousness of the consumers regarding the issues in the developed world. Some groups promote the power of community mobilization to eradicate child labor (Bhargava 2003 ) . In Andhra Pradesh, India one such movement was bank- rolled by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) with the help of local women’s self-help groups (SHGs). In a number of countries various voluntary agencies involved in child and consumer advocacy, have been vocal in eradicating child labor, particularly the most pernicious forms of them (Herath and Sharma 2007; ILO 2006 ; Montgomery 2001 ) . In an attempt to create less expensive, local programs that respected the economic power of work on the self-concept, a different community-based initiative was launched in the Philippines. With help from UNICEF, various NGOs, and the government street children could continue working but under the protection of a community network (Boyden and Myers 1995 ) . Local administrators and police in India have been raiding and rescuing children from their employers. In an attempt to educate children about their legal rights, traveling puppet shows are being used in India (The Hindu 2007e ) . And, with NGO and government partnership, child workers, rehabilitated child workers, and ordinary children in India regularly conduct national meetings to raise greater awareness of the rights of children ( The Hindu 2007 g, f ) . Ninety-fi ve percent of working children are forced to do so because of poverty (Montgomery 2001 : 136; Oyaide 2000 ) . Recognizing the interconnection between poverty and child labor, international agencies have followed-up with fi nancial help to local initiatives (ILO 1999 ) . The ILO initiative IPEC of 1995 was followed by 73 action programs and 52 mini-programs in Nepal alone ( Nepal 2007 ) . The 1999 Convention set new standards by rallying 87% of the member states, covering about 77% of the world’s children, focusing on workers’ organizations, employers, and poverty reduction assumed a critical role in combating child labor (ILO 2006 ) . Some people suggest that, within the framework of legislation and international agreements, investment in educational and other human capital development should be an integral part of efforts to combat child labor (Cigno et al. 2002 ; OECD 2003 ) . Research suggests that age limits for compulsory education, minimum age to work, and per capita education expenditure do not correlate with child employment, although teacher-student ratio (a crude indicant of quality of education) correlates somewhat with the entrance of children into the work force (OECD 2003 ) . Thus, as a way of eradicating child labor, at least in the interim, the provision of greater access to educational opportunity may not be very promising. As a long-term strategy, however, it may hold promise, at least for ending the cycle of poverty that leads to the necessity for children to work. Yet another strategy is oriented to modifying the conduct of individual poor people. Governments provide incentives geared toward alleviating and breaking the cycle of poverty – such as cash transfers – for the development of “targeted human- capital” to poor (mostly female) parents to keep their children in school. In a program called PROGRESA, Mexico spends a massive one-fi fth of its budget on education. Focusing on rural areas where most child laborers toil, schools offer 46 2 Child Labor double shifts, and children are allowed to transfer – whenever, and wherever, their parents migrate – to complete schooling. The program provides free nutrition, healthcare, books, and housing to poor families, while dispensing cash grants to parents when youngsters stay in school, attend regularly, and advance in school (Carey 2004 ) . Jamaica, and several other Latin American countries followed with their own minimum-income programs. The programs in Columbia, Mexico, and Nicaragua are considered very effective, and the rest as generally successful (Handa and Davis 2006 ; Legovini and Regalia 2001 ) . A World Bank report (Cigno et al. 2002 ; ILO 2006 ) emphasizes the role of economic growth credit availability for the poor, old age security and reduced fertility, and increased school attendance in cur- tailing child labor. Alone, such measures may fail among those who have been disenfranchised for generations, requiring that they overcome huge cultural and psychological barriers, and where parents feel children should work as training for future jobs (Pinto 2007 ) . Freed slaves in West Africa or bonded workers in India may not quickly and readily unshackle themselves from their past baggage, transforming themselves into free agents. So, any attempt to free them from their usual modes of existence requires psychological counseling and supportive networks. Thus, rehabilitating child laborers and providing them with schooling is one way to end the cycle of child labor. Along with education, providing vocational training for job-skills that ensure employability can go far in ensuring their future and that of their children. Can the world one day soon be rid of a labor force powered in large part by children? The International Labor Organization seems to feel it can (ILO 2006 ) . Perhaps a continuation of the kind of public attention and concerted action the issue has received of late may make this belief a reality.

Conclusion

Worldwide, the percentage of children who work has gradually fallen from 20% in 1980 to about 11% in 1999 (Cigno et al. 2002 ) . Although this may raise our hopes for an optimistic future, at present, child labor is an endemic problem in many societies. Usually it is the poverty of the children’s families and the countries in which they reside that is to be blamed for the lot of children coerced, or forced, to work. Although children may be desired as an amenable, cheap, and disposable source of labor, there are numerous crucial issues associated with putting children to work. These involve such fundamental questions of human rights, equal opportunities for education, employment, and realizing one’s potential. Moreover, besides the basic morality of expecting, or demanding, children to perform, and burdening them beyond their physical capabilities, are issues of fairness and justice. And the single most important issue concerns each individual child’s chances for self betterment. It is not the idea of children working that is an anathema to human rights advocates. It is the exploitation and abuse of child workers that is troublesome. Thus, the objection to child labor is not to children working per se. It is to their being overworked, References 47 undernourished, and required to engage in labor that is beyond their innate physical capacity and detrimental to their wellbeing that is objectionable and to be combated. Although it may be impossible to precisely measure the extent of the child labor, the available information suggests that it is a major problem for the youth of the world, particularly for those in developing countries and specifi c segments of populations everywhere. The negative impact of labor on children’s survival, health, and wellbeing is well documented, and requires immediate attention in enforcing local and international laws as well as addressing the conditions that make the work of children necessary in the fi rst place. Everyone, except perhaps the direct benefi ciaries of children’s work, agrees that the exploitation and enslavement of anyone is repugnant – particularly in situations of unequal power and knowledge. Although children work for various reasons, the chief cause of child labor is poverty. Since poverty is the lot of many marginal groups of any society, any attempt at addressing the victimization of working children must address the problems of their basic survival, or it is doomed to failure. But, besides keeping children out of the labor force is the necessity that they acquire the needed knowledge and skills for a better future for themselves and their offspring. The work of the UNICEF, the ILO, and a host of individuals and organizations is a promising beginning in the campaign to do just that.

References

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United Nations. 2000. Protocol To Prevent, Suppress, and Punish Traffi cking in Persons, Especially Women and Children, Supplementing the United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime. New York, NY: United Nations. United Nations. 2000a. Optional Protocol To The Convention On The Rights Of The Child On The Involvement Of Children In Armed Confl ict. http://www2.ohchr.org/English/law/crc- confl ict.htm . United Nations. 2002. Optional Protocol To The Convention On The Rights Of The Child On The Sale Of Children, Child Prostitution, And Child Pornography. http://www2.ohchr.org/english/ law/crc-sale.htm . Weiner, Myron; Burra, Neera and Bajpai, Asha. 2006. Born Unfree - Child Labour, Education, and the State in India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Wheeler, Julia. 2006. Dubai Rejects Slavery Case. http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/middle_ east/6053232.stm . Winter, Joseph. 2007. No Return for Sudan’s Forgotten Slaves. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/ africa/6455365.stm . World Vision International. 2007. Brazil: Series on Child Labor and Exploitation in Latin America and the Caribbean. San Jose, Costa Rica. http://www.visionmundial.org/visionmundial_in. php?id=154 . Zelaya, Raul & Larson, Desi. 2004. Honduras, pp. 91–100 in Schmitz, Cathryne L.; Traver, Elizabeth KimJin & Larson, Desi (eds.) Child Labor A Global View . Westport, CT: Greenwood. Chapter 3 Abandoned and Street Children

All over the world bands of homeless boys and girls roam the streets and byways of settlements, refl ecting the circumscribed poverty of those at the bottom of the world’s developing and developed economies. “Street children” have existed throughout history, and they are an integral reality of most urban landscapes, particularly in developing countries, around the globe. Even in affl uent societies, war and economic distress always seem to swell their ranks (Hagan and McCarthy 1998 ; le Roux 1998; Urbina 2009) . In spite of their inescapable visibility street children are mostly ignored as non-entities not worthy of much attention. Or they are viewed as roving bands of young rascals and are treated with revulsion by others. Street children are variously known as “gamino/a(s)” in Colombia, “khates” in Katmandu, Nepal, “malunde” in Zulu-speaking South Africa, or as “parking boys” in Nairobi, Kenya. In Brazil, although the term “meninos de rua” (children of the streets) exists, they are more commonly called “pixotes” or “moleques” (scamps) (Hecht 2000 ) . In Vietnam they are called “bui doi ,” the dust of life (HRW 2006 ) . Often they are referred to in pejorative terms – such as, street urchins, street Arabs, chinches, garotos, gamines, chinos de la calle, pájaros fruteros, pelones, and canillitas – terms that actually may refl ect their jobs but which portray them as a distinct, if not deviant, marginal social category (Glasser 1994 ; Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . Street children are perceived differently as helpless victim, or as willful survivors, or as agents of acts of lawlessness (Haviland 2009 ; Kovats-Bernat 2006 ) . These negative terms highlight the common feeling assigned to these children or their parents that they are to blame for their situation rather than social/economic systems whereby the poor cannot live up to the mainstream norm that children belong in the home (Aptekar 1988 ) . Street children often evoke images of beggars with glue-bottles held in scrawny, dirty hands. Immune from the unspoken norms of public decorum the highly visible and often unruly and law-dodging, street children are seen as running around at all times of day and night, as if they were in control of the streets. In fact, many work to make a living. For example, 99% of a sample of Nairobi, Kenya street children

C.A. Hartjen and S. Priyadarsini, The Global Victimization of Children: 55 Problems and Solutions, DOI 10.1007/978-1-4614-2179-5_3, © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012 56 3 Abandoned and Street Children engaged in various work activities to support themselves (Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . Yet, in reference to such children, comments such as the following are not uncommon (Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003 : 9) These are not children. These girls are just lazy and unemployable. They do not want to work. They would rather have easy money. Nothing good comes from the streets. Most girls from poor families are working as domestic maids so why should they just come and sit in the streets? Or, as another adult commented how street children are like piranhas, small and innocent in ones and twos, but when enough of them get together they attack like a school of man-eating fi sh (Hecht 1998 ) . Such attitudes reveal the discomfort and ambivalence the presence of unattached street children evokes among the general public. Regardless of the image others have of them – being “on,” and “of” the streets – their childhood, with its subsequent loss of ordinary joys and carefree existence, is lost. Opportunities for learning skills for future earning as adults are denied to them. Besides having to survive in a hostile environment of distrust, accusations, and being picked on virtually by everyone, they are subjected to loathing and have to bear the psychological trauma of name-calling. Seen singing for change on public buses, begging in central squares, and sleeping on doorsteps, their unkempt appearance – ill-fi tting, raggedy and shabby clothes – and their survival vocations – begging, stealing, scavenging – make them objects of scorn, rejection and abuse (Inter-American Parliamentary Group 1990 ; Rosemberg 2000 ) . The reality of street children is often quite different from the common stereotypes people have of them. According to Scheper-Hughes and Hoffman (1998 : 358) street children “…are simply poor children in the wrong place.” In developing countries they are often disabled, abandoned, or children of the poor. In developed countries they may be “experimenting” children of the not-so-desperately-poor who often return home within a month. Or they may hail from socially marginal groups in places like Hungary, Mumbai, India, Karachi in Pakistan, or Singapore (Bradshaw 2008 ; Denfeld 2007 ; Gregorian et al. 2003 ; Khong 2008 ; PAVNA 2004 ) . In Bolivia, poor parents emigrating for work abroad may leave their children behind with no one to care for them (Almudevar 2007 ) . “Angry, resentful, over-burdened and sometimes fatally inattentive, mothers in deadly combination with absent fathers is obviously not a script for child survival” (Scheper-Hughes and Sargent 1998 : 22). For example, the children of the poor Brazilian “matri-focal” households are expected not only to fend for themselves but also nurture their younger siblings, and take care of the household (Hecht 1998 ) . When asked if their mothers tell them not to go out so early, Nepali rag pickers who go out looking for scraps at three or four in the morning, replied “No, she tells me to go and earn some money” (Baker and Panter-Brick 2000 : 168). Throughout Latin America, for instance, thousands of these youngsters can be seen struggling to survive – lingering around parks and streets corners, shining shoes, begging – solo or accompanied by adults – at crowded intersections, singing for small changes on city buses, and in the streets of all major urban areas (Committee on International Relations 2005 ; Connolly 1990 ; Grainger 2007 ; Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003 ; Scheper-Hughes and Hoffman 1998 ) . Defi ning Terms 57

In short, being a child of the poor translates into being the nurturer of the sick, elderly relatives, and younger siblings, or being burdened with having to add to the family coffers by earning a living on the streets. In other cases the street becomes their only home for they have no other home to go to. Although while pursuing their livelihoods they may blend in with the working poor children, street children are really different from these children. Unlike the former, when their commercial activities end the streets are their refuge because, at the end of the day, they do not have homes to return to (Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . After dark, they sleep huddled together on the pavement and in alleyways. Thus, unlike the other children, street children live – work, eat, play, and sleep – their private/public lives in the glaringly public venue of the byways of society. This public domicile, and the tableau of public reaction to them, is reﬂ ected in their behavior, sense of self, and their emotions and goals. It also determines their future and well-being.

D e ﬁ ning Terms

But just what are “street children?” One defi nition describes anyone between ages 7–17 who is neither at work nor at school as a street child (Aptekar 1988 ; Rosemberg 2000) . The existence of “streets” is not essential to any defi nition since in many developing countries paved avenues and streets are absent but seemingly unattached and actually unattended children are a constant presence in public areas (Pinzón- Rondón et al. 2008 ) . Thus, one concept of street children defi nes them as young people below age 18 who lack protection and supervision, and who habitually inhabit the public places that are their abode. The Consortium for Street Children in Nicaragua found four categories of street children: (1) those who work and live on the street full time, (2) those who work the streets by day but link up with their families in the evenings, (3) children who are on the streets occasionally, and (4) those who inhabit the streets with their families (Palma et al. 2004 ) . It is quite important to delineate between those who are on their own, and the majority who are seemingly on their own but who, in fact, are accompanied by their adult guardians. For example, entire Brazilian families may live on the street in Saõ Paulo where the night wholesale market is the principal source of work for the marginally employed. Their, seemingly unattended, children selling a few things, or earning a little cash on their own, may be mistaken as “street children” even though they are very much a part of a family (Rosemberg 2000 ) . The prevalent patriarchal family structure among the Spanish descendants of Colombia starkly contrasts with the reality of matriarchal African-Colombian families in which children share the economic burden (Aptekar 1988 ) . In cultures with extended family networks – such as in Africa – the concept of “street children” seems puzzling to people, but the idea of a “parking boy” – a minor on his own earning his own keep – is well compre- hended (Agnelli 1986 ; Mugo 2004 ) . Others report of whole families living – even in the developed world – on the streets particularly during times of economic crisis. 58 3 Abandoned and Street Children

However, the modern Western notion of children living with parents within a home in a community precludes minors, unaccompanied by adults, making a living on their own, and/or inhabiting public space (see Panter-Brick and Smith, 2000 ). Street children are often referred to as children who are poor or orphaned, glue addicted, dirty and badly dressed who eat from dust bins, sleep out anywhere, beg, collect paper, do not go home, or kids with domestic problems such as alcohol, drugs, violence, and quarrels (Agnelli 1986 ; Glasser 1994 ; Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . When adult Kenyans were asked how to describe a street child they deﬁ ned them as poor children looking for food, or those escaping family problems such as divorce or abuse, or those discarded because of illegitimacy (Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . That family violence is frequently a fact of life for many street children appears to be a valid assessment. The child rag-pickers of Katmandu, Nepal for instance, often report alcohol abuse of parents (Glasser 1994 ) . Similarly Bangladeshi street-children report violence from family members, school teachers and others (Conticini and Hulme 2007 ) . But street children come from a diversity of backgrounds. Some Colombian street children, the “ chupagruesos,” work and live on the streets out of necessity, victimized by circumstances such as becoming orphans. Others, referred to as the “gamines” leave to escape burdensome family obligation and abuse, ubiquitously trading childhood protection and security for the freedom from authority and risks the streets seem to offer them (Aptekar 1988 ) . Among the children who work or sleep on the streets, but who do have families of some kind are the orphaned, abandoned, displaced, unaccompanied, and destitute children. The unaccompanied might include runaways seeking instant ﬁ lm stardom, or boys trying to escape their parents before discovering their poor school performance ( The Hindu 2009b ) . Often runaways, even in conservative countries like Iran, largely include young females (Lapidos 2008 ) . Child abandonment, if not extensive, occurs in countries as diverse as Argentina, India, or the United States ( The Hindu 2009a ; MSNBC 2008b ; Schweimier 2008 ) . In countries lacking institutional arrangements for public care, poor parents of severely handicapped (“monster”) children, unable and unwilling to take care of them, sometimes abandon them to the streets. In Eastern Europe there is common confusion between “street children” and “abandoned children” (Glasser 1994 ; MSNBC 2008 ; 2008a) . Other unaccompanied minors may be migrant children in places like Spain and Morocco. African youths accidentally displaced or separated from their primary groups due to war and other calamities constitute a large segment of the refugee population ( HRW 2002a ; HRW 1999 ; Veale and Dona 2003 ) . UNICEF categorizes street children as those who are “on the street” maintaining family ties – even if not returning home to their families daily – and those who, having permanently lost family ties, are “of the street,” working and domiciling on the street on their own. Often there is a cyclical transition between the two in that children living and working “on the street,” end up becoming children “of the street.” Some experts on the problem prefer a different distinction: “working children” are poor children working in the streets to supplement their family’s income, often returning or wanting to be home at the end of the day, where as “street children” are those who actually domicile on the streets (Aptekar 1988 ; Fahmi 2007 ; Numbers 59

Plummer et al. 2007 ; Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003 ) . Both categorizations essentially distinguish between two groups that, at a causal glance, look to be the same but whose lives and prospects may be quite different. Often, however, the distinction between these two groups is a thin line. The rag pickers of Katmandu, Nepal may intend to return home after work but often lacking the bus fare and unable to trudge home at the end of their hard working day, consequently, spend the night on the streets (Glasser 1994 ) . Many poor Brazilian children who claim to have grown up on the streets, continue “to return home” – to that of their mother or her surrogate – albeit only sporadically (Glasser 1994 ; Hecht 1998 ) . These youths may drift into living on the street by failing to maintain their family ties continuously, choosing to visit the family only sporadically particularly as they mature into adolescence (Fahmi 2007 ) . Most of the children test their freedom in stages that begin with fi nding their way around the streets, then developing relationships in the streets, fi nally leaving home and gradually cutting off the family ties that bind them (Almeida and de Carvalho 2000 ; Aptekar 1988 ; Fahmi 2007 ) . The longer their residency on the streets, the more diffi cult their reintegration with family and community (Weber 2009 ) . A distinct group of street-children are the “runaways.” Often the residency of runaways on the streets is cyclical, interspersed with several institutional stays, trips home, and then back to the street. Unlike the orphaned, the handicapped, or the abandoned whose legal status can be clearly defi ned, no delineable and distinct conceptual terminology exists in defi ning “runaways” who voluntarily leave home (Agnelli 1986 ) . In the developed world, running away from home is often defi ned as a serious “status offense” – a delinquent act on the part of a minor. All street children may engage in sporadic illegality out of sheer necessity for survival, some governments fail to distinguish between those youths who technically have families and homes and the other children who have no home at all and live on the streets, treating both the same.

Numbers

With a global estimate of 100–140 million street-children, the existence of these youths may be the greatest social problem facing governments in many parts of the world (Pakistan Voluntary Health and Nutrition Association 2004 ) . And street children are an ever-increasing presence in the mostly rural continent of Africa, especially in areas experiencing rapid urbanization and population displacement, (Agnelli 1986 ) . Because street children are not easy to count, it is impossible to enumerate the actual number of children who can be defi ned as “street children.” Typically they are the male and female children of the poor (Glasser 1994 ) . And accurately counting them is complicated by the fact that they are mostly excluded from the national infra-structure like attendance at schools. Also their alternating residences, revolving among family homes, temporary shelters, the nether world of brothels, and the chaotic streets, pose barriers to actually conducting a census of 60 3 Abandoned and Street Children their numbers. And, in their attempts to avoid social service and law-enforcement agencies they are seemingly visible yet, evasive, shadowy fi gures. If arriving at a total count of street children is elusive, tabulating the total number of throwaway (kicked out) children, abandoned children, runaways and those who leave home voluntarily, or those who work on the street but continue to defi ne their domicile as that of a parent is even more diffi cult. Female street children, in lieu of being seen on the streets but hidden in the shadowy underworld of prostitution, are consistently under-estimated (Glasser 1994 ) . G overnments and international agencies fi nd it nearly impossible to keep track of the children who are separated from their family and community in times of civil war and strife. It is believed that 75% of the world’s street children are “on” the street while 20% are “of” the street, and only 5% are truly abandoned children. Of the 100–140 million estimated street children worldwide a disproportionate number are found in the developing world, with overwhelming rates in Latin America (Agnelli 1986 ; Committee on International Relations 2005 ; Fahmi 2007 ; Glasser 1994 ; Tierney 1997 ) . According to Glasser (1994 ) Latin America has about 40 million street children. Asia has an estimated 31.2 million, while Africa has 10 million. In spite of its numerous problems related to the American embargo, with its tightly woven safety-net of elaborate social welfare program, relatively poor Cuba has virtually no street children (Mickelson 2000 ) . In Argentina an estimated 300,000 “abandoned” children make the streets their home (Agnelli 1986 ) . Extrapolating from international data, the government of Brazil, where children can quit school and start work at age 14, arrived at an estimated 1.9 million abandoned children (Rosemberg 2000 ) . According to others, there are an estimated 100,000 7–18 year olds living on the streets in all of Brazil, with about 700 street children in Rio de Janeiro alone (Committee on International Relations 2005 ) . One study, using diverse measures, counted 4,520 children along the Sao Paulo streets during the day. But others claim the number – in addition to the 468 children in various shelters – actually dropped to 895 children on the streets at night (Rosemberg 2000 ) . Compared to either Rio de Janeiro or Sao Paulo, the smaller city of Recifé has 212 children living on the streets according to the local government. Hecht (2000 ) estimated that there were 39,000 Recifé street-children while various international organizations claim the number to be 87,500 which is unrealistic given Recifé’s population of 1.5 million. Salvador, Bahia had 15,743 Brazilian street-children, mostly were boys (Almeida and de Carvalho 2000 ) . One out of every 10 poor Colombian children ends up on the streets (Aptekar 1988 ) . Among the more than 10 million Guatemalans, 335,000 children engage in street activities – shining shoes, begging, collecting garbage, and selling candy – maintaining regular contact with their families (Tierney 1997 ) . In Guatemala City, roughly 1,500 children may be totally detached from family life. Approximately 200,000 children were roaming the streets during 1981 in Mexico City (Agnelli 1986 ) . Egypt has an estimated one million street children, and 10% of the 2.5 million children living below poverty, supply a steady stream of street dwellers who reside in Cairo (Fahmi 2007 ). About 54% of the Kenyan street-children surveyed by one Numbers 61 research lived fulltime on the streets of Nairobi, while 46% regularly went home at the end of their workday (Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . A non governmental organization (NGO) called “Streets Ahead” estimated that 1,500 children, of whom 200 are girls, were Nairobi street dwellers. But other estimates claim that there were 5,000 children living on the streets of Harare, Zimbabwe in 2000 (Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003 ) . In Dar es Salaam, Tanzania there were between 200 and 300 street children in 1991 but by 1995 this number had ballooned to 3,500. These contradictory numbers hint at the diffi culty in calculating the precise extent of minors living on the streets. Efforts to estimate the numbers of street children in any specifi c location and at any specifi c point in time can be confounded by many factors. Civil war and ethnic confl ict in Africa, and elsewhere, wrenches children away from their families. At least a million children were orphaned and 12 million left homeless as a consequence of various armed insurgencies and confl icts (Scheper-Hughes and Sargent 1998 ; Hinton 2000 ) . In Rwanda alone about 1,500 street children make a living by shining shoes (Committee on International Relations 2005 ; Lyst 2007 ) . Sent away to escape the civil strife in the Ethiopian hinterland, about 10,000 children swelled the ranks of the streets dwellers in Khartoum in 1990 (Dodge and Raundalen 1991 ) . By some estimates, there are more than 30,000 street children in the Democratic Republic of Congo, 250,000 in Kenya and 150,000 in Ethiopia, while Mozambique is estimated to have between 3,500 and 4,500 street children. South Africa has an estimated 250,000 street children, and Zambia has 75,000, Zimbabwe 12,000 and Uganda 10,000. At least 445,226 street children are found in Bangladesh, 30,000 in Nepal, and 11 million in India. More than 1.2 million street children are to be found in the Philippines (Committee on International Relations 2005 ) . It is estimated that 150,000 street children exist in China while Indonesia has 170,000, and 3,000 children live on the streets of Port au Prince, Haiti (Pinheiro 2006 ) . Mongolia offi cially admits to 4,100 street children while under the communist regime it claimed their number to be only 400 (Weber 2009 ) . But the industrialized and developed West is not immune to the phenomenon of children using public spaces as their home. Some unsubstantiated claims estimate that there are 10 million ‘morally abandoned’ children in industrial societies (Agnelli 1986 ). In Australia there are an estimated 37,000 street children (Denfeld 2007 ) . Romania reports 400 street children in Bucharest while the entire country reportedly has 1,500 of them (Gregorian et al. 2003 ) . By some estimates, in 2000, there were 123,000 abandoned children among the one million homeless children in Russia (Fujimura et al. 2005) . There are an estimated 1.5 million American street children, and at least a half a million of them are affi liated with “street families” varying in size and depth of affi liation. About half of the street youths in both Toronto and Vancouver, Canada identifi ed themselves with such street families (Denfeld 2007 ) . In addition, an estimated 1.8 million missing American children use the streets as their abode (Hecht 1998 ) . Anywhere from 300, 000 to two million adolescents are living on the streets of The United States (Mickelson 2000 ; Posner 2000 ) . Agnelli ( 1986 ) reported that in 1980s, at least 20,000 minors lived on the streets of New York City. Although boys outnumber girls among the runaways on 62 3 Abandoned and Street Children the streets in the United States girls can more frequently be found along the streets and avenues (Posner 2000 ) . In 1985, a bitter winter brought to light many cases of French youths who lived on the streets in Paris (Agnelli 1986 ) . Whether they are accurate or unsubstantiated estimates, these numbers are a source of concern. And the escalating numbers of street children and their persistence across the globe regardless of economic or political system are disturbing (Fahmi 2007) . Both in terms of absolute numbers as well as their growth worldwide, it is imperative that governments around the world devote greater effort to addressing the conditions that drive children from their homes or render them abandoned or destitute so that the street becomes their only option for survival.

The Children Behind the Numbers

Most of the available information we have on street children is the result of ethnographic research. Supplementing this is information from street educators, contact workers, and counselors working for various agencies – governmental, international, and local non-profi ts – engaged in helping these children. Based on this information, a profi le of street children around the world can be drawn. Many street children may be mentally and physically handicapped as was found for children on the streets of Portland, Oregon and contemporary Russia (Denfeld 2007 ; Fujimura et al. 2005 ) . There are clear distinctions between street children who were runaways – to whom the street offers liberty – and the those who are forced out of their homes, are abandoned, or who have drifted away to devise their own means of existing on the streets (Fahmi 2007 ; Plummer et al. 2007) . Most street children may engage in income-producing work. For instance, in Recifé, Brazil a 3-year old named Demeris routinely contributed her earnings from begging to her single-mother’s household (Kenny 2007 ) . No matter where they are found, these street children often exhibit a work-ethic refl ecting that of the larger society (Fahmi 2007) . And for many of these child-earners the streets provide a kind of freedom where work and play activities often intertwine (Liebel 2004 ) . Some are children “on” the street with regular family contact. Others are children “of” the street with sporadic family contact. And some are children “in” the street – lacking any family and are totally on their own. The reasons for their being on the streets are the same – they are typically the progeny of the poor and come from families with poverty-related other troubles (Gregorain et al. 2003 ; Plummer et al. 2007 ) . As in one study of Ethiopian street children, across the world these children hunger for shelter, education, and training, but fi nd that street life provides them the basic needs that are unmet at home (Getachew undated; Veale, Taylor and Linehan 2000). Although the treatment they receive from adults and authorities is affected by their racial, ethnic, or religious identifi cation, street children are not homogeneous in age, gender, education, duration of their domicile on the street, or ethnicity. The Children Behind the Numbers 63

Age

Street children come in a variety of ages. However, they all exhibit the universal behavior of children of their ages – crying, sucking on thumbs or the reassurance of a security blanket, and playing with toys, roughhousing, and hanging out ( Kilbride et al. 2000 ; Aptekar 1988 ) . In Latin America boys start their street existence around age 8, with their numbers peaking around age 15 (Agnelli 1986 ) . Hecht (1998 ) found children as young as seven living on the streets of Recifé, Brazil. For example, in Aptekar’s ( 1988 ) sample of 56 street children, the youngest three were 7 years of age and the oldest was 27 years old, but 31 were between 10 and 13 years old. But many Brazilian street-children live in a cultural limbo – being too old to be considered children but too young to be citizens (Scheper-Hughes and Sargent 1998 ) . Although the younger children were perceived as cute, the adolescent ones were often labeled delinquents (Aptekar 1988 ; Fahmi 2007 ; Kovats-Bernat 2006 ) . In contrast to boys, runaways inhabiting the streets in the United States, for example, tend to be adolescent girls aged 14–15 (Posner 2000 ) . It is not unusual for street girls to be stigmatized and treated as prostitutes (Gvnet undated; Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003 ) .

Gender

Roughly two-thirds of the street children found anywhere are boys, while one-third are girls (Committee on International Relations 2005 ; Fahmi 2007 ) . According to Kovats-Bernat ( 2006: 11): “The street in Haiti is a rather gendered terrain, with boys outnumbering girls by a ratio of about four to one, a ratio that mirrors a worldwide trend.” Agnelli (1986 : 34) adds, “Street children everywhere are overwhelmingly boys because girls are normally more precious to households in looking after infants and helping with chores.” Although traditionally protected within the family in places like Zimbabwe or South Asia, female children have increasingly become an economic liability, the last to be educated and the ﬁ rst to be sacriﬁ ced by desperate families facing economic hardship (Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003 ) . And street children are keenly aware of the differential earning potential of girls and boys. Girls know that they can make more money begging, for instance (Kovats-Bernat 2006 ) . On the other hand, the girls Kilbride et al. (2000 ) interviewed in Nairobi, Kenya talked of limitations on their access to jobs and money due to their gender. As one girl noted, “A boy takes his gunia (bag) and goes in front of the shops so that he is given used and waste papers and cartons to sell and get some money while a street girl can stay the whole day without even getting something to eat…we can’t go and collect papers the way boys do” (Kilbride et al. 2000 : 62). 64 3 Abandoned and Street Children

Girls who live on the street do have different, and unique, concerns than their male counterparts. Being a female living in public view deprives them of privacy required while doing their ablutions or while menstruating. However, girls have better opportunities to establish survival-oriented sexual and other relationships with benefactors, some of whom are deep-pocketed Western tourists prowling the back alleys of countries like Thailand, Cambodia, and elsewhere (Aptekar, l988; The Cradle 2004 ; Denfeld 2007 ; Kovats-Bernat 2006 ; BBC 2009a ; Sciantarelli 2008 ) . The major source of income for many street girls is sexual services and prostitution. However, boys are not immune to this trade. For example, in Mombasa, Kenya so called “beach boys” engage in prostitution as a source of additional income (Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003 ; The Cradle 2004 ) . But sexual violence may lead to death, pregnancy, injuries and other health risks such as HIV-AIDS (Committee on International Relations 2005 ; Fahmi 2007 ; Kovats-Bernat 2006 ; PAVNA 2004) . However, the differential treatment of boys and girls on the street can have certain beneﬁ ts for street girls. Often, various state and private programs are geared to girls on the streets more so than boys. Community-based literacy and other programs such as Displaced Children’s and Orphans Fund, sponsored by USAID, for example, especially target girls in Afghanistan (Committee on Inter- national Relations 2005 ) .

Length of Stay on the Streets

The period of time children spend on the street varies widely. Some street children go back home only to return to the street repeatedly. On average, street-children in Nairobi had been on the streets for 2.6 years, with about half residing on the street for 2 years or more while a quarter had been living on the street for over a year (Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . Among the Egyptian street-children studied, there is no clear correlation between the length of time on the street and the decision to end a street career (Fahmi 2007 ) .

Other Characteristics

Kilbride et al. (2000 ) found that in Nairobi, Kenya, 66% of the street children were the children of the dominant, local ethnic Kikuyu while the rest were from the other four diverse ethnic groups in the country. During the armed strife in Sudan the religious, ethnic, and racial identiﬁ cation of street children played a signiﬁ cant role in how they were treated by combatants (Committee on International Relations 2005 ) . In Cairo, Egypt street children of both genders are drawn from the rural and urban poor, are of varied ages and backgrounds, but tend to form cliques comprised of youths from the same region of Egypt (Fahmi 2007 ) . In the United States street children can come from small towns as well as large cities. Research in Portland, Oregon reveals that most of the street children are whites (Denfeld 2007 ) . Why are They on the Streets? 65

The imperatives of structural, institutional factors in industrialized countries – decaying downtowns, inherited deprivation, chronic under- and unemployment, high priced housing, high incidence of divorce, and stress – all seem related to the arrival of children on the streets (Agnelli 1986 ; Aptekar 1988 ; Fahmi 2007 ; Gingold 1992 ; Kilbride et al. 2000 ; Kovats-Bernat 2006 ; Wernham 2001 ) . But, with a con- centration of street children in Latin America, the most affected countries are not the poorest, like Paraguay, or the richest, like Venezuela, but middle income nations such as Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico (Agnelli 1986 ; Kenny 2007 ) . In Russia, most institutionalized orphaned and abandoned children, whose living conditions verge on the horrifi c, take to the streets as early as 7 years (Fujimura et al. 2005 ; Jones 2003 ) . No matter what their age, origin, or gender the core values of street children refl ect those of the larger societies in which they are found, exhibiting a great body- consciousness, love of hygiene, clean water, healthcare, haircuts, clean clothes, work-ethic, excelling in singing or dancing, and preening like youngsters everywhere (Agnelli 1986 ; Fahmi 2007 ) . Then there is the numbness and oblivion brought on by drug-use – as a palliative to their suffering. Despite movies like “Slumdog Millionaire,” there are no fairy-tale endings (Mazumdar 2009 ) . In the fi nal analysis, however diverse a group they are or the sources of their coming to the street, the prognosis for their future is the same – only a very few will escape the street, and most will die before their prime.

Why are They on the Streets?

There is no single reason why a child should take to the streets, but various sociocultural, structural, and individual factors are associated with a child’s journey from home to the streets. Primary among these are: confl ict within the family, confl ict in their country, confl ict with the law, and, above all, poverty. Increasingly it is not unusual to fi nd entire homeless families living on the streets, even in economically developed countries due to the inequalities found among developed economies, particularly during economic downturns (Mugo 2004 ) . For developing societies many of these conditions are directly a result of colonialism with the subsequent economic dislocation, impoverishment, and the illiteracy of masses of peoples it brought about (Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003 ; Fujimura et al. 2005 ) . In regions like Latin America, the World Bank-imposed economic measures that reduced employment opportunities, eliminated subsidized necessities like food and fuel and other services to the poor, who, in turn, ejected their children from home to live on the streets ( BBC 2003 ; Tierney 1997 ) . Commenting on the fact that an abundance of street children are found in countries across the globe, Kovats- Bernat ( 2006: 211) notes that, “…the stubborn persistence of the phenomenon of displaced and exposed childhood should signal that larger global machinations are at the causal root of the problem.” 66 3 Abandoned and Street Children

Other structural factors are country-specifi c economic circumstances, such as the economic hardship infl icted by Robert Mugabe on the people of Zimbabwe, or the civil strife in Liberia that left the local economy in ruins. For example, as a result of relaxing the enforcement of colonial municipal laws that forbade the infl ux of non- residents, the urban population in Zimbabwe swelled with an explosive growth in jobs that children could work at, leading to the growth of children working and living on the streets (Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003) . Some observers cast blame on the systemic failure of some developing societies, such as Brazil, that simply chose wrong economic models in an attempt to develop their economies (Mickelson 2000 ; Scheper-Hughes and Hoffman 1994 ) . Even if not on their own, at the command of their guardians, children may set out to seek a few bucks on the streets. But typically street children have functioning families which desperately need their earnings to keep hunger at bay, or live in single-parent household where the mother is unable to care for them (Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003) . Street children are often the “working” children in a family’s attempt to delay permanent ejection from their home (Fahmi 2007 ; Tierney 1997 ) . For example, it is common for parents in the favelas (slums) of Rio de Janeiro to send their children to work the streets as prostitutes to supplement the family income (Committee on International Relations 2005 ) . When desperately poor parents send their children into the street to beg, they may inadvertently enable such children to be recruited into street life – directly by example or gradually with insider’s knowledge (Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . Sometimes, the presence of a runaway sibling on the streets motivates other siblings or cousins or an acquaintance to enter street life with the way smoothened by the older entrant (Fahmi 2007 ) . The child’s initial running away may result in some adult searching for them, but after repeated incidents their poor parents or guardians often give up on them. One informant commented (Hecht 1998 : 28): “I’ve run away from home 29 times. I’ve always come to Recifé when I run away from home. I’d get a ride with the trucks. Sometimes I’d hide under the spare tire.” Newspaper stories report of many starry-eyed youngsters who leave rural India seeking fame and fortune along the boulevards of the Hollywood equivalent Mumbai, India and instead end up along its gritty urban streets. In Peru, the minor children of rural poor families may set out to pan for gold in the remote jungles under dangerous circumstances (Glasser 1994 ) . Ibadan and Lagos street-children in Nigeria – who often work as porters and car-washers – typically come from large, illiterate, and poverty-stricken Yoruba families (Aderinto 2000 ) . Local war and confl ict are major factors producing large numbers of children on their own scouring and living on streets around the globe. Tierney (1997 ) says that the violence during 1980s in El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua drove some children from these countries to the neighboring Guatemala City streets. A similar phenomenon is occurring in other confl ict-prone African countries where some children take to the streets due to the ethnic violence and political insurgencies of their home countries (Tierney 1997 ; Charneley 2000 ; Kilkbride et al. 2000 ; Committee on International Relations 2005 ) . One Kenyan street-boy reported that his mother put him on a truck heading for Khartoum so that she would have, at least, Why are They on the Streets? 67 one child who survived the civil war (Dodge and Rauundalen 1991 ) . Indeed, about one-half of the 57.4 million war-displaced around the world are unaccompanied children who roam urban and backcountry public spaces (Committee on International Relations 2005 ) . The cultural values and notions regarding children also impact the way children are viewed – as an asset or a burden – and subsequently treated. Girls, for example, are systematically viewed as a burden in South Asia, while in Africa they are valued as domestic assets to be used for things like cooking and fetching water. However, in the absence of any means of livelihood, desperate mothers may consider their infants and very young to be expendable. In Kenya “pit latrines” are a favorite spot for “disposing” unwanted children among poor women (Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . Some children have been deliberately abandoned to acquaintances or to the streets by drunken, drug abusing, or simply overwhelmed parents or guardians (Fahmi 2007 ; Hecht 1998 ; Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . In HIV/AIDs ravaged or war-torn Africa, orphaned children with no willing relatives or institutions to care for them end up on the streets (Committee on International Relations 2005 ; Dodge and Raundalen 1991; Bass 2004 ) . According to Tierney (1997 ) , Guatemalan children end up on the streets outside of the home to support the family and become increasingly accustomed to street life or they become increasingly endangered within the home and fl ee for protection. Many children in Cali, Colombia or Katmandu, Nepal report fi nancial reasons for their being on the streets (Aptekar 1988 ; BBC 2007 ) . Not all children on the streets are on their own. Some are the children of the desperately poor, often single-mothers, sent out to make a living by begging, wiping cars or other economic ventures to help support the family (Fahmi 2007 ; Veale, Taylor and Linehan 2000). Often it is the family situation itself that drives children to the streets (Agnelli 1986 ; Fahmi 2007 ; PAVNA 2004 ) . A history of family violence, illegal activity, substance and alcohol abuse along with physical and sexual victimization, and other family confl icts are common in the backgrounds of street children everywhere (Posner 2000 ) . The domestic abuse that propels the children to the street might be a product of physical abuse from drunkenness or drug use by a parent, or family homelessness (Fahmi 2007 ; Tierney 1997: Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . The remarriage of a surviving parent and tension with the new step-parent may also drive a child out of the home. Or simple verbal abuse for poor school performance, or failure to supplement the family income also led to some children seeking refuge in the streets (Tierney 1997 ) . Abuse at home is often compounded by a lack of amenities such as adequate food, books, lighting, or by the child’s involvement in numerous domestic chores. These can lead to poor school performance, which, in turn, may lead to the child’s departure from the home (Aptekar 1988 ; Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003 ; Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . Tierney (1997 : 22–23) notes: According to a 1993 study by the Centro de Desarrollo Integral Comunitario (CEDIC), a local NGO supporting street and working kids, 80 percent of the 275 street children they contacted reported physical abuse in their homes, 90 percent verbal abuse, and 10 percent sexual abuse. A second study conducted by a different NGO showed 23 percent of street children have been sexually abused by their parents and many more by other relatives. 68 3 Abandoned and Street Children

Further, CEDIC reports that 40 percent of the surveyed street children left home because they felt unloved, 41 percent because they were thrown out, and 9 percent because they were abandoned. Fifty-seven percent of the children came from homes with alcoholic parents and 33 percent from homes with a drug-addicted father or mother. Many young girls leave home because of sexual abuse by the males in the household. In Cali, and the surrounding Cauca valley in Colombia, girls may be cast aside by their matriarchal and “matri-local” African descendents – sometimes due to cruelty, more often because of poverty and necessity (Aptekar 1988 ) . One girl wrote (Tierney 1997 : 71): …I left ﬁ fteen days [after my mother died]…..

I left because the people said to me, they thought badly… they told me ‘Ahh, you better leave, fi nd your own path. Because your father, well he can hurt you,’ they told me. ‘He isn’t even your father, but your stepfather.’… Even my mother when she died told me that… well that I was already big. She said ‘I, yes,’ she said, ‘I’m going to die fi nd your own path.’ Some street children are drawn to the streets. As observed by Agnelli ( 1986 : 39): “With its dizzying thrills, spills, and variety, street life can exert an undeniable fascination.” Most street children complain that they lack demonstrations of affection from adults in their family. The easy camaraderie of peers, and the loyalty and devotion to one another, and the love they unabashedly exhibit, can be a soul-soothing alternative to their experiences with adults at home. Abuse of children of a particular age or gender, for example, creates a cultural milieu of abuse. Many of these children convey the sense that they were never loved and express a desire for demonstrations of affection. Indeed, seeking the streets as a haven is typically gradual, even among runaways (Fahmi 2007 ) . As one 16-year old young man who arrived in Portland, Oregon revealed, he heard about the locality from others and learned about street life and its codes from fellow street-dwelling youths (Denfeld 2007 ) . In short, studies of street children across the globe reveal that there are certain specifi c forces that push children away from their homes, and other factors that pull them toward a life on the streets. While some may “choose” it, the path to the streets is typically not the deliberate and conscious “opting out” by an individual child to live on the streets but the result of being driven, often literally, away from home due to chronic hunger, neglect, and physical and sexual abuse. In this regard, rather than abandoned, most street children may be “abandoners” looking to fulfi ll unmet needs on the streets (Aptekar 1988 ; Conticini and Hulme 2007 ; Kerfoot et al. 2007 ; Veale, Taylor and Linehan 2000). Surviving the Streets 69

Surviving the Streets

The problems street children face arise from the unique circumstances of individual street children and general system-wide issues related to a country’s political economy. Street children are both hapless victims of society and because of circumstances related to their living on the streets they may seem to be lawless actors who willfully commit normative and legal offenses (Kovats-Bernat 2006 ) . In this regard, street children refl ect the contradictions of the societies in which they are found. Every culture considers a child’s place to be at home with adults. Thus, their ubiquitous presence on urban streets raises issues relating to concepts of public space and its use. The invisible, personal plight of the individual street child is in sharp contrast with his or her glaring visibility scampering around the public spaces they share with people who often ignore or barely tolerate them. For example, in Port-au-Prince, the Haitian government perpetually faces law-and-order issue emanating from the shifting nexus and alliances of politicians, paramilitary vigilante youth gangs, former members of the army (FADH), drug traffi ckers, and street children – although most of the street children often are just bystanders to crimes or disruptions (Gvnet, undated; Kovats-Bernat 2006 ) . Nevertheless, they get caught up in government responses and crackdowns and blamed for things they are not a part of. However, the world of the street is itself a micro social structure – bound by rules, friendships, loyalties, and standards where, instead of consenting to their marginalization, disenfranchised children seem to preempt the public space and transform it into their own little world, often to the chagrin of authorities and the general public (Fahmi 2007) . Street life is not an anarchic Bohemia (Kaime-Atterbörg and Ahlberg 2008 ). It is bound by rules, norms, and yes, principles. Children who had chosen to leave home, fi ght hard to survive against considerable odds on the streets. However, even “runaways” on their own can fare better than working street children who share their earnings with their family. Whatever causes might have led them to seek their lives on the streets, however varied their ages and paths through which they arrived on the street, disparaged by mainstream society but encouraged and prodded by their peers and the others with whom they interact, they soon adapt and become acculturated into the ways of street life (Kovats-Bernat 2006 ) . If streets are a beehive of commerce and manufacturing, in many parts of the world street children are the literal busy bees (Kilbride et al. 2000 ; Hecht 1998 ; Aptekar 1988 ) . Without much help from family or others in their society, facing the multiple forces that operate against them, most of these children become highly adaptive and skilful survivors. The daily life of Khartoum, Sudan street children, for example, revolves around eating, sucking glue-soaked rags, obtaining money, catching an occasional movie, or playing games (Kudrati et al. 2008 ) . In Ulan Bator, Mongolia street children survive bitter winters by crawling through manholes into sewer tunnels (Litke 2005 ) . And in Portland, Oregon where many organizations provide cheap or free meals to needy street children, panhandling is viewed by them as a shared game (Denfeld 2007 ) . 70 3 Abandoned and Street Children

How well newcomers adapt to survival on the street depends on how effective peers are in socializing them to the street subculture (Denfeld 2007 ; Fahmi 2007 ) . In Haiti, for example, street children try to wear clothes of similar color so that their friends can identify them as one of their own (Kovats-Bernat 2006 ) . According to Agnelli (1986 : 39): The defense mechanism to ensure survival in such an environment is the street gang. It provides the protection and comradeship of a substitute family, status, excitement, and the code of ‘honor’ – rules to which, unlike those of conventional society, the youngsters can conform. It also meets the need, in particular, for a sense of identity, which is sometimes reinforced by esoteric slang; just as Eskimos have many words for snow, and Arabs for camels, so do street children for the police. Finding a safe place to sleep is a preoccupation of street children. The Committee on International Relations (2005 : 92) notes that: They sleep in doorways, in push carts, under plastic sheets, under bridges, in drainage pipes, in derelict buildings, in abandoned cars and buses. Some even make shacks in the trees along the fashionable boulevards. They favor being with the rich dead in cemeteries where the tombs have roofs. They sleep in doorways on the pavements or in the church porch. They live along sea walls and canals. Such sleeping locations change often, and are kept secret. But the children regularly sleep in groups preferring outdoors in alleyways, pavements, store fronts, and major intersections, but always the space they calculate as being safe and well-traffi cked. To avoid the harassment of vigilantes and police arrest, they are frequently forced to change their sleeping quarters thus engendering a sense of impermanence and insecurity besides tremendous labor and skill in fi nding a secure place to spend the night. Their favorite haunts are international hotels, markets, temples, and shopping streets and busy areas teeming with visitors and tourists, thus offering comparable safety ( BBC 2007 ; Fahmi 2007 ; HRW 2006a; Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . In one Recifé, Brazil locality frequented by street children, some middleclass residents even take them into their homes (Hecht 1998 ) . Sometimes, groups of these street children arrange safe sleeping quarters with a local restaurant owner or some other entrepreneur (Aptekar 1988 ) . Kilbride et al. (2000 ) report that children paid a night watchman to keep an eye open for prowlers and secured a female patron who allowed them to use her space in return for sweeping the premises in preparation for her closing her business. Only older boys may occasionally opt to sleep alone. Sometimes, a group of girls might seek shelter with a patron in exchange for sex, defi ned by some of them as “survival sex” (Hecht 1998; Kilbride et al. 2000 ; Urbina 2009a ) . In Zimbabwe girls who arrive on the streets, for example, may quickly be taken up by “aunties” who give them shelter and clothes in exchange for sex work (Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003 ) . Whatever their reasons for living on the streets, one common bond these young people share is their need and motivation to work. Some may work to support a drug habit. Others may support their families. And yet others labor to feed and clothe themselves. Kids who work on the streets often distinguish themselves – by the shoeshine box they carry, the tray of candy or pail of roasted nuts they sell – from those who must live in the streets (Scheper-Hughes and Hoffman 1998 ) . But they all Surviving the Streets 71 tend to be highly mobile in their pursuit of survival ( Kovats-Bernat 2006 ). Odd chores earn them a marginal living – as beggars, trash collectors, porters, parking boys and car washers, parking meter coin feeders, askari (guards) at night at kiosks, shoe shines, sellers of trinkets, survival sex workers and procurers, touts for shared taxis, drug couriers (or “little planes” in the jargon of street traffi ckers) and peddlers, besides being petty thieves and purse snatchers, or, a majority, begging or collecting scrap metal and paper (Agnelli 1986 ; Committee on International Relations 2005 ; Fahmi 2007 ; Kilbride et al. 2000 ; Kovats-Bernat 2006 ; Olley 2006 ; Rosemberg 2000 ) . And criminal activities are by no means outside the realm of economic possibility (Rosemberg 2000 ) . Often they defi ne their illegal work as survival work and consider themselves as legitimate, gainfully employed “workers” (Agnelli 1986) . Girls often engage in full-time or episodic prostitution. In detention in Recifé, Brazil, for example, one 15-year old girl, still sucking her thumb, had been picking up johns for a couple of years and had been involved in hold-up with a gun (Hecht 1998 ) . These youths tend to be extremely rational about their survival. Indeed, Kovats- Bernat, ( 2006 : 49) observed that “once on the street, the children fi nd it easy to stay…the money that street children make working or begging on the pavement in Port-au-Prince is substantially higher than that paid by a minimum wage job in Port-au-Prince.” The street children Aptekar ( 1988 ) observed were deft in manipu- lating information to their advantage – both for their work and for their psychological defenses. Rumors and stories are a major source of information and misinforma- tion, an indication of the importance of peers and networks for their survival (Denfeld 2007 ). Younger children, easily eliciting sympathy and money, tend to beg or sing or tell their life stories – real or fi ctional – to adults on buses and streets (Tierney 1997 ; Kovats-Bernat 2006 ) . Some also survive by offering to wash car windows (Aptekar 1988 ) . But gradually, the small change is just pocket money and they join the older children who use them to steal and snatch for a small share gradually evolving into purse snatchers and thieves (Hecht 1998 ) . According to Tierney (1997 : 25): Those children who steal generally engage in petty theft, robbing passers-by of their sun- glasses or wallets, or breaking into cars. They sometimes use the articles they steal, but more frequently sell them to vendors at one of the city’s several markets that feature stolen merchandise. Older children often sell snatched and stolen goods to some small time fence (Hecht 1998 ; Tierney 1997 ; Aptekar 1988 ) . A division of labor may exist among street boys who often specialize in a specifi c occupation, for example, collecting only aluminum that can be sold to recy- clers (Agnelli 1986; Kilbride et al. 2000). Foraging for such waste material requires skill, speed, and advance planning since their haul sometimes may require storage receptacles or several trips. The bigger size of some boys may play a vital role in their securing plum paper-hauling work. Work such as collecting and hauling paper is seasonal as the buyer may suspend purchasing during the rainy months. Yet others get involved in the fl ourishing drug-trade (Kovats-Bernat 2006 ) . 72 3 Abandoned and Street Children

People working with street children report that they are ingenious, creatively recycling the objects they fi nd and own (Aptekar 1988 ) . However, amidst all the scurrying activities and scrounging behavior, their scrawny bodies and jutting bones are testaments to their malnutrition (see Committee on International Relations 2005). Some blame their malnutrition on drug use. And it is a cheap escape with sniffi ng glue costing as little as 0.50 USD per jar in Managua, Nicaragua (Casa Alianza Nicaragua 2004 ) . But one boy told Hecht (1998 : 29): Sometimes you sniff to kill the hunger, because when you’re hungry and you sniff, the hunger goes away. But if you stop sniffi ng, the hunger gets you again…because if you eat and then sniff on a full stomach, it’s not so bad for you. But if you sniff on an empty stomach, the air from the glue fi lls up your belly. However, the decision to sniff glue before or after a meal is usually not an option since either they have no food or lack drugs (Kaime-Atterbörg and Ahlberg 2008 ) . The children residing on the world’s streets are typically resourceful in using whatever they scavenge and possess or protecting themselves from harsh environments, such as cuddling with dogs for warmth in Kartmandu’s cold nights ( BBC 2007) . Fahmi ( 2007 ) saw one Cairo street girl deftly using her boldness, and capacity for seduction, to survive. In Cali, Colombia Aptekar ( 1988 : xii) found one boy: …wearing very large pants that were rolled up three times to avoid dragging the cuffs on the ground. He was small enough that the pants were centered closer to his armpits than his waist. They were not ready-made pants, but appeared to be personally tailored by him, perhaps from an old piece of tarpaulin. He kept them on with a red bandana tied around his waist. Kovats-Bernat (2006 ) reports that many of the “siment”-sniffi ng street children in Port au Prince, Haiti salvage razors from the dumps calling them “jilet” (as in the Gilette trademark). They tend to use and often brandish these or other rusty but sharp blades for various purposes beside weapons, such as shaving their heads or trimming their nails. They were also quick with the razors to defend their territories being highly sensitive to each other’s territory. And northeast Brazilian street children transform the ether and chloroform from solvents discarded by local drug stores and sugar syrup into addictive, and highly damaging, Loló to get high (Kenny 2007 ) . Whenever they can, street children use the laundry and bathing facilities of private charitable institutions (Aptekar 1988 ) . However, even when they do fi nd a shelter that accepts them, because of their own diffi cult personalities, independence, assertiveness, insecurity, and quick quarrelsome nature, some often move from shelter to shelter never staying long in any one place (Tierney 1997 ) . Shelters may serve as a kind of “R-n-R.” Once their immediate needs are met, the institution’s routines and regulations push them back to the streets (Hecht 1998 ) . Life for street children is not all work. Fahmi ( 2007 ) , for instance, reports that the street children of Cairo – boys in particular – often engage in singing and dancing. Also, in the cafes that allowed them to enter, a favorite past time was watching videos for nominal fees in the front areas. Kilbride et al. (2000 ) report that the Their Social Network 73 children they studied discussed sports a great deal and played various games when they arrived at some charitable shelter. However, all these children hunger for normal lives, and some even dream of a better future – going to school, acquiring job-skills, a home, and a loving family. Most street girls dream of going to school but instead spend hours foraging for discarded food and money to supplement the meager family income (Kilbride et al. 2000) . Bèl Marie, a 15-year old street child from Port-au-Prince, for example, regularly saved to buy guinea hens in hopes of one day buying a house from the proceeds of their sale (Kovats-Bernat 2006 ) .

Their Social Network

The absence of family ties distinguishes most street children from other poor children. Many street children do continue their ties with their families and some, in fact, work on the streets to supplement the family coffers (Pakistan Voluntary Health and Nutrition Association 2004). Indeed, in a sample of 400 street children in Nairobi, Kenya about half went home at the end of the day, sharing some of their earnings with their families (Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . But for the bulk of those children actually living on the streets, their one common characteristic is their lack of a caring family. Sometimes the relationship is permanently severed because the parents expel them from the home, or abused them physically, emotionally, or sexually. For others, the tie becomes gradually severed with increasing independence and acculturation into the street life. Peers become the major source of information, support, and identity. Children who ended up on the streets because of being orphaned or abandoned, of course, have no ties and no other place to go. Some children who happen to have siblings on the street may work separately from each other but help each other in times of sickness and need. In some cases the presence of one sibling on the street serves as a magnet for the other(s) to enter the streets. In other cases an adult “matriarch or motherly fi gure” is helpful for early survival. Other youths establish non-biological fi ctive bonds as sibling. Often older “siblings” carry younger ones as a tactic in begging (Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . The group ties street children, particularly girls, establish are crucial for their survival – their safety, income, camaraderie, and friendship. Consequently street children typically work, move, and sleep in groups (Agnelli 1986 ; Aptekar 1988 ; Hecht 1998; Kilbride et al. 2000; Rosemberg 2000; Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003 ; Tierney 1997) . However, in these groups a system of social stratifi cation operates based on age, earnings, gender, size, and other criteria (Agnelli 1986 ; Kilbride et al. 2000; Kovats-Bernat 2006 ; Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003 ) . The older and bigger boys may pick on the girls, and the girls on younger and smaller boys. Denfeld (2007 ) found that among street children in Portland, Oregon the bond of the “street family” that provided an identity and safety was quite strong, even when a youth had a personal dislike for individual “family” members. However, it is not clear if this animosity was due to the sense that one can choose one’s friends but not 74 3 Abandoned and Street Children one’s family, or to the violence and punishment – such as bed restriction, assigning bad sleeping spots, or confi scating personal belongings under the euphemism “tax” – meted out for snitches and violations of the group’s rules. According to Tierney (1997 ) , despite the fi ghts within and between bands of street children, they exhibit fi erce loyalties, and even those new to, or with no prior contacts on, the street soon fi nd “companeros” (mates). This loyalty may be so deep that a pregnant street-girl may get an offer of marriage from a male friend in love with her even if the child is not his (Fahmi 2007 ) . And this strong sense of solidarity can neutralize any ethnic and religious animosities, as well as the deformities and handicaps that street dwelling young people may have (Aptekar 1988 ; Dodge and Raundalen 1991 ; Kilbride et al. 2000 ; Posner 2000 ) . In Des Moines, Iowa a “street family” was formed around selling and stripping wires from abandoned buildings (Denfeld 2007 ) . The spoils of work or crime are usually equally and scrupulously distributed among collaborating groups of street children (Agnelli 1986 ) . Many street children survive on scavenged and discarded food, and this is particularly noticeable among girls, one of whom stated “If we get something good we divide it among ourselves so that each and everyone gets a share of it” (Kilbride et al. 2000 : 62). Among Port-au-Prince street-children the notion of socialized wealth prevails with extensive reciprocity being common among one’s circle of “zanni” (friends) (Kovats-Bernat 2006 ) . Children also divide and share food, cigarettes, sniffl ing solvents and the like, even if others had nothing to offer in return. They refer to each other, and their patrons, by endearing nick names (Kilbride et al. 2000; Denfeld 2007 ) . But often their money is kept hidden on their bodies (Aptekar 1988 ; Fahmi 2007 ; Hecht 1998 ; Kannan 2008 ; Kovats-Bernat 2006 ) . Against all odds and expectations street children, who have very little for themselves, normally help each other (Aptekar 1988 ; Tierney 1997 ) . This generosity extends to even the absent family members. For example, a 15-year old Brazilian girl interviewed at a detention center happily stated that if she found a lot of money, she would spend it on buying a house, gifts, clothes, food, and shoes for her mother, rather than on herself (Hecht 1998 ) . Another Nairobi girl in Kenya declared, “ We are so many street girls nowadays in this town and we love each other. When one has a problem, we help him/her. For example, when one is sick, we take him/her to the hospital so that he is treated” (Kilbride et al. 2000 : 62). Children scraped money together to help a sick comrade to be taken to the hospital, and raised funds for the funerals of family and friends which they attended as if they were adults. However, refl ecting the larger society, a stratifi cation system also exists among street children. This pecking order usually treats girls as inferiors. And boys, not infrequently, abuse the girls. A boy who has had his bhangi (marijuana), for example, may beat a girl who resists obeying his order to go buy something to eat. In spite of perceived differences in such behavior and social power of boys, street girls strongly identify their commonality with the boys (Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . And, although they seem scrupulous in equitably sharing their booty, Aptekar ( 1988 ) found that among the street children in Cali, Colombia, friendships and status ranking were intricately involved in trading of food. Scarce meat had the highest value while yucca was the fi rst to be offered and last to be accepted. Often rough initiation Street Children as Victims 75 rites defi ne the lower ranks of the smallest children. These rights, however, never involved violence or physical harm (Aptekar 1988 ) . The older boys effectively maintained and controlled power relationships among the members of the groups (Aptekar 1988 ) . However, the smallest in the group received special attention by other youths regarding safety while being accorded more prestigious status because of their more effective begging. So the youngest and the smallest among groups of street children have a schizophrenic existence. Newcomers to Portland’s streets quickly learn three rules: obey the street code of being brothers and sisters in the street family, respect the old-timers, and no snitch- ing to the cops (Denfeld 2007) . Other norms included temporary banishment for those who, prior to feeding time, wouldn’t clean themselves and their clothes at charitable facilities (Aptekar 1988 ) . Street children are acutely aware of the negative perception held of them by the public (Tierney 1997 ; Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . But the uneasy relationship between adults and street children is not always one of repulsion. For example, Hecht ( 1998 ) discovered that the street children in Recifé had extensive ties to the members of the community – housewives, shop owners, waiters, pharmacists, and others who helped them in many ways. And, according to Aptekar (1988 ) street children can also be manipulative enough to fi nd adult benefactors. When dealing with others they encounter in public byways, street-children communicate with one another in a shared argot. Among Portland street-youths “tax” was confi scation of personal belongings, and “bed restriction” connoted assignment of bad sleeping spots ( Denfeld 2007 ) . Recifé, Brazil children used “descuido,” (literally carelessness, of the victim) to refer to their shoplifting (Hecht 1998 ) . For example, often combining words from several languages the Nairobi, Kenya street girls and boys talked of kafi ti (good looking female), manoka (drug high), masiti (cop), and mudishi (food), while skillfully mastering several tribal and other languages they come across (Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . In spite of its hardships, some street children seem to treasure their clandestine world out of the reach of adults (Fujimura et al. 2005 ) . However, although the autonomy and camaraderie they fi nd on the street make them resist going home, almost all street children reveal that street life is a miserable existence (Aptekar 1988 ; Dodge and Raundalen 1991 ) . Their amorphous and unstable lives constantly require vigilance and self-protection. Many are pessimistic about their chances of long term survival, and are acutely aware that if they died no one would cry for them or miss them (Fahmi 2007 ; Hecht 1998 ) .

Street Children as Victims

Although youths living on the streets are ingenious in ﬁ nding ways to adapt, and adopt, they are directly and indirectly victimized in a variety of ways. If conﬂ ict and poverty doom them to the streets, being on the streets condemns them to be labeled, stigmatized, criminalized, and worse diminishes their life chances. Some forms of 76 3 Abandoned and Street Children victimization affect them immediately, and personally, such as when they are harassed and brutalized by authorities, or simply going hungry for lack of food, suffering from disease and injury with blocked recourse to healthcare. Other forms of victimizations, if no less harmful, are more insidious – such as the psychological and emotional pain of rejection and abuse, the loss of future prospects due to lack of education or job skills, or reduced length of life due to long term addiction or contracting HIV/AIDs.

Health

As a consequence of where and how they are forced to live, many health hazards are a fact of life for street children (Le Roux and Smith 1998 ) . Finding food, for instance, is a constant source of struggle for street children. The chokora (street children) of Nairobi, Kenya, for example, eat scavenged food such as vegetables from open-air stalls, and eggs, bread, and meat discarded by restaurants. Consequently, they suffer from many, and perpetual, intestinal ailments that can lead to death (Kilbride et al. 2000) . These children have a pervasive, but unsubstantiated, fear that the food gifted by the general public might be intentionally poisoned. Surprisingly, however, it was found that urban street children in Guatemala and Katmandu, Nepal were in better health than their counterparts living with their families since the latter shared their meager resources with a large number of dependents ( BBC 2002 ) . Besides general malnourishment and constant hunger, children living in the streets suffer from the lack proper sleep and the consequences of outdoor living in inclement weather. Unable to afford healthcare, they are plagued by constant upper respiratory infections due to regular exposure to dirt and dust, and vehicle exhaust. During the rainy season they are prone to skin infections due to lack of sanitation and bathing. In addition, festering wounds and burns, and dysentery from discarded food are common (Kilbride et al. 2000 ; Tierney 1997 ) . As a consequence of being usually shoeless, they also often suffer lacerations and cuts (BBC 2005 ) . Some of these bruises and cuts might also be the result of fi ghts that ensue from jockeying for sleeping spots or quarreling while gambling among peers and others. Living on the streets exposes these young people to other physical danger. Accidents involving vehicular traffi c are an ever present reality. Rummaging in garbage exposes them to bacterial infection and physical injury. Stabbings from competing youths and beatings from vigilantes, victims, and patrons are an ever-present threat. And, because they are poor and the children of the poor, they are frequently harassed, detained, physically abused, and confi ned by law enforcement offi cers (Human Rights Watch 2002 ; Wernham 2004 ) . The lives of children living on the streets seem enveloped by a culture of violence – physical, psychological, domestic, and sexual – that seeps into their fragile existence (Wernham 2001 ) . They fear the descent of night since securing a safe place to sleep is an eternal challenge (Kovats-Bernat 2006 ) . One of the pervasive fears of street girls is sexual predation which can cause physical injury in it self, but if they Street Children as Victims 77 refuse they may be beaten, or even killed. Territorial confl icts and turf wars over prime begging locales, secure vending locations, and the best spaces to secure jobs can be fi erce, nasty, and brutal (Agnelli 1986 ; Denfeld 2007 ; Fahmi 2007 ) . Many youths in the slums of Port-au-Prince, Haiti have vicious scars from fi ghts with the salvaged razors they carry and often use (Kovats-Bernat 2006 ) . Sexual exploitation and predation are also closely intertwined with the lives of street boys and girls (Posner 2000 ) . Due to the absence of prenatal supervision and birth control, early pregnancy is frequent among street girls. Another hazard arises from their avocation – stealing (Hecht 1998 ) . Street children often let their judgment be clouded by impulses and emotions (Schimmel 2006) . Their adult victims might catch them red-handed and punish them violently. On the other hand, street children are routinely victimized even while not engaged in victimizing others. As one young girl in Guatemala reported, being hit and physically hurt by the men they sleep with is not uncommon (Tierney 1997 ) . And they are victimized also by one another as well as by roaming bands of dogs, vermin, and rodents they encounter (Kovats-Bernat 2006 ) . Often they smoke tobacco and drugs such as “bhangi” (Cannabis Sativa or marijuana) in Nairobi (Agnelli 1986 ; Aptekar 1988; Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . Street children almost universally sniff glue called “Rugby” (or its local version) in Cairo, Egypt or Manila, the Philippines. The substance is scoured, for free, from the discards of shoe factories in Recifé or Bom Jesus da Mata in Brazil, or cheaply from cobblers who mend shoes in Nairobi, Kenya or Port-au-Prince, Haiti. Glue-sniffi ng always seems to begin in a group context (Hecht 1998 : 29, parentheses added): The fourth time [I ran away] was when I learned how to sniff glue. I got together with a bunch of kids and started sniffi ng, and I got used to it. So I just started running away from home to sniff glue. It’s a vice, you know. It’s not that I like it, you get to be a prisoner of glue. Glue-sniffi ng street children risk being beaten and arrested by the police, sometimes cruelly saturating the faces of the youths they apprehend with the glue they catch them sniffi ng (Amnesty 2003; BBC 1998a; Fahmi 2007; HRW 2001 ; HRW 2003; HRW 2006; HRW 2006b; HRW 2006c; Kilbride et al. 2000 ; Kovats-Bernat 2006 ; Tierney 1997 ) . Some street children may quickly graduate from alcohol or inhalants to end up as drug users. Many wind up in detention because of their habit, and most expect to continue their habit once released (Hecht 1998 ; Tierney 1997 ) . Even if they fi nd a shelter that has room for them, the need to sniff glue drives them on to the streets again (Tierney 1997 ) . Studies of street children from around the world have documented this pervasive use of drugs. The users of “Loló” in Rio de Janeiro, for example, combine solvents, ether, and chloroform to make the drug (Scheper-Hughes and Sargent 1998 ; Kenny 2007 ; Kovats-Bernat 2006 ) . Twelve to eighteen year-old street children of Sao Paulo, Brazil tend to be heavy drug users (Committee on International Relations 2005 ) . Research on street children in Toronto, Canada found many of the common symptoms of malnourishment, drug abuse, and sexually transmitted diseases (Glasser 1994 ) . In the Philippines, and elsewhere, children – some of whom for drug use – confi ned with adults become an easy prey for sexually transmitted infections including HIV/AIDs (Committee on International Relations 2005 ) . 78 3 Abandoned and Street Children

Law Enforcement

Law enforcement offi cers are the major tormentors of street children (Wernham 2001 ; Tierney 1997 ) . It is not unusual for street girls to experience demeaning harassment by police offi cials, and by men in general (Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003 ; Lalor 1999 ) . Besides harassment and physical abuse from authorities, street children are in constant danger of being locked up. Periodic police efforts “to clean up the streets” can lead to large numbers of street children being swept up in street sweeps, often resulting in crippling injury and life-long scars (Committee on International Relations 2005 ; Fahmi 2007 ; Lalor 1999 ; Tierney 1997 ) . Instead of protecting them, the police, whose presence might ward off sexual predation or attack from others, strike fear in the hearts of street-children all over the world (Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . In Recifé, Brazil street-children report physical abuse at the hands of the police (Hecht 1998 ) . Most Nairobi street-children report that they feared being picked by the police for begging (Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . Out of the fear of being incarcerated some street-children in Cali, Colombia cyclically moved back and forth between two charitable institutions that set limits on their length of stay and the streets, thus attempting to elude authorities (Aptekar 1988 ) . And the street children of Cairo, Egypt often suffer physical and sexual abuse in the hands of their “protectors” – the police and their informants (Fahmi 2007 ; HRW 2001a ; HRW 2002 ; HRW 2006c ) . Street children are often further victimized by law-enforcement, even if well-intentioned and non-abusive, when arrested and confi ned with adult inmates ( Scheper-Hughes and Hoffman 1998 ). Guatemalan street-girls report being sexually victimized by other females while incarcerated (Tierney 1997 ) . In the Philippines about 20,000 male street children end up in prison cells with adults (Committee on International Relations 2005; Amnesty International 2003; Etemadi et al. 2004 ) . Street juveniles were often sentenced by judges to privately run detention centers, and regularly get brutally beaten when they try to escape. The Gaviotas Detention Center for Boys in Guatemala or CAP, the state detention center offi cially known as FEBEM (Foundation for the Well-Being of Minors) in Recifé, Brazil struck terror in street children’s hearts (Hecht 1998 ) . Sometimes street children who encounter the police end up dead. For instance, while trying to steal a car headlight a boy was killed by a policeman in Nairobi, Kenya (Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . Besides random killing, organized and systematic purging of street children occurs in some countries. Guatamala City’s street children – not because they were placed in safe havens or even detention facilities – magically disappeared from the streets in the 1980s when General Efrain Rios Montt initiated the law and order campaign against delinquents (Tierney 1997 ) . Until the end of the younger Duvalier regime in 1986, political scores were settled with violence that routinely targeted street children, along with others, in Port-au-Prince, Haiti. After 1994, the street children were caught in the crossfi re of the escalating political chaos and street violence abetted by warring youth gangs colluding with paramilitary police and death squad members (Kovats-Bernat 2006) . Their killings continues Mental Health and Self-Concept 79 at present (Duff 2005 ) . Under military regimes in Brazil, Colombia, Guatemala, and the Philippines, in the name of “urban hygiene” or “social cleansing,” death squads of paid vigilantes and off-duty police intent on ridding the streets of the “unsightly” presence of street kids, engaged in vigilante justice by kidnapping, tor- turing, mutilating, and outright killing of street children (CNN 1998 ; Conde 2005 ; Huggins and Mesquita 2000 ; Amnesty International 1990 ; Rosenberg 1991 ; Scheper-Hughes and Hoffman 1994; Scheper-Hughes and Hoffman 1998 ; Tierney 1997 ) . In Davao in Mindanao, Philippines shadowy death squads executed teenage vagrants (The Committee on International Relations 2005 ; Tierney 1997 ) . Sometimes the police and street children establish positive relationships. In Port- au-Prince, Haiti street children solicited the intervention of sympathetic National Police Offi cers who got to know the street children in their jurisdiction (Kovats- Bernat 2006 ) . In spite of the overwhelming adversarial relationship between Nairobi street children and the police, the children also report that once the police helped to raise funds for them to travel to the funeral of a friend in a town along the Tanzania border (Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . More usually the relationship is corrupt with relatives, for example, bribing the police to rescue a child from jail (Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . Being afraid of complaining, and also having been occasional targets of street urchins’ scams, the general public silently accept violations of street children’s fundamental rights. In fact, by accusing them of sorcery and witchcraft members of the larger community in Uganda, Angola, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and the Republic of Congo put the lives of young homeless and parentless refugees of insurgency and confl ict at risk (Committee on International Relations 2005 ) .

Mental Health and Self-Concept

Deﬁ ning themselves in the context of the larger society’s expectations about childhood and children, street children yearn for normalcy. They are quite aware of the negative view people have of them (Fahmi 2007 ; Hecht 1998 ; Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . Regularly mistreated, abused, and denigrated by the larger society, street children develop a psychological shell to protect their sense of self (Hecht 1998 ) . Most present a tough, independent, and assertive image to the world (Aptekar 1988 ) . Often they seem mature beyond their years. One Port au Prince, Haiti 5-year old contem- plating his own death and burial, sent money to relatives to buy a pig that could be sold to pay for his funeral one day (Kovats-Bernat 2006 ) . They assert their independence, claiming that they wouldn’t allow anyone to boss them around (Hecht 1998 ) . On the other hand, the pervasive negative societal attitudes toward them accentuate both their psychological depression as well as risk taking due to a sense that they have nothing to lose. Girls especially seem to suffer from psychological abuse. One Zimbabwean street girl resented school for being nicknamed “mudstreet kid,” teased for having an incomplete uniform, and for paying her fees late (Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003 : 36). 80 3 Abandoned and Street Children

A Nairobi street-girl perceptively talked of suffering from being referred to as a “chokora” (one who rummages through refuse) ( Kilbride et al. 2000 : 63): …chokora is a “dirty person.” Your clothes are dirty. Your legs are dirty because you don’t have money to buy soap. You don’t comb your hair. You look like mad person, and you don’t even have shoes…we become so careless with our own body until we are smelling so that sometimes people don’t want to be close to us. Helping their family is about the only thing that gives street children pride and a sense of accomplishment in their ability to earn. However, being a beggar does little to enrich a child’s sense of self worth. But even beggars have certain standards. For example, Kilbride et al. ( 2000 ) report that young children below age 14 could beg, but older children considered it demeaning, although some explained their need to beg to feed their glue habit. Some are able to put a positive spin on the negative labels assigned to them by the larger society, reasoning that the title refers to their occupation, not themselves (Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . One street girl in Cairo, Egypt, for example, prided herself on her contribution to her family’s wellbeing while dili- gently avoiding exhibiting any awareness of the attitude people have of the “bad areas” where prostitution thrives (Fahmi 2007 ) . In Baan Nua, Thailand a brother and sister who were temporary runaways earned their living as prostitutes, delighted at the prospect of purchasing a home for their single mother from their earnings (Montgomery 2000) . No matter what the sources of their earnings were, most street- children report liking their work because of the money as well as the power and respect it brought (Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . But being a prostitute, or sexually exploited, does not enhance a positive self- concept for most. Indeed, many street girls have terrible negative self-concepts as a consequence of years of physical abuse and abandonment by the men in their lives (Tierney 1997 ) . When asked to rate herself as a mother, for instance, one young street girl in Antigua, Guatemala gave herself a zero because of her inability to provide a home for her illegitimate infant son (Tierney 1997 ) . In a conservative society such as Cairo, Egypt a street-girl – already afraid for her life due to the ﬂ aunting of mores and lack of prenatal care – experienced psychological trauma in forsaking a newborn for refuge on the condition that she never see the child again (Fahmi 2007 ) . Some street children seem unable to make the transition from childhood to adolescence (Aptekar 1988 ) . Yet others clearly lack the ability to appreciate how others perceived them as being dangerous (Aptekar 1988 ) . However, most are acutely aware of the public’s aversion to, and suspicions of them. Generally police consider them to be a nuisance and sometimes treat them, like dangerous criminals. Moreover, they feel the arbitrariness of the authorities who catch, judge, and punish them (Hecht 1998) . They are unfairly, and the ﬁ rst to be, blamed for thefts by shop keepers (Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . But among their peers street children almost always show equanimity and protectiveness toward the younger ones. But almost all also feel a great lack of love. According to Tierney (1997 : 29): …Otoniel, constantly seemed sad or worried and often told me that he felt no love from anyone. Vicente always sought physical reassurance, a hug or a pat, of his acceptance by adults. At age 15 he still wet his bed every night. Moreover his sexual counseling seemed Mental Health and Self-Concept 81

only to reinforce his negative self-image…And, what of the self image of the 9-year old boy who allowed himself to be sodomized by Vincente in exchange for candy or an article of clothing? Aptekar (1988 ) tells of street children who become depressed trying to fi nd a safe place to spend the night. Many of the children in Recifé, Brazil considered sleeping in the street a vice, and yet found themselves sleeping on the streets anyway (Hecht 1998 ) . And street children of Port-au-Prince, Haiti who feel that they have nothing to lose due to the violence surrounding them, reveal signs of depression (Kovats-Bernat. 2006 ) . They routinely hunger for the love and affection their poor parents could not or would not give them. Very young children, poignantly, often compare themselves with those fortunate to have a family life (Aptekar 1988 ) . A pregnant young girl told Hecht (1998 : 68) that “The person I love most in the world is the baby in my belly.” An orphaned Harare street girl expressed her need for love, approval, and affection reporting that her grandmother name-called her as a “mwana wehure” (whore’s child) showing no affection to the child until her prostitute-mother started sending money (Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003 ) . Almost all aspire for stable and respectable family life so much so that those who escape the streets in adulthood wear wedding bands even if not married, and display pride in their out-of-wedlock progeny (Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . Years of street living leaves them unable to trust anyone, and distrust is pervasive verging on cynicism, and misanthropy (Ritter 1988 ) . The street children of Port- au-Prince, for example, believe the folklore in demon djab, the trickster who torments children by turning the back of an elder they are massaging into painful shards of glass – the moral being “those we trust can turn on us with malice” (Kovats-Bernat 2006) . In reference to the leader of an institution that catered to street children in Recifé, Brazil one boy claimed that the benefactor grew fat at our expense (Hecht 1998 ) . Loneliness, feeling the absence of adult mentors, cynicism, and pessimism about their own chances of survival are common. One Recifé, Brazil boy reported no feelings for the death of a colega de rua (street peer), adding “… when I die, no one will cry” (Hecht 1998 : 145). Such psychological damage extends further. Tierney (1997 ) observes that the longer these children stay on the street their self-images suffer so badly that it robs them of their confi dence in their ability to do simple grammar rules. Yet, there are some adult patrons with whom some fortunate street children occasionally do develop trusting relationship that provide them with a sense of dependability, fairness, and kindness on the part of adults. One such woman from the market in Port au Prince, Haiti was trusted enough by a street boy that he allowed her to carry the remittances he sent to his aunt and his godfather in Jacmel, Haiti (Kovats-Bernat 2006 ) . Once accustomed to it, the call of the street, and its freedom, exert a very strong pull that is hard to break, even among those who may want to do so (Hecht 1998 ; Tierney 1997 ) . Even if they fi nd their way back to normal family life, or shelter in an institution, they encounter diffi culty adjusting to the rules. Ukrainian street children, for example, exhibited various emotional diffi culties in adjusting to a non-street 82 3 Abandoned and Street Children existence (Kerfoot et al. 2007 ) . Simple criticisms by a parent or guardian may lead to physical fi ghts that get them expelled from their refuge. Some street children are afraid to return home for fear of retribution for some past misdeed ( BBC 2003a ) .

Addressing the Problem

The reality of street life for the vast majority of those who are pushed or pulled to it is, at best, bleak. It is a world of hardship, drug abuse, violence, exploitation, sickness, malnutrition, and often early death. Few actually escape from it, and all who live it are scared by it. Such street living children are not only robbed of a childhood, they are denied, for the most part, a meaningful future as well. But why should anyone care what happens to street children? The answer, very simply, is that large populations of uneducated, rootless, and emotionally challenged individuals endanger all of us. This is especially the case when these individuals try to emigrate, engage in illegal pursuits, or are recruited by armed insurrections or criminal gangs. No matter their makeup, children who are abandoned to, or living on, the streets are not only endangered themselves, but they endanger others as well. Doing something about them is doing something to help society in general. In all societies, the presence or absence of family ties and home are the crucial factors that transform some children into street children. As with other children, street children consider having a home, being able to go to school, having access to healthcare and a meaningful future as being as much their right as that of any other child (Kilbride et al. 2000 ; Kovats-Bernat 2006 ) . The problem in societies throughout the world is fi nding meaningful ways to secure these rights. In many places this task is left to the occasional kind-hearted law-enforcement offi cial, social worker or volunteer. Small institutions such as “Rescue Dada for Girls” in Nairobi, Kenya can help fulfi ll some of the needs children have (Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . Church-related and other NGOs of various kinds, devoted to helping street and other children, are also found in many countries. But many countries are without adequate government regulations or enforcement policies to assure the quality and accountability of their work. And many of these agencies, either local or national, lack the resources or knowledge to carry out their mission successfully. And in places where the need is greatest, most governments seem totally incapable or lack the will to address the problem at all.

Basic Considerations

Deﬁ ning street children as either victims or deviants ignores the nuances of the causes of their being on the street, their diversity, and the varied solutions to their problems (Fahmi 2007 ) . Rescuing children from a life on the street requires keeping or re-establishing family ties. Thus, emphasis should be on encouraging continuity of such relationships, even if only in the form of surrogate families. The main focus Addressing the Problem 83 of these efforts should be on newcomers to the street as longer street stays are negatively correlated with reintegration with family and community (Fahmi 2007 ; Kovats-Bernat 2006 ) . For example, rather than allowing children to “sleep rough” (a British euphemism for homelessness) local customs such as “restavec” (stay a while) or “fostering” programs that provide a temporary and safe domicile should be encouraged. But these programs must also be bound by standardized rules and contracts that are monitored and enforced. However well-intended, programs such as these may fail to deliver fundamental life-skills essential to the children’s future wellbeing (Veale, Taylor and Linehan 2000). Thus, besides providing a safe haven, education of the wards must be an integral part of any rescue effort. The prohibitive cost of educating the young can be borne by various government direct and indirect subsidies. Moreover, education should be brought to the children rather than trying to convince them to attend school. Those addicted to glue or other substances must be helped to wean themselves of their habit. Since peer loyalty and ties dominate the lives of these children, establishing ties to older, and more savvy, children may help mainstreaming the reluctant ones. In return for some remuneration, older street children could be enlisted in serving as mentors and recruiters of younger street kids. However, before the children enter the streets that may lure and keep them for their short lives, prevention is of greater importance. Proper nutrition and education for poor children is essential in helping to insulate young people from being lured to the streets (Kilbride et al. 2000 ) . These programs should be at a grass roots level targeting poverty, illiteracy, and marginality pervasive among speciﬁ c groups of people in each society.

Laws

Many countries have specifi c laws – such as truancy and curfew laws and those prohibiting smoking and drinking – that pertain specifi cally to young people below certain ages. Most have legislation intended to provide a safety-net for neglected, abandoned, or orphaned children. Article 260 of the 1987 Haitian Constitution, for example, “endeavor[s] to aid and assist mothers, children, and the aged” while article 261 “ensures protection for all children” with the stipulation that “any child is entitled to love, affection, understanding, and moral and physical care” (Kovats- Bernat 2006 ) . The Federal Children and Young Persons Act protects Nigerian children from being exploited, neglected, or ill-treated (Ojanuga 1990 ) . Cuba adopted a Family Code in 1975, and a Code of Childhood and Youth in 1978 defi ning the role of individuals, families and institutions concerning minors ( Lutjens 2000 ) . Vietnam enacted the Law on Child Protection, Care and Education for all children in 2004 ( HRW 2006c ) . The government of Peru, by providing children free and compulsory secondary education, and enacting laws that criminalize traffi cking, internet pornography, and sexual tourism has demonstrated its commitment to the well-being of street children 84 3 Abandoned and Street Children

(Committee on International Relations 2005 ) . The 1999 Juvenile Delinquency Law of Russia forbids police interfering with any street child who has not committed a crime ( BBC 2002a ) . In some countries special rights affecting street children are incorporated into the nation’s constitution. For example, the fi rst several articles of the 1985 constitution of Guatemala grant special protection to children and adolescents (Tierney 1997 ) . Guatemala created the offi ce of the “Defender of the Rights of the Child” under the national “Attorney for Human Rights.” This offi ce is empowered to monitor governmental protection and assistance to children, receive and investigate complaints of violations of children’s rights, and engages in raising the Guatemalan public’s awareness of children’s rights (Tierney 1997 ) . The 1990 Statute of Children and Adolescents (ECA) of the Brazilian constitution – according to UNICEF the most advanced in the world – protects the needs and future of street children, including the right to be respected and protected (Committee on International Relations 2005 ) . Unfortunately, failure to enforce existing child welfare and human rights laws seems to be the rule rather than the exception in many countries (Ojanuga 1990 ) . The wide gap found between theory and practices in enforcing laws regarding adoption and fostering and those pertaining to juvenile justice in Kenya, for instance, culminated in a World Health Organization (WHO) sponsored workshop on issues pertinent to children, including those working and living on the streets (Mugo 2004 ) . The 1974 Juvenile Justice Act of the United States includes “The Runaway and Homeless Youth Act,” whose goal is crime-control and public safety rather than concern for the individual child. According to this law, a runaway is any one under 18 years of age who, without permission, absents him/herself from legal residence and defi nes “homeless youth” as those without safe alternative living arrangement (Denfeld 2007 ; Posner 2000) . Such children are subject to bureaucratic processing by the juvenile justice system. Similarly, under the Child Law, Egypt forbids children from engaging in vagrancy, prostitution, using drugs, and having no stable living arrangement, although judicial discretion is given wide berth in handling these children deemed “vulnerable to delinquency” (Fahmi 2007 ) . Often the very laws intended to protect children can be to the detriment of those on the streets. Loitering laws are particularly discriminatory for children inhabiting the streets of cities throughout the world. Often street children are the victims of draconian law-enforcement agents who arbitrarily enforce such laws. And street children are stung by such injustice, as one Kenyan, Nairobi street-girl wrote (The Cradle 2004 ) : If a child lives with hostility, She learns to fi ght. If a child lives with encouragement, She learns confi dence. If a child lives with praise and friendship, She learns to fi nd it in the world. Moreover, the discriminatory enforcement of laws such as loitering statutes or juvenile delinquency statutes have not reduced the numbers or presence of street children since they have nothing to do with the systematic forces that drive and pull young people to the world’s streets. Indeed while implementing laws that are often Addressing the Problem 85 used to suppress and harass street children, few countries seem to include poverty as an offense to be eradicated or seriously addressing parents who lack parenting skills. Children may be granted “rights” but infrequently they are protected from unfi t parents or inept governments. However, laws typically severely penalize the poor and voiceless street children. In an attempt to “reform” or “rehabilitate” these children some countries wind up throwing them in jails where no education, occupational skills, healthcare, or communication skills are imparted to them. Instead, they often are confi ned with adult inmates who manipulate, overpower, or abuse them. In spite of the odds, the work of a few select governments and NGOs are slowly changing the equation in favor of disenfranchised street children in some places. For example, the state government of Maharashtra, India required contractors in its capital city Mumbai to provide day-care to the children of the construction day laborers – who would otherwise be on the streets (Agnelli 1986 ) . In 2008, in an attempt to avoid HIV/AIDs-orphans ending up on the streets, the Indian government approved the establishment of orphanages for them (BBC 2008). In a creative solution, an alternative legal status can be given to street children. For example, in Dakar, Senegal police recognize the membership identifi cation card provided to working street children by some voluntary organizations as a sign of legitimacy. Yet others, like Bolivia’s local trade unions, assign membership to shoe cleaners, salespersons, and other child street workers providing them with respect and status (Liebel 2004 ) . Under the French social welfare system individuals aged 16 and older are allowed supervised, independent, living quarters and paid an allowance for their living expenses.

Social Services

The fundamental challenge in delivering children from the streets is separating social welfare services and criminal justice agencies (Wernham 2004 ) . In following the UNICEF’s (1989 ) seven humanitarian principles, the primary rule should be “Do no harm” in treating the marginalized sectors of a population – street children, those children with homes but who struggle for survival, mistreated and abandoned youngsters, institutionalized children, minors involved in armed confl icts, and minors in need of specifi c services. Service providers must begin by understanding the life experiences of the children they are trying to help. Then their immediate needs should be addressed. Any decision taken with respect to aiding them should be in the best interests of that individual child, taking into consideration his/her wants and needs and rights as a human being. For example, in Senegal the African Movement of Working Children in 1979 came up with a list of 12 rights for all children. These included the right to read and write, to express oneself and get organized, to be taught a trade, to play and leisure, to healthcare, to be listened to, to rest when sick, to work in safety, to respect and dignity, to stay in the village, to light and limited work, and to equitable justice (Bourdillon 2006 ) . These rights should be extended to all street children. Street-based services geared to their health and safety might be a way to attract many youths to turn from the streets to shelters (Kudrati et al. 2008 ) . Given that 86 3 Abandoned and Street Children these children are often better at judging their needs and priorities, to be successful in attracting and actually helping street children any program should directly involve and engage them. In addition to providing their basic human rights, those children who are committed to a permanent life on the street should be protected with adequate nutrition, proper healthcare, and amenities for hygiene as well as ways to enhance their competence by providing them basic literacy and job skills to make a living (Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003 ) . Essential to their restoration are calm, organized, and safe environments in which they can function. The Lakou (courtyard in Creole) Centre in Port-au-Prince, Haiti provides just such a safe haven for street children to learn, play, and rest (Li 2005 ) . But, confi ning these children in large- scale institutions, like the orphanages of Albania and Rumania, will fail to protect them from the inhumanity that propelled them into the streets in the fi rst place. Once provided safe havens, careful solutions to their multifaceted-issues need to be addressed. The aim should be to pursue and sustain the long-tem goal of providing these children with basic literacy and numeracy, the ability to communicate, and imparting skills to earn a living. In so doing, the children need mentors and role models as well as jobs that will help sustain them. Much of this is being carried out by non-government agencies. In Chennai, India, for example, various Indian NGOs work with police to assist stranded runaways who arrive in railway stations ( Manikandan 2007 ). Many international and local NGOs engage in specifi c activities designed to help street children. Examples include the Salvation Army, Rescue Dada for Girls run by the Catholic Archdiocese of Nairobi, Edelvale Homes in Embakasi, Don Bosco Boys Town, and the Mukuru Promotion Center. The latter runs four schools under the auspices of Sisters of Mercy and Christian Children’s Fund in and around Nairobi, Kenya that are geared to helping the street children re-integrate into the community and family (Mugo 2004 ) . The Londonderry-based Irish nonprofi t Latin American Street Children Organisation (LASCO) has been active in helping Bolivian children (BBC 2005 ) . The NGO RugMark has been involved in educating street children and other disadvantaged youths in Nepal and elsewhere in South Asia (BBC 2004 ) . Sixty- nine percent of the street children in Zimbabwe were successfully rehabilitated, some reintegrated with families or living in supported accommodation, due in large part to the actions of 12 NGOs operating in that country (Committee on International Relations 2005 ) . The NAG Home (Nawa Asha Griha, literally the house of new hopes) in Katmandu, Nepal has successfully run street schools, and rehabilitated some street children (BBC 2004 ; 2007 ; 2009 ) . In Rawalpindi, Pakistan a school with no buildings still infused the lives of street children with hope for the future (Khairi 2007 ) . And in Dushanbe, Tajikistan school children donned secondhand clothes and mingled with street children in an attempt to convince them to go back to school (Saberi 2006 ) . The longer a child has been on the streets the more diffi cult is it to re-establish family ties. Any re-integration with the family must be binding requiring the cessation of misuse and abuse that may have caused the child to take to the street in the fi rst place. In Zimbabwe, for example, one runaway was re-united with her family on the condition that the guardian not abuse the child and pay the girl’s school fees and Addressing the Problem 87 other school-related expenses (Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003 ) . Street children are acutely aware of the stigma of having once been a street-child. Besides requiring that the family keep the youth’s past street-life confi dential to avoid teasing and name- calling, the psychological issues that may arise from the stigma must be addressed. Those street children whose families have disappeared should be provided with fostering, adoption, and, as a last resort, placed in small-scale governmental and non-governmental institutions. Since many street children exhibit a variety of problem- behaviors acquired over years of living on the streets, it is crucial that they be weaned off the streets as soon as possible. Programs should focus on rescuing the young who have only recently found their way to the streets. Instead of waiting for the children to seek help, street workers, while building initial trust, should contact them where they are with offers of help. Many private or public programs, causing psychological struggles, focus on the children’s “adaptation” that robs the children of their sense of effi cacy (Aptekar 1988 ) . Street children quickly translate program that solely focus on their problems as examples of “blaming the victim” while the problems of the larger system are left unchanged (Fahmi 2007 ) . If workers are perceived by children as being heavy-handed, all-knowing, or judgmental they are likely to be alienated and refuse assistance. Competent, effective, and well-prepared street workers require well-trained and adequately compensated personnel. In dealing with these individuals patience is essential given their seeming lack of discipline, inability to pay attention and concentrate, fi ghting and other aggression (Mugo 2004 ) . The NGO “Streets Ahead” trained its small team of Zimbabwe outreach workers to visit the street children of Harare, gradually developing trust among them. Children began to accept the organization’s efforts to provide them food, shelter, washing, and cooking facilities and would play in the drop-in center it provided gaining access to the information, education, and skills training programs it offered (Rurevo and Bourdillon 2003) . In Cairo, Egypt one program that began as an information-sharing and consultation effort by street workers gradually evolved into a program that combined a drop-in center delighting the young patrons with amenities for personal hygiene such as haircuts, healthcare, carpentry training, clean water, and a safe temporary haven. Street children from throughout the city voluntarily, and eagerly, participated (Fahmi 2007 ) . By making the programs attractive enough for them to begin their initial participation, one can hope for an interaction beyond that of convenience. One of the programs for boys was thus able to attract street girls when it commenced a much needed program for them (Kovats-Bernat 2006 ) . However, not all NGO or government rescue efforts meet with success. For example, “Youth Rehabilitation Centers” that accommodate both convicted and those “under-trial” in the Philippines often lacked standards, and were supervised by untrained “mamas” and “dadas” (Amnesty 2003 ) . Moreover, treating glue- addicted street children requires expert knowledge and training. And NGOs that depend on donors that respond only to an individual in need, rather than aggregates of needy people, do not have the resources to have a general or sustained impact (Kristof 2009 ) . And sometimes the resources offered by various outreach organizations are underutilized by those in need. Brazilian street-children in Recifé, for example, used the government-run FUNDAC, and its later incarnation CAE 88 3 Abandoned and Street Children

(Center for Reception and Referral), and the private Casa de Passagem only for meals during weekdays (Hecht 1998 ) . Trying to lure youths away from the street culture of impulsive, hedonistic, and anonymous living can be challenging. After all, many of them have found the unstable, risky, and physically demanding street life to be a haven from their “normal life.” Thus any alternative offered must be extremely attractive, and sustained. But expecting those who escaped to the streets due to dysfunctional families to return to them requires social services for the entire family ( YAPI, undated ) . Some street children may have ended up living on the streets because of their diffi culty in coping with school and structured education. Others may reject the drudgery of school work. Integrating them into a structured school environment may be impossible. However, many street children hunger for an opportunity to go to school to learn. As diffi cult as it may be, it is not impossible to sustain their interest, enhance self-discipline, and maintain a sense of self while remedying individual problems by pacing children in age-inappropriate, but literacy-level appropriate, classes. Doing so poses great pedagogical and fi nancial challenges for most formal educational systems. The nongovernmental Projeto Axé in Salvador, Bahia in Brazil, for instance, has successfully engaged marginalized youths in street-education work (Almeida and de Carvalho 2000 ) . Educating street children may mean an honest evaluation of the pros and cons of formal education versus literacy with basic linguistic and communication skills that transfer to salable skills (Mugo 2004 ) . For example, Brazil since 1980s had successfully geared its educational, social, and development policy toward working and street children (Mickelson 2000 ) . And, with American aid Microsoft Corporation, racially discriminated Amerasian Filippino street-children have been receiving schooling and training in acquiring twenty-fi rst century skills (Committee on International Relations 2005 ) . In addition to providing schools for all, poor children have to be provided bal- anced meals, books, clothes, tutorials, and conveyance, as well as curricula that are relevant to their needs. In Tamil Nadu, India the state government has enabled universal education, mandated by the Indian Constitution, by providing amenities such as dormitories for children of the poor. Tamil Nadu, India also sponsors entertaining plays, enacted by street children that create a sympathetic atmosphere among the public while educating their comrades of the streets (The Hindu 2007 ; 2009 ) . Dealing with these quite competent and resourceful youngsters requires that common stereotypes and negative labels be replaced with partnership arrangements (Hinton 2000) . Years of living in instability – not knowing where to sleep, to clean one self, eat, fi nd work, and the demands for constant adaptation – can cause distrust and psychological distortions in street children (Agnelli 1986 ) . Treating them as capable decision-makers, however, can assure their continued interaction with those trying to improve their lives. The staff should be sensitive to their emotional needs and triggers as well as their physical needs. Many street children are quite autonomous. They are accustomed to fending for themselves, using information to their advantage, protecting themselves, making decisions, and taking risks. Yet they require sustained help from rules-bound, stable, institutions if they are to live productive adult lives. Respecting their independence while, at the same time, providing Addressing the Problem 89 the structure essential to helping them is a continuing challenge to aid workers. But the task of enticing free-wheeling street children into disciplined learning in confi n- ing classrooms is not impossible since most of these children subscribe to the larger societal values and are not mentally or developmentally hampered. And many express a desire to continue their formal schooling. All they need is the opportunity and environment to do so ( BBC 2007 ; BBC 2007a ; Mugo 2004 ; Veale, Taylor and Linehan 2000). If street children are not ready to re-join their families or make a transition into the larger society, sporadic help and rehabilitation will fail. The most important elements to ending their see-sawing lives on the streets are sustained, consistent, and comprehensive support. One effective way to enlist street children in education is by using peers, particularly those from the mainstream society. At the Colegio La Ensenañza in Barranquilla, Colombia “normal” students (like the singer Shakira) were required to help poor children to read and write (Malcomson 2009 ) . In Kabul, the Afghan charity named “Kochah” (the street in the Dari language), run by singer Farhad Darya, pays monthly remittances to widowed and destitute women to help pay for their children’s education (Sarwary 2008 ) . In many cases, the efforts of local governments or an NGO is enhanced by larger international agencies. A 1981 UNICEF program in Nicaragua, for example, successfully replaced courts by establishing local social agencies to handle street children. These agencies identifi ed and entrusted older street children to supply affection, stability, and support to younger youths (Aptekar 1988 ) . UNICEF and European Economic Commission (EEC) also channeled funds to change the juvenile justice system, providing schooling for incarcerated minors and establishing a drop-in center for street children. Through its Displaced Children and Orphans Fund, USAID provided funds to train social workers, and judicial and police offi cials to work on the streets among the street children, encouraging judges to sentence youths to community service for minor offenses rather than institutionalize them (Committee on International Relations 2005 ) . Other agencies have directed their efforts to particular issues. The World Health Organization targets children’s health. The World Bank has highlighted the connection between poverty and child labor. And UNICEF has focused on the living conditions of minors in particularly diffi cult circumstances (Liebel 2004 ) .

Role of Media and Public Relations

The media has a crucial dual role in educating the public as well as street children. At a basic level, the media can provide information, as with Mexico’s newspaper Uno Mas Uno and Costa Rica’s government operated radio program, that supply information to families on the different solutions available to them for helping their children (Aptekar 1988 ) . In remote and superstition-ridden areas governments, international agencies, and NGOs can train infl uential local leaders and opinion- makers as messengers and hire them as advocates to eradicate the negative stereotypes 90 3 Abandoned and Street Children people have of street children. The media can, thus, foster social discourse on street children as persons entitled to all the rights of a human being. In stimulating action to address the plight of street children around the world, or in specifi c countries, media attention is a critical element. Media campaigns focusing on the issue of human rights violations against street children also create a cultural climate of tolerance and empathy toward them as well as help end rank abuse. Focus should be on highlighting the double standard that treats these children as adults capable of living on their own while expecting them to be not assertive and aggressive (Committee on International Relations 2005 ; Glasser 1994 ) . The Jubilee Action of Guillford, United Kingdom, and the movie “City of God” for example, brought to public attention the institutionalized violence against Brazilian street children. Guatemalan newspapers printed stories of the lives of street children and their victimization in that country. Such negative publicity helped bring an end to the widespread death squads. Promoting early childhood development the singer Shakira, challenged and shamed the local politicians, building fi ve public schools in her native Colombia. Similar media attention could elicit constructive actions in other countries (Malcomson 2009 ) .

Conclusion

Despite the United Nations (1993 ) Resolution, The Plight of Street Children 1993/81 , an increasing number of minors live in public spaces around the world. Wherever street children are found they live in a milieu of cultural traditions that determine social policies that impact their lives. Echoing R.L Stevenson’s “A Child’s Garden of Verses,” despite the appeal of “…none to tell me what to do,” street children might also conclude that the world is too big and street life too scary – nasty, brutish, and life-threatening to continue their way of living. Street children are typically alienated and marginalized from the “normal” support structures of society due to repeated neglect, abuse, and exploitation. Such children are deprived of a childhood and face futures that are bleak and, for most, cruel and short. Therefore, the children of the streets residing in our midst are of urgent concern. In the words of Wernham ( 2001: 1) “These children are seen as outsiders by society, often with only an outside chance of survival and development to their fullest potential.” Since street children, do not deliberately and knowingly opt for the rough and dangerous life of the street, their lot reﬂ ects the inability of parents or guardians to cope with the responsibilities of guardianship (Aptekar 1988 ; Hagan and McCarthy 1998 ; Savelsberg 2000 ) . With incompetent, uncaring, or missing guardians, the state must ultimately take responsibility for their wellbeing. No state can allow adults to fail in their roles as nurturers of the young. Therefore, “What needs to be addressed are the speciﬁ c conditions under which children are more or less likely to be nurtured and protected rather than abandoned, abused, raped, or killed” (Scheper- Hughes and Sargent 1998 ) . As noted by Wernham ( 2001 : 1): Conclusion 91

It is the structural problems – of poverty and confl ict – family, societal – and the lack of political will – that propels them into the streets. The major challenge is to provide families on the margins of economy with the support – material, moral, and psychological – so that their children need not seek their future on the streets. We owe it to their incredible resil- iency, courage and imagination in the face of exceptionally diffi cult circumstances to work together to turn this ‘outside chance’ of survival and development into the guaranteed fundamental human rights to which they are entitled. These rights comprise the right to adequate food, shelter, clothing, education, and an occupational skill. The moribund politics of many governments compound the structural issues of poverty that are ultimately responsible for the hordes of street children found throughout the world. Street children are acutely aware of the arbitrary manner in which they are arrested, judged, and confi ned by adults. Among the worst offenders are the very guardians of law and order – the police. In the words of the Committee on International Relations (2005 : 2) “No nation can afford to allow its police to become murderers or its children to become outlaws, and hope to remain a stable, prosperous, democratic society.” The lives of these children are not of their own making. Instead, “We would know that such suffering is not a cruel twist of fate but the end result of a global system that ensures the poverty and misery of the world’s poor to the benefi t of the world’s most affl uent” (Kovats-Bernat 2006 ) . The song, written by the all-children musical group at Haiti’s “Lafanmi Selavi,” applies to world’s street children (Kovats- Bernat 2006 : 173): We live in a country, we don’t have freedom of speech. We are always fi ghting. We are not making progress. We are children, just like any other children. God created us. If we are suffering, the big shots are responsible… If we are suffering, those in authority, Those with power, Are responsible. People in power, however lethargic, unwilling, or impervious to the plight of the children populating their city’s streets can prevent their continued abuse. They can exemplify transparency in the administration of justice, and create an atmosphere for cooperation among international organizations, local NGOs, the media, and committed volunteers to bring about change in the lives of street children. Doing so is only a matter of exercising a willingness to help those in need of help. Otherwise, we should look forward to future generations of the world of misan- thropic survivors who have raised themselves in the mean streets equipped only with manipulation, brutality, and aching empty bellies while carrying the invisible scars of physical, mental, and psychic trauma. 92 3 Abandoned and Street Children

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Children have always been victimized by war either directly by being purposively or unintentionally killed, wounded, or maimed, enslaved, deprived of home, education, or other life chances, or indirectly by the loss of a loved one, mental or emotional anguish, or psychological trauma. And children have also been victimized by warfare, or insurgent confl icts, by being forcibly recruited, or, due to the lack of options, obliged to become active participants in the confl ict as child soldiers . Regardless of how they may have become child soldiers, regardless of the explicit role they may play in that capacity Ð armed combatant, spy, ammunition carrier, camp cook, etc. Ð and regardless of the “cause” they may serve while doing so, young people deemed to be “child soldiers” are victims. Indeed, besides being victims as defi ned by international law and agreements, by their vary status as “soldiers,” child soldiers are victimized in virtually all the ways children and young people are otherwise victimized throughout the globe. They may be physically harmed or even killed, their labor is exploited, they are often sexually abused, the are denied access to education appropriate to their age, they are subjected to horrendous psychological and emotional trauma, they are taken or lured away from their homes and family, and they are forced to commit atrocities. For most, being a child soldier means you are subjected to physical and psychological brutality while, at the same time, being robbed of your childhood. Some scholars claim that juveniles, and even children, may often willingly volunteer to serve as child soldiers out of national or group loyalty, a sense of duty, or in self-interest (see Rosen 2007 ) . In that regard, it could be claimed that their “victimization” is voluntary in much the same sense that any adult who joins the military is victimized once they confront the reality associated with that choice. But, as minors, children and juveniles almost never have any say in initiating the confl icts in which they are involved or directing their course. In this sense, children and young people serving as “child soldiers” are also to be considered victimized. Whether they are abducted and forced to serve as combatants or combat-support elements, or they purposively choose to do so their lives and wellbeing are placed in jeopardy with no voice in deciding the situation occasioning that risk. In so far as

C.A. Hartjen and S. Priyadarsini, The Global Victimization of Children: 97 Problems and Solutions, DOI 10.1007/978-1-4614-2179-5_4, © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012 98 4 Child Soldiers this victimization is typically committed by government authorities bent on keeping themselves in power, or by would-be government authorities rebelling against the existing power structure, using children Ð by any means or in any capacity, as active participants in armed confl ict Ð is as close to a pure form of government crime as we are likely to see. The victims are children and young people. The criminals are government, or “wannabe” government, authorities. Any effort to resolve the problem must, therefore, ultimately focus on the criminalization of those government, or “wannabe” government, agents involved in this immoral and, under international law, illegal activity. Some people, what we may call “cultural relativists,” may pose reasoned arguments to support the “rights of children” to participate in armed confl ict of various sorts. And from a children’s rights perspective, such arguments can have considerable merit. But, it is clear that this form of youth exploitation has become universally recognized as wrong and is condemned by responsible authorities worldwide. The question is not should the young be protected from armed confl ict. Instead, for most the question is how to prevent their becoming so involved in the fi rst place, to stop it when it occurs, and how to deal with the children who have already been victimized in this way.

What is a ‘Child Soldier?’

Although one would assume that virtually anyone would be able to easily defi ne and identify a “child soldier,” when it comes to actually dealing with this problem internationally, the matter is less than clear. Essentially the issue centers on two crucial elements: (1) the meaning of the word “child” and (2) what constitutes a “soldier.” A clear generic defi nition is offered by Machel ( 2001 : 7) who describes a child soldier as: … any child Ð boy or girl Ð under the age of 18, who is compulsorily, forcibly or voluntarily recruited or used in hostilities by armed forces, paramilitaries, civil defense units or other armed groups. A more detailed defi nition was articulated in 1997 by the United Nations in its “Cape Town Principles” and has become recognized as an authoritative statement on the subject. According to this defi nition ( UNICEF 1997 :11): A child soldier is any person under 18 years of age who is part of any kind of regular or irregular armed force or armed group in any capacity, including but not limited to cooks, porters, messengers and anyone accompanying such groups, other than family members. The defi nition includes girls recruited for sexual purposes and for forced marriage. It does not, therefore, only refer to a child who is carrying or has carried arms. Similar defi nitions have been offered by United Nations agencies and various experts on and NGOs concerned with the problem of child soldiers. The age at which a child can legitimately become a soldier varies, but collectively age 18 is now recognized as the crucial demarcation age such that no one under this age should be employed in either combat or support roles by any kind of armed or military force. Moreover, the standard applies equally to boys and girls and is Laws Prohibiting Child Soldiers 99 intended to apply whether the organization in question is a governmental or non-governmental body. However, while international law, as well as a number of regional and national laws, explicitly state, or at least imply, that anyone below the age of 18 is a child and, thus, is protected from being used as a soldier, that age standard often has no meaning in cultures where puberty or some other standard is recognized to distinguish adults from children (Rosen 2007 ) . Moreover, it remains questionable whether any legal standard applies universally, or only to governments, or those governments that have ratifi ed the law. And, even if some age limit does universally apply regardless of the nature or composition of the organization, in practice, organizations that are willing to employ children as combatants may care little about the law, have no fear of its potential application, or are simply ignorant that any such standard exists. Second, someone dressed in a uniform, carrying a weapon, and comporting his or her self in a “military” fashion is clearly a soldier and, thus, if below age 18 supposedly illegally so. But is a village boy who volunteers to plant a road-side bomb a soldier? Is a 13 year old girl who reports on the whereabouts of the enemy, a soldier? Is a 15 year old boy willing to sacrifi ce himself as a suicide bomber a soldier? Are children fi ghting among insurgents against some oppressive dictator soldiers, or are only those serving in the government forces they oppose to be so counted? The Cape Town principles suggest they are. But just how involved a young person must be in combat-related activities to be counted as a soldier is far from clear. As unambiguous as the various defi nitions seeking to delineate just who is or is not to be included in this category may be they are more guides than strict legal standards enforceable under criminal law. As discussed below, a sizable body of law does exist that collectively provides the bases to prevent this form of child victimization. But, in practice, both existing laws and the world’s ability to enforce them practically guarantee that the practice of using children to fi ght the wars created by adults will continue.

Laws Prohibiting Child Soldiers

Since shortly after the end of World War One a body of international humanitarian, human rights, and to a lesser extent international labor and criminal law in the form of pronouncements, protocols, treaties, and agreements has evolved regarding the recruitment, use, and treatment of child soldiers.

International Agreements

Among the most signiﬁ cant of the international agreements are the Geneva Convention (1949) and its Protocol I and Protocol II (1977), The Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989), the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (1998), the 100 4 Child Soldiers

International Labor Organization Worst Forms of Child Labor Convention 182 (1999), and the 2000 Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child (UN 2002). In addition, a sizable number of national or regional laws and rules banning the use of child soldiers have been enacted, or agreed upon in specifi c groups of countries or by individual nations. And a number of countries have passed specifi c legislation aimed at penalizing nations or individuals responsible for using children in armed confl ict. Collectively, these laws and agreements criminalize the use of child soldiers everywhere in the world, in essence, if not necessarily in fact or effect (cf. Breen 2007 ; Child Soldiers Accountability Act 2008 ; HRW 2003 : HRW 2006 ; Hughes 2000 ; Rosen 2007 ; Singer 2005 ; UN 2002 ; UNICEF 1997 ; Women’s Commission 2000 ) . Following World War Two, the Geneva Convention, adopted in 1949, was the fi rst major international agreement recognizing that children, along with others, deserved special protection from the effects of war (ICRC 1988 ) . But this agreement only referred to children as non-combatants. Their possible participation as soldiers was not yet a consideration. However, with the changes in warfare and the increasing use of children as active participants in armed struggle two Protocols to the Convention were drafted in 1977. These protocols specifi ed that children under age 15 should not be recruited into or take part in hostilities or participate in the armed forces. Signifi cantly, these Protocols still allowed that youths between the ages of 15 and 18 could be recruited and used, although priority was to be given to the use of older youths. Although clear in intent, the vague language of these protocols allowed warring parties to easily circumvent their intent. Additionally, human rights groups and child activists chafed that the age limit of 15 was far to low. Their case gained considerable strength with the later adoption of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) which has been almost universally ratifi ed by the nations of the world (UN 1989 ) . Defi ning a “child” as anyone under the age of 18 and including in its provisions a host of children’s rights that would be incompatible with their involvement in armed service, the CRC essentially declared any use of children in armed service to be illegal whether that use involved them as combatants, support personnel, or even recruits. The CRC, however, still specifi ed age 15 as the cut off point for serving in armed forces, thereby producing an inherent legal confl ict. Moreover, it provided an opening for nations and organizations to enlist children younger than 18 as child soldiers. While activists worked to increase this age to 18, a number of governments strongly opposed doing so from fear that raising the age limit would curtail their recruitment practices. It was not until 2000 when many countries ratifi ed the Optional Protocol to the Convention that age 18 became fi rmly Ð well, almost fi rmly Ð established as the age below which no nation or organization could have children serving in armed forces. Even this protocol did not absolutely ban the recruitment of younger individuals from military training or service, but it set a clear and fi rm standard for all signatory nations to aspire to. But it offers no protection from recruitment (Capodaglio 1999 ) . The International Labor Organization’s (ILO) Worst Forms of Child Labor Convention 182 that adopted a rule to be in force by 2000 is, in some ways, a more signifi cant and effective tool in banning the use of child soldiers than are the UN Laws Prohibiting Child Soldiers 101 resolutions (ILO 1999 ) . This agreement requires signatory states to prohibit and eliminate a number of forms of child labor and defi nes a “child” as anyone under age 18. Specifi cally in Article 3 (a) of this agreement, the list of banned “worst” forms of labor includes “…forced or compulsory recruitment of children for use in armed confl ict.” In addition, it was recommended that recruitment of child soldiers be made a criminal offense. The clear intent of these and other, international standards has been to prohibit organizations of any kind from recruiting and using anyone younger than age 18 from serving either directly or indirectly in situations of armed confl ict. But, other than moral condemnation, none of these agreements provide for any kind of real power to enforce or prevent organizations, government or otherwise, from doing so, or to punish any that might break the norms if they are parties to the agreement. The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court of Justice (ICCJ) adopted in 1998 came into force in 2002. It sought to add teeth to the international standard by including the use of child soldiers (voluntary recruits or forcibly abducted) as one of the several war crimes for which individuals could be prosecuted and punished in the International Court of Criminal Justice (UN 1999 ) . This agreement, however, also only gave the court jurisdiction over the war crime of conscripting or enlisting children under age 15 into government or other armed groups, or using persons under age 15 in active hostilities. In addition to the ICCJ, the United Nations has created a handful of special courts in countries or regions, with similar powers of criminal-courts, to prosecute persons accused of war crimes. As limited as these criminal jurisdictions might be, the Rome Convention and special courts signal that the international community not only views the use of child soldiers as wrong, but actually also made doing so punishable under criminal law. Just how sharp the punitive teeth of criminal prosecution might be has, as yet, to be determined.

Regional and National Laws

In addition to these international regulations, some regional agreements or national laws go beyond simple prohibition by either specifying that such conduct is criminally prosecutable or calling for “measures” to prevent confl ict groups from employing children in their activities. Virtually all regional agreements recognize age 18 as the standard. Among these agreements are: the Organization of African Union (OAU) Resolution on the Plight of African Children in Situations of Armed Confl ict (1996), the Capetown Principles (1997), the Declaration by the Nordic Foreign Ministers Against the Use of Child Soldiers (1997), the European Parliament Resolution on Child Soldiers (1998), the Berlin Declaration on the Use of Children as Soldiers (1999), Montevideo (Uruguay) Declaration on the Use of Child Soldiers (1999), Maputo (Mozambique) Declaration on the Use of Child Soldiers (1999), the Organization of American States (OAS) Resolution on Children and Armed Confl ict (2000), and the Amman (Jordan) Declaration on Child Soldiers (2001). The most recent of these, the Amman Declaration, specifi cally states that it is “Determined to 102 4 Child Soldiers put an end to the use of children under age 18 years of age as soldiers” ( HRW 2006a : 2). And some countries have enacted legislation to penalize their fellow nations for violating the international standard or that allow them to prosecute as war criminals under national law any individual accused of such conduct within their jurisdictions. The United States, for example, passed H.R. 2620 – the “Child Soldier Prevention Act of 2007” – which bans the United States from providing funds to nations that could be used for “military education and training,” “military fi nancing,” “military sales,” “direct commercial sales”, or “excess defense articles” which use or allow the use of child soldiers under the (CSPA 2007 ) . Similarly, The Child Soldiers Accountability Act of 2008 makes the use and recruitment of anyone under age 15 a federal crime in the United States, even if the offender recruited or used child soldiers outside the United States. If the offender’s actions resulted in a child’s death, imprisonment up to life could be imposed. And, most signifi cantly, persons who are accused of knowingly recruiting child soldiers can be denied entry into the United States or deported ( CSAA 2008 ) . As early as 1998 the European Parliament ( 1998) pass a resolution rejecting the use of child soldiers in hostilities by either regular government forces or armed opposition groups. In addition the resolution called upon European Union nations to support international initiatives to ban the recruitment of any one under age 18 as a child soldier and to adopt the same laws in their own countries. Recognizing age 18 as the standard, in Article 22 of the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child the Organization of African Unity ( 1999) required that States party to the Charter take “all necessary measures” to insure that children will not take a direct part in hostilities and that they would refrain from recruiting children to do so.

The Impact of Law

Over the course of almost 50 years of litigation legal efforts intended to protect children from the horrors of war and service in armed combat has been marred by controversy and legal wrangling over wording. These diffi culties have centered on the following: the defi nition of which age groups are to be covered by the prohibitions, the types of warfare involved, which groups are included (government compared to insurgent, or revolutionary compared to colonial rulers), whether the prohibition applies to child soldiers serving in all capacities, or just those involved in direct armed confl ict, etc. In spite of these technical issues, the world now has a widely agreed to body of law that clearly, if not unambiguously, prohibits using anyone below age 18 in armed services. And universally people virtually recognition that doing so is wrong and condemnable. It is probably impossible to measure what, if any impact, legal prohibitions may have had or will have on addressing this issue. How many combatant organizations did not or do not use children as combatants because some international or even Extent and Prevalence 103 national law threatened leaders with prosecution for doing so will never be known. To what extent some government refrains from recruiting children below some agreed upon age, or even devotes much effort to exclude under age soldiers from their ranks once detected, because the world community deems it objectionable can not be determined. Undoubtedly world condemnation in the form of legislation and international agreements have some preventive force and should be continued and strengthened. But, despite the efforts to penalize nations and individuals engaged in such activities, the evidence is clear that not only has the use of children in armed confl ict continues it has actually accelerated. Laws and agreements may be well intended, but their impact on stopping the conduct they condemn appears to have been minimal at best.

Extent and Prevalence

A United Nations report estimates that at any given time more than 300,000 child soldiers are being used either as direct combatants or support personnel in armed confl icts throughout the world (Machel 1996 ) . In 2007, there were an estimated 250,000 child soldiers, mostly in Africa ( BBC 2007) . A report by Human Rights Watch ( HRW 1999 ) documented that there were more than 120,000 child soldiers fi ghting in Africa alone. As Singer (2005 : 6) argues: The use of child soldiers is far more widespread than the scant attention it typically receives. In over three fourths of the armed confl icts around the world, there are now signifi cant numbers of children participating as active combatants. These are not just youths who are on the cusp of adulthood, but also include minors as young as 6 years old. And Machel (2001 : 7) states: Child soldiers are used for forced sexual services, as combatants, messengers, porters and cooks. Most are adolescents, though many are 10 years of age and younger. The majority is boys, but a signifi cant proportion, overall, is girls. A 2008 assessment by the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers of the extent to which child soldiers are presently being used in confl icts throughout the world found that the number of confl icts using child soldiers had actually dropped from 27 to 17 . While seemingly a matter for rejoicing, the authors of the report are careful to point out that the drop in numbers merely refl ects the fact that some earlier confl icts had ended, not that the proclivity of warring parties to use child soldiers had dissipated. Indeed, in spite of efforts by international bodies and NGOs to curb the practice a number of countries persist in using children in government and paramilitary forces (CSUCS 2008 ). This widespread use of children in combat is, if not unique, unprecedented in human history (Rosen 2007 ; Singer 2005, 2005Ð2006 ) . And in the present century the use of children in armed confl ict is not limited to any one continent or region of the world ( HRW 1999 ) . While examples of confl ict can be found just about anywhere in the world, a swath of seemingly endless insurgencies and inter-group wars 104 4 Child Soldiers stretches across the middle of the globe from Northern and Central Latin America, across Central Africa to the Near and Middle East, through South Asia, and the Eastern Pacifi c Islands. And it is within this belt of countries that some of the more blatant recent abuses are to be found (see: CSUCS 2004, 2008 ; Wessells 2006 : 8Ð19). According to Singer (2005: 17Ð29) child soldiers have fought in all the confl icts that have taken place in the Americas since 1990. Most notably, children have served in large numbers on both sides of the confl ict in Columbia making up substantial segments of the two rebel armies called the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Columbia (FARC) and the National Liberation Army (ELN) as well as fi ghting with the Colombian government’s military and paramilitary forces (HRW 1998 ; Watch List 2004 ) . FARC forcibly recruited some children and others appear to have joined for lack of alternatives in the face of rural poverty. In 1998 the ELN pledged to stop such conduct. The Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (CSUCS 2008 ) acknowledges that beginning in 2003 modest programs had commenced for demobilization and reintegration of youths leaving the various combatant groups. However, since that time the UN has received reports of renewed recruitment by some of these armed organizations. Children have been participants in virtually all confl icts in the post-Soviet Europe. Most recently the Kurdish Workers Party (PKK) in Turkey systematically recruited children – one as young as 7 – to fi ght for Kurdish independence, creating even an entire regiment of children. Over 3,000 children were estimated to be serving in the ranks of the PKK ( Singer 2005 ). Perhaps the most extensive and documented use of child soldiers in recent decades has been in the seemingly endless struggles that have occurred in countries throughout Sub-Saharan Africa ( HRW 1999 ) . Virtually every war, rebellion, insur- rection, revolution, or whatever the present name of some confl ict may be called, has involved, and still does involve, the widespread use of children in every aspect of the struggle, usually by combatant groups on all sides of the confl ict. Combating groups in almost all central African countries have been guilty of this activity Ð Burundi, Central African Republic, Côte D’Ivoire, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Liberia, Mozambique, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Africa, Sudan, and Uganda. In Liberia, the notorious ex-president Charles Taylor found children to be a cheap and readily available force to be manipulated to fi ght in the two wars he fought in Liberia early in the twenty-fi rst century. The rebel forces that eventually toppled him in 2003, likewise, relied on children to bolster their armed forces (Sengupta 2003 ) . Taylor and his son “Chuckie,” are two of the few such exploiters of children to face trial as war criminals for doing so ( BBC 2007 ) . During the wars that have raged for over 15 years: Thousands of children have been victims of killings, rape and sexual assault, abduction, torture, forced labor and displacement at the hands of the warring factions. Children who fought with the warring parties are among the most affected by the war. Not only did they witness numerous human rights violations, they were additionally forced to commit abuses themselves ( HRW 2004 : 1). Extent and Prevalence 105

The 2003 comprehensive peace agreement effectively brought large-scale fi ghting in Liberia to an end, and established demobilization and reintegration programs. According to reports: More than 10% of those demobilized were children. At the end of hostilities in August 2003, before the commencement of the offi cial program, children came spontaneously to child protection agencies to seek help to be demobilized. By October 2004 more than 10,000 children, including over 2,300 girls, had been disarmed and demobilized and more than 9, 600 reunited with their families ( CSUCS 2008 ). However, many of these “programs” were fl oundering by 2005, and children seeking protection and aid were being frustrated and exploited once again by authorities and former commanders (see: HRW 2004a ) . Africa’s largest, and among its longest, ongoing confl ict has taken place in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (CSUCS 2008). The army that initiated the war in 1996 had some 10,000 child soldiers under age 16 Ð known as kadogos, or “little ones” – serving as support personnel and combatants. It is estimated that of the participants in the warfare, at least a third Ð some 30,000Ð50,000 soldiers Ð were children. As late as 2006, 3 years after the end of fi ghting, the demobilization program that aimed to return some 30,000 children to civilian life was failing. Some 40% of the children were girls and most remain unaccounted for. Many of these girls were used as sex slaves and are considered the property or wives of combatants. As recently as 2007 children were still found in FARDC (governmental army) of the Republic of Congo units. Those captured from, or even demobilized from, rebel groups faced harsh treatment and exploitation by FARDC members. Additionally, in an area known as Ituri, confl icting-bands were known to recruit and use children well after the war technically “ended” (CSUCS 2008 : 107Ð109; Watch List 2006 ) . In North Africa, virtually all the wars that have been waged have relied on child soldiers. The war in the Sudan, for example, has dragged as many as 100,000 children into the confl ict as participants on both sides ( Watch List 2003 ; Singer 2005 ) . This has been particularly true of the Sudanese government which has “recruited” large numbers of children in various provinces to serve in pro-government militia. The main rebel group called the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) has also heavily relied on underage “recruits” to fi ll its ranks. According to Singer (2005 ), in a public relations gambit this organization “demobilized” thousands of child soldiers Ð about 30% of its force. Actually, Singer notes, the organization simply “warehoused” the younger fi ghters in boys-only camps to be trained as the basis of a new army called the “Red Army” to continue the struggle. Children participated, and continue to participate, in virtually all the confl icts taking place in the Middle East, particularly among the various radical Islamic Groups ( Singer 2005 ). In the continuing fi ghting in the Middle East’s occupied Palestinian territory and Israel it is well known that children and adolescents have participated with armed groups, as well as, been used as suicide bombers (Watch List 2002 ) . Similarly, as late as 2001 both the Taliban and Northern Alliance in Afghanistan were reported to have recruited children to serve as frontline fi ghters, ammunition carriers, and informants and spies (Watch List 2001 ). Some of these 106 4 Child Soldiers children were as young as 12. The Taliban also recruited many of these youths from Madrassas in Pakistan. It is also believed that youths are kidnapped by pro-Taliban militants ( Hasan 2007 ) . For example, the Taliban reportedly recruited children Ð as young as 11 Ð by kidnapping them in the tribal belt of north-west Pakistan ( BBC 2007a ) . Similarly, child soldiers have been, or are being, used by both insurgents and most governments in more than a dozen insurgent struggles taking place in various Asian countries. And children are being employed as combatants in virtually all of them. For example, in Chhattisgarh in India’s Northeast, Maoist insurgents reportedly increased their recruitment of children when violence increased in 2005. Some of these recruits were as young as 14 and 15 years of age (CSUCS 2008 ; HRW 2008 ) . Prior to taking power in Nepal, Maoists also relied on children to fi ll their armed ranks ( BBC 2008 ) . Although the Indian government denies recruiting children at all, Human Rights Watch (2008 ) contends that children were being used by police and government agents as spies, informants, messengers, and the like in that corner of the subcontinent. Similarly, children as young as 10 are reported to be used by Pakistan-based militants in Jammu and Kashmir as messengers and couriers, but some have also been used to throw grenades and plant bombs. Several boys have been killed in individual clashes with police or security forces while acting in this capacity. In these confl ict areas also it is reported that children have been recruited by state-backed anti-insurgency forces with the full knowledge of Indian authorities. The ethnic-separatist confl ict that raged in Sri Lanka for decades relied heavily on the use of children in all aspects of warfare, primarily by insurgent groups but also by the Sri Lankan government itself ( BBC 2006 a ; CSUCS 2008 ; HRW 2004b ) . The major insurgent group, the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) recruited under-age fi ghters for many years. Although this organization had always denied that it “recruited” under-age fi ghters, it is estimated that as of 2007 at least 1,500 children were serving. Even after a cease fi re was negotiated in 2002 the recruitment of children by the LTTE continued (Buerk 2007 ; HRW 2004c ) . About one-third of the LTTE’s child soldiers are believed to have been girls, although girl soldiers were apparently not subjected to sexual abuse as they often are elsewhere. In 2004, a breakaway organization (the Karuna group) was headed by Colonel Karuna of the LTTE. Many of its 5,000–6,000 fi ghters were believed to have been children. Although the group was disbanded, by 2006 it regrouped and actively recruited children once again to fi ll its ranks (Reddy 2006 ) . Like the LTTE, in spite of clear evidence to the contrary, the Karuna group denied recruiting any under-age children ( HRW 2007a ) . In 2008, the former commander was jailed in the United Kingdom on charges of identity fraud. Rights groups pressed authorities to have him prosecuted for human rights abuses, including the abduction of children to serve as soldiers ( BBC 2008a ) . Elsewhere in Asia, the problem of child soldiers persists. Prior to 2005 when the 30-year confl ict in Indonesia offi cially, if not in fact, ended, thousands of boys formed local paramilitary groups to protect themselves from, or to raid, Christian or Muslim communities. As many as 45% of the personnel of the government of Extent and Prevalence 107

Myanmar’s (formerly Burma) army were under age 18 while up to 8,000 children were fi ghting these recruits in the service of the various rebel groups. Both the Myanmar government and the many warring insurgent groups that continued to fi ght it, and one another, use children in various capacities as combatants (see: Becker 2004 ; CSUCS 2008 ; HRW 2002 ) . According to Human Rights Watch ( HRW 2002a ) : Burma has the largest number of child soldiers in the world and the number is growing… The overwhelming majority of Burma’s child soldiers are found in the national army, which forcibly recruits children as young as 11, although armed opposition groups use child soldiers as well. Most of the recruits are forced without their parent’s knowledge or consent into servicing with the government forces. Training is brutal and children as young as 12 are forced to fi ght in the front lines against opposition forces. Over 30 opposition groups exist in the area. Of these, 10 were actively at war with the government. All appear to use child soldiers to bolster their ranks. While some of these children are forcibly recruited, others join for various reasons (see HRW 2002 ) . In 2004 the United Nations Committee on the Rights of the Child (UN 2004 ) found Burma to be in violation of international law and contended that the government should take immediate action to demobilize child soldiers. To date, the government of Myanmar seems to have paid little attention to this demand. Although there are apparently no under-age soldiers serving in the armed forces of the Philippines, children were reported to have been recruited to serve in both government-backed paramilitary as well as armed opposition groups. Their numbers appear to be quite small, and recruitment is non-structured and episodic. However, among insurgents the use of children is apparently quite prevalent, and children are reported to constitute about 20% of The New Peoples Army (NPA) Ð a rebel Islamic militant force. NPA spokes person have claimed that these soldiers are strictly volunteers, and those found to be under-age are assigned to non-hazardous duty or dismissed from the force. However, children, some as young as 11, have been encountered in clashes between government forces and the NPA insurgents. Similarly, children are believed to make up almost 13% of one Islamic insurgent group. Other Islamic insurgent groups are also reported to have children serving as combatants (CSUCS 2008 ). But third world countries are not the only ones that have been guilty of recruiting and using children as soldiers. According to Capodaglio ( 1999 : 1 ) “Governments in a few Countries legally conscript children under 18. In the UK, teenagers who are 16 can enlist in the military for a 3Ð5 year tour of duty. In the US, a 17-year old can enlist in the marines. In both countries these young soldiers can be sent to war zones.” The examples presented above are intended to illustrate the wide use of children in combat by armed parties in diverse countries throughout the world. By no means do these exhaust the list of such confl icts Ð past, present, and likely future. According to Singer (2005 : 28–29) 37 of 55 (or 68%) of ongoing or recently ended confl icts throughout the world have children serving as active combatants. As of 2005, some 23% of the world’s armed organizations were using children age 15 or younger, and 108 4 Child Soldiers

18% have children 12 and younger serving in armed conﬂ ict. More recently, UNICEF 2008, 2008a reports that rather than decreasing the number of armed groups using child soldiers has actually increased to at least 57 organizations. Thus, the conclusion that children in many parts of the world “carry out warfare” is by no means an exaggeration.

Nature of Victimization

Either as voluntary or conscripted recruits, children have been used in virtually all aspects of insurgent and counter-insurgent warfare. Their specifi c roles may vary from organization to organization and the development stage of specifi c confl icts, but: Once recruited as soldiers, children are treated as adults. Children often serve as porters, carrying heavy loads such as ammunition or injured soldiers. Children are extensively used also as lookouts, messengers, and perform common household and routine maintenance duties such as cleaning and assembling artillery. In Ugandan armies, children can volunteer at 13. They are forced to hunt for wild fruits and vegetables, loot food from gardens, plunder granaries, and perform guard duty (Capodaglio 1999 : 1 ) . In most organizations children serve as active combatants in front-line battles, raids on villages, patrols, and the like. Also, children are used as spies to collect intelligence. In some organizations they engage in kidnapping and guarding hos- tages. And child soldiers may be required to carry out executions and participate in massacres of women and even other children. And, they engage also in jobs that are inherently life threatening, such as making and setting mines and booby traps as well as clearing minefi elds and de-activating ordinance. They may also be used as forced labor, porters carrying supplies and ammunition, cooking meals, and staffi ng check points. Girls are often used as sex slaves, raped, or turned into “wives” besides being cooks and porters (cf. CSUCS 2007 ; Peacebuild 2008 ; Singer 2005 ; Wessells 2006 ) . One former child soldier from Uganda told of her experience: I was abducted at night from my home on December 26, 1996, by the Lord’s Resistance Army. On the way to Sudan, an abducted boy tried to escape. He was recaptured and I had to kill him, by beating him to death with sticks. One day, I was beaten seriously because I dropped a water container during a gunfi re. In Sudan, I received military training for 1 month. I learned how to assemble and dismantle a gun. After that, I had to fi ght both UPDF [Uganda People’s Defence Forces] in Uganda and SPLA [Sudan People’s Liberation Army] in Sudan. Several times, I went to villages to loot food and abduct other children. One day, I was given to a commander as his wife. I got pregnant and delivered a boy. In a fi ght with UPDF, I managed to escape, but I had to leave my child in the bush. I don’t know what happened to him (quoted in Derluyn et al. 2004 : 863) In whatever capacity they may serve, by their very presence in combatant groups child soldiers are often placed in situations of physical danger and physical pain as well as emotional and psychological trauma and abuse. The most obvious injury suffered by children recruited or forced to serve as combatants or support personnel is to be killed or seriously injured. In Multan, Pakistan a 14 year old boy was captured after attempting to help blow up people worshiping at a shrine after his Nature of Victimization 109 bomb failed to explode. He lost his hand from the grenade he tossed and was also shot by police. His accomplice was not so lucky (Tanveer 2011 ) . In a report on the use of child soldiers in Liberia, Human rights Watch (HRW 1994 : 4) notes that: The widespread use of child soldiers has ensured that many thousands of children in Liberia have suffered exceptional cruelties during the war; many child soldiers have been killed or wounded, or have witnessed terrible atrocities in a period in which thousands of other children, too, have died. Moreover, many children have themselves taken part in the killing, maiming or rape of civilians, including other children, or the looting of civilian homes. Many have staffed military checkpoints throughout the country where they have harassed and sometimes killed civilians. Some were only 10 years old when they joined in the fi ghting; sometimes the weapons they carry are as tall as the children. As one Liberian working with former combatants put it: ‘It’s the climax of the abuse of children’s rights.’ In some cases children having been purposively placed in the front ranks of combat, used as human shields, or “sacrifi ced” to clear land mines, and/or used as human bombs (see HRW 2006b ; Singer 2005 ). In Uganda, the rebel army called the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) reportedly sent children to the front to check for ambushes. Or they were assigned to man checkpoints while their commanders would remain hidden or take cover. Sometimes the children would be armed, at other times not. Sometimes the children would be allowed to duck or take cover, at other times they were ordered not to (HRW 1997). Also it was not uncommon to use children as “cannon fodder” in trying to overwhelm opponents by numbers, even when the children were untrained and unarmed ( Amnesty International 1997 ) . In Liberia “small-boy” units fi ghting for the government were typically the fi rst sent into the fi ghting. One boy reported, “We were many, plenty small boys, from 10, 11 and 12. You would be sent to the front fi rst. You go and get killed and then the next one takes your place, it never ended” ( HRW 2004 : 2). In Colombia in South America, for example, insurgent FARC soldiers forced two boys as young as 14 and 15 to take two horses to a military unit in a near by village. The explosives affi xed to one of the horses exploded early, killing one of the boys. In another instance, FARC soldiers murdered a 14 year old boy, placed explosives inside his corpse and sent it to a brigade of opposition forces (Watch List 2004 ). Also in Liberia: Child soldiers report being treated cruelly by the factions to which they belonged; they have been beaten, fl ogged, an subjected to a form of torture called tabay – in which a person’s elbows are tied together behind his back, causing severe pain and often leading to nerve damage in the arms. Many children report being drugged with a mixture of cane juice and gunpowder, or with ‘bubbles,’ an amphetamine, to make them ‘strong and brave’ for fi ghting at the front. Many child soldiers also report having been subjected to a cruel initiation rite on joining a warring faction in which a child is forced to kill or to commit some other atrocity to demonstrate that he would be a reliable fi ghter Ð and to mark a turning point from which there would be no going back (HRW 1994 : 5). Even if not engaged in active combat roles, child soldiers serving in support positions are subject to death and injury, and risk coming under fi re from opposing forces. Precisely how many under-age soldiers have been killed, maimed, or seriously wounded in the various confl icts in which they are employed around the world is unknown, and might never be known. But both as perpetrators and victims of confl ict, the estimates of the numbers of children who have, directly and indirectly, 110 4 Child Soldiers perished in various confl icts throughout the world are staggering (Machel 2001 ) . Indeed, in 2011 UNICEF estimated that more than 90% of the casualties from wars in recent decades were civilians and at least one-half of these were children and that more than two million children died over the past decade as a direct result of armed confl ict. Many, if not most of these were children involved in armed confl ict (UNICEF 2011 ) . Besides being the objects of physical violence child soldiers in Burma, for example, have been reported to carry out horrendous atrocities against others and even members of their own organizations (see HRW 2002a ) . Normally forced, or ordered, to do so by their commanders, former child soldiers from units across the globe report how they participated in the murder, torture, mutilation, and other abuse of civilians, including other children. Ishmeal Beah’s account of the atrocities he witness and participated in while serving as a child soldier in Sierra Leone during the early 1990s is graphic and chill- ing. Indeed, shooting a fellow Sierra Leonean became for him as easy as drinking a glass of water (Beah 2007) . According to Human Rights Watch, during the war in Sierra Leone’s Revolutionary United Front (RUF) committed “unthinkable” atrocities against civilians and opposition forces alike. “Child combatants armed with pistols, rifl es, and machetes actively participated in killings and massacres, severed the arms of other children, and beat and humiliated men old enough to be their grandfathers” ( HRW 1999b : 1). A boy in Sierra Leone told how, after attacking and destroying his village, members of the RUF “…gave me a rifl e and told me to kill this woman … She was my relative [aunt] and I didn’t want to hurt her. They told me to shoot her or I would be shot. So I shot her…I did it to survive” (Wessells 2006 : 59). Similarly a boy in Colombia related how “They give you a gun and you have to kill the best friend you have. They do it to see if they can trust you. If you don’t kill him, your friend will be ordered to kill you. I had to do it because otherwise I would have been killed. That’s why I got out. I couldn’t stand it any longer” (CSUCS 2007 : 2). In some organizations, a common tactic is to force young recruits to participate in the group killing of one of their own who attempts to fl ee the organization or run away from combat (HRW 2003 ; UNICEF 2003 ) . A 13 year old boy in Uganda reports: Early on when my brothers and I were captured, the LRA [Lord’s Resistance Army] explained to us that all fi ve brothers couldn’t serve in the LRA because we would not perform well. So they tied up my two younger brothers and invited us to watch. Then they beat them with sticks until two of them died. They told us it would give us strength to fi ght. My youngest brother was nine years old (CSUCS 2007 : 1). Actually being “taught to kill” appears to be a standard training technique in many instances, especially for those forcibly abducted into the ranks of combatants. Having done so once Ð especially to one of their own Ð is thought to make it easier and more likely that the “recruit” will be willing to do so again, as the occasions arise (HRW 1994, 2004 ; Wessells 2006 ; UNICEF 2003 ). Beyond the horror of receiving and infl icting physical injury on others, observations of and interviews with youths who have escaped from or been demobilized from fi ghting forces indicate that the things they experienced as child soldiers can Nature of Victimization 111 infl ict deep psychological and emotional scars ( Amnesty International 1997 ; de Silva et al. 2000 ; HRW 1999b ; Wessells 2006 ). Post-traumatic stress disorder (PSD) is frequent among adults who are trained for, and even volunteer to engage in warfare. For children Ð many of whom have been forced into this context and have little by way of ideology to temper the emotional impact of their involvement in murderous activity Ð the trauma of killing and seeing others killed are undoubtedly much worse (Kimmel and Roby 2007 ; HRW 1994) . For example, a study of former child soldiers in Uganda attempted to assess the extent to which they experienced traumatic events during their service and symptoms of post-traumatic stress ( Derluyn et al. 2004 ) . On average each of he youths included in the study had experienced six traumatic events including seeing someone killed, seeing a close relative killed, killing someone themselves, killing a close relative, being forced to drink their own urine, and to fi ght in combat. Using a standard survey instrument, the researchers reported that essentially all participants showed clinically signifi - cant test scores indicating high levels of post-traumatic stress, and these scores were not affected by such things as the number of traumatic experiences, length of service or escape from service. However, the availability of a parent may help to medicate some of this stress. Similarly a study in Nepal compared the mental health of former child soldiers with that of civilian children following the confl ict in that country (Kohrt et al. 2008 ) . The former child soldiers had ranged from age 5Ð16 at the time of their conscription. All showed signs of greater mental health problems compared to civilian children and the difference in their mental health condition remained even after controlling for trauma exposure, indicating that just the fact of being conscripted had a negative impact on the former child soldiers’ mental health. Some evidence suggests that youths in some cultures have coping mechanisms that help alleviate the adverse impact of traumatic experiences (see: Annan et al. 2006) . However, reports from people working with former child soldiers in Liberia clearly show that these wounds can last well beyond the end of their involvement in the hostilities. Human Rights Watch (HRW 1994 : 19), for example, reports: According to counselors and social workers who work closely with former child soldiers, many suffer from symptoms of Post Traumatic Stress Syndrome…many have nightmares, wet their beds, cry, cannot sleep, have diffi culty in relating to others, display aggressive or hyperactive behavior; some hear voices. Many suffer from anxiety or depression, and have diffi culty concentrating. For the thousands of girls who are caught up in the web of forced or voluntary recruitment into the ranks of child soldiers, the damage can be even more profound (see Wessells 2006 ). Besides serving in all the capacities that their male comrades are required to serve, even as front-line combatants, girls are often forced into sexual activity, raped, or turned into the “woman” or “wife” of adult combatants. In Liberia, for instance, Human Rights Watch reports that girl fi ghters were collectively referred to as “wives.” One 14 year-old narrated how, after being abducted, she was raped by many fi ghters and then assigned to a commander as a wife (HRW 1994 : 2). In Columbia, FARC units had a policy of “sexual freedom.” Thus, to protect them from pregnancies girls were provided contraceptives. But 112 4 Child Soldiers they were also punished for promiscuity, and those that got pregnant were forced to have abortions (Watch List 2004 : 28). A girl in Zimbabwe serving in the (military) National Youth Service Training Program run by the government forces stated: There was no one in charge of the dormitories and on a nightly basis we were raped. The men and youths would come into our dorm in the dark, and they would just rape us Ð you would just have a man on top of you, and you could not even see who it was. If we cried afterwards, we were beaten with hosepipes. We were so scared that we did not report the rapes. The youngest girl in our group was aged 11 and she was raped repeatedly in the base (CSUCS 2007 : 1). Besides the emotional trauma stemming from forced and exploitive sexual activity, girls often suffer from the physical injury this can cause as well as pregnancy and the dangers of child birth in situations not conducive to pre-natal or post-natal care. For many that survive, returning home with a child in tow is not an option. Beyond the physical, psychological, emotional, and sexual harm that children suffer when used as soldiers in either government or insurgent organizations, being recruited into the ranks of child soldiers infl icts a more subtle kind of long-term injury on thousands of children throughout the world. In addition to the simple loss of “childhood,” child soldiers in most instances have diminished life chances as a consequence of their “service,” as well as the confl icts that brought this service about. Primary among these diminished life chances are the denial of education and its consequent limitation on future employment and potential opportunities for a better, often even “normal,” life. Rather than being given a normal elementary or secondary education essential to life in a modern global economy, child soldiers are often recruited from, or forcibly taken from school. Most appear to have little opportunity to resume that interrupted education once hostilities cease and the survivors are returned to civilian life. Having limited, or often no real, education dooms many former child solders to lives of economic marginality. Many are fi t only for lives of banditry, theft, and killing and are willing and ready recruits for criminal gangs and other combatant groups in the region (Machel 2001 ; Singer 2005 ) . Wessells (2006 : 3) states: “Denied their rights to education and protection, child soldiers, often become a means of continuing protracted armed struggles and cycles of violence.” Some scholars suggest that for the individuals involved the experience of, and events encountered as, child soldiers are victimization enough to warrant our concern. But the consequences emanating from the release of hordes of these individuals back on the world should also be our concern. Hartjen ( 2008 : xiv) points out that: Although in much of the world many infants will never live to see age fi ve, the demographics of the world’s population are such that in the early decades of this century a very large segment of the people who inhabit our globe will not only have reached their most crime- prone ages but will also be destitute, desperate, and without hope…That they might become involved in crime, either as offenders or victims, should surprise no one. Former child soldiers provide a trained, typically marginalized, and deprived critical mass of people ready to fi ll that role. As Singer (2005: 208–209) notes “… a generation of estranged and isolated children is growing up without educational Becoming a ‘Child Soldier’ 113 and economic opportunities, and without any hope of prospering. They make up the core of the child soldier recruiting pool in the present and future.”

Becoming a ‘Child Soldier’

Children come to be affi liated with combatant groups in a number of ways (see: CSUCS 2008 ; HRW 2003 ; Singer 2005 ; Wessells 2006 ). Many apparently “voluntarily” join these organizations, or are recruited to do so. Others, however, are forced through threat, abduction, or coercion to “join.” Often children are kidnapped while on family errands to the market or while on an outing with friends. In some cases they are abducted by the very troops that may have raided their village and killed their relatives. The vast bulk of enlistees are believed to be children of the poor and impoverished in virtually all the armed struggles found in the contemporary world (Machel 1996, 2001) . As with most other forms of child victimization, being poor substantially increases one’s chances of winding up as an underage armed combatant. Although some child soldiers may voluntarily join government or insurgent units, this “willingness” is typically motivated by desperation or delusion. Enlistees, concluding that joining some warring group as their only hope of survival may affi liate with some warring band even if by so doing they face the prospect of death or injury. In Columbia, for example, “There are areas where children beg insistently to join the guerrillas, but there are also situations in which their very own mothers, who are desperate, take their children to the guerrillas because their families live in misery … It’s very diffi cult to say no” (quoted in HRW 2008: 8). Others, usually in similar deprived circumstances, have lost their family, village, and home and simply have no where else to go. Ironically this loss may sometimes be due to the very groups they join. Willingly or not joining the rebel force may be their only option for survival (cf. HRW 1994) . But, as Protacio-De Castro ( 2001: 126) notes in her discussion of child soldiers in the Philippines “There is a very thin line that separates voluntary from coerced participation and it is not possible to know exactly at what age a young person is capable of ‘volunteering’ in the way we accept that of an adult. No one makes a decision in a vacuum; and clearly a child can be susceptible to certain types of pressure form certain people and circumstances beyond their control.” A number of “recruitment” strategies have been employed by various organizations to convince young people to serve. Often involving propaganda, promises of payment, excitement, status, and national pride, these tactics are used by combatants on all sides of some confl icts. In Columbia , for example, Autodefensas Unidas de Columbia (AUC) systematically falsely promised monetary rewards to lure desperate youngsters. “Children are lured into the AUC … by salaries ranging between 900,000 and 1,200,000 Colombia pesos … reportedly paid every 3 months, with bonuses for special missions” ( Watch List 2004 : 29). Most recruits say that the money was their primary motivation for joining. In Sierra 114 4 Child Soldiers

Leone recruits interviewed said that they were motivated to join by the promise of fi nancial compensation and the opportunity to enrich themselves through looting (HRW 2005 ) . Impressionable youths, or their families, are often swayed by such enticements to join the cause. In the closing years of the Iraq war a growing number of child fi ghters began to appear in combat situations. According to reports some of these children had been encouraged by their parents to join the fi ghting for the fi nancial benefi ts their participation would bring. These sources, report that insurgents would pay boys from $200 to $300 to plant a bomb, a sum that would support their families for 2Ð3 months (The Indian Express 2007 ). In other instances, children in orphanages, refugee camps, demobilization centers, and schools are targeted by “recruiters” and often coerced into joining up. In Liberia: Relief workers reported raids on schools and displaced people’s camps, including an attempt to press gang school children into joining the armed forces in … 2003. International NGOs estimated that at least one in ten children in Montserrado displacement camps were recruited by Government forces. … There are incidences of young boys who put up resistance and were fl ogged and forcefully recruited (HRW 2004a : 1 ) . A 14 year-old boy in Bajaur, Pakistan claims that the Taliban forced him by trickery and treats to become a suicide bomber. According to his story ( BBC 2009 : 1 ) : There were fi ve people who came after me from a place in Bajaur. They tricked me. They told me they were going to behead my father. I went with them but my father wasn’t there. They tied me up. They said: ‘You have two choices. We will behead you, or you will become a suicide bomber.’ I refused. There were two more guys my age. They were also training to be suicide bombers. If we refused they would tie our hands behind our backs, blindfold us and start beating us. They brainwashed us and told us we would go to heaven. They said ‘there will be honey and juice and God will appear in front of you. You will have a beautiful house in Heaven.’ We used to ask them to let us out to pray. They would reply ‘you are already on your way to heaven. You don’t need to pray.’ Ultimately he was sent to bomb a mosque. Failing to complete this mission he escaped the Taliban and returned home. His fate is unknown. Modern media have provided yet another way to entice impressionable youths to join up, indeed, even volunteer to die. According to Rubin (2011) a video posted on YouTube and viewed hundreds of thousands times glorifi es a group of boys preparing to be suicide bombers for the Taliban. This video is just one of scores promoting Jihad among young boys in Pakistan and Afghanistan. In Iraq raids by U.S. forces uncovered a number of video tapes showing terrorists training young boys to kidnap and assassinate civilians. A spokesman for the military is quoted as saying “We believe this video is used as propaganda to send out to recruit other boys … and to send a broader message across Iraq to indoctrinate youth into al Quida” (Frayer 2008 : 1 ) . Religious schools called madrassas located throughout Pakistan and Afghanistan are another source of recruitment. According to reports, in addition to, or besides, normal academic and religious teaching, many of these schools are little more than indoctrination centers to induce boys to join combatant organizations such as the Becoming a ‘Child Soldier’ 115

Taliban. Often youths living in what they perceive to be “dead end” localities with little hope for any meaningful future are attracted to or encouraged to attend these schools in anticipation of becoming “great” as one such youth expressed to report- ers (Yusufzai and Grisanti 2007 ) . Several governments as well as armed rebel groups opposing them are notorious for their recruitment of minors into their ranks (Amnesty International 1997a ; BBC 2007b ). In Chechnya, “the governor of Irkutz set up Cadet School for 12-year old boys who wanted to become offi cers, on the condition they were from local children’s homes. A local rocket base agreed to guarantee jobs for the graduates. The fi rst year, 23 boys aged 13Ð15 from orphanages or shelters for the homeless joined. The local authority paid 12% of the Cadet Corps costs and the Ministry of Defence the rest ( CSGR 2008 : 3).” Similarly as late as 2002 adolescent boys in Sudan were reportedly “…at risk of abduction from schools, parks and other public places by government armed forces” (Watch List 2003: 24). In 2006 the LTTE in Sri Lanka reportedly abducted seven boys and 16 girls along with two teachers from a school. Due to international pressure, they subsequently released the abductees (Reddy 2006 ) . A former member of the Maoist rebels in India reports: I joined the rebels’ military guerrilla squad when I was 13 or 14 years old. I was studying in a government-run residential school in eighth standard when Naxalites came to my hostel….I didn’t want to go. They said I could study until the 10th standard, but I should go with them. We got weapons training, learnt about landmines, and a little karate ( BBC 2008b : 1 ) . Russia has 35,000 military “adopted” children. And the Leningrad Military District, for example, revived a Tsarist tradition of “adopting” as “sons of the regiment” 12 boys deprived of parental care, while subjecting them to military discipline (CSGR 2008 : 3). It can indeed be argued that many children purposively choose to serve in the ranks of combatant organizations and, as such, their service is voluntary. And this “choice” may actually provide these youths with income, status, power, a stake in their future, and a hand in overthrowing oppression, and the like (see: Rosen 2007) . But, regardless of how recruits are persuaded to volunteer to serve, it is doubtful that in the vast majority of these cases the children make this decision rationally with full knowledge and understanding of the consequences or dangers involved. A child may make a “reasoned” decision to join, but the ability of an 11 or 12 year-old to make such an informed, rational decision can be questioned. Adult volunteers in conventional armed forces may not be any more rational, knowledgeable, or much less desperate, to serve than the child soldiers serving in the more than 50 warring organizations presently using such conscripts throughout the world. To the extent that we accept that adults, by defi nition, can be rational Ð even if sometimes they are not Ð the blame then is on them for putting themselves in danger by volunteering. But, in the case of children, the fault squarely lies with the organizations that encourage or accept children to serve in dangerous situations. As such, to the extent that we accept that children are not fully rational, it is up to the organizations they seek to “join” to insure that they be 116 4 Child Soldiers protected from doing so (see de Montigny 2006 ) . The United Nations Convention on the rights of the Child requires that: In accordance with their obligations under International Humanitarian laws in armed confl icts, States Parties shall take all feasible measures to ensure protection and care of children who are affected by an armed confl ict (UN 1989 : Article 38, part 4). Often this responsibility is simply ignored. Moreover, once recruited, child soldiers are treated as if they are grownups (Capodaglio 1999 ) . Just how many children choose to deliberately and willingly join warring organizations is unknown. Considerable evidence exists to demonstrate that many who serve are far from being volunteers. Instead uncounted thousands of child soldiers have been, and still are being, forced or coerced into putting their lives and wellbeing in danger in the service of rebel or government combat organizations. A report in The Hindu ( 2009 ) , for example, claims that security forces in Islamabad, Pakistan rescued several children who had been forcibly taken from their homes by the Taliban to serve as fi ghters and suicide bombers. It was speculated by a government offi cial that hundreds more like them probably existed. In some cases, parents are required to “donate” one of their children to the cause. In Sri Lanka, for example, LTTE is reported to have had a policy demanding that one person in each family join in the fi ghting. In other confl icts, people are led to understand that serving in the combatant force is a “duty” not to be questioned. In Pakistan, for example, pro-Taliban forces intimidate people and “convince” children that it is their duty to carry out religious war, “jihad” ( BBC 2007 ) . Often the promise of adventure is enough to convince youths as young as 11 to join the cause (Hasan 2007 ) . In most other cases children are simply abducted while on the street, from school, or right out of their home and forced to join the militant or government force that abducted them. Examples are numerous. When she was 12 years old, a girl was abducted by the Lord’s Resistance Army in Uganda (see Felton 2008 : 28Ð29). She reports: “We were used like slaves…We used to work in the fi elds or collect fi rewood from 7 in the morning until 5 in the evening, and we were given no food. If you made a mistake or refused, they would beat us…The three girls who were taken from my village with me were beaten to death.” Eventually she was forced to become the “wife” of a rebel commander who was later killed. She gave birth to a daughter from this liaison when she was 16. By age 21 she had escaped and was studying at a college in Uganda. In the government held territory of Sri Lanka the Karuna group abducted with impunity children right under the noses of government offi cials decrying the practice ( BBC 2006a; HRW 2007) . Sometimes, these child-soldiers were re-recruited after being demobilized. In Sierra Leone children have been also been taken out of demobilization camps by rebel Revolutionary United Front (RUF) forces who used threats, falsehoods of having found the youth’s parents with promises to reunite with them, and false rumors that they would be sold if they left the camp, and the like. Sometimes the children are taken without their parents’ knowledge Efforts to Combat 117 and are never allowed to even intimate to their parents what has happened to them. In Burma: One boy was recruited at age 13 while attending a festival with friends. … army recruiters threatened him and his friends with jail if they refused to join … The boys were given no opportunity to contact their families, and are sent to camps where they undergo weapons training, are routinely beaten, and brutally punished if they try to escape. Boys as young as 12 are sent into combat against ethnic opposition groups (Becker 2004 : 1). In the most extreme cases, rebel or government forces attack a village or community, killing and destroying everything in sight. Children who survive may be simply told they now must serve with the group that just attacked them. And, in some cases, these children may be forced to take part in, or stand by and witness, the killing of their relatives and neighbors. Those who refuse or try to fl ee may be themselves killed or severely injured. In Uganda, for instance, a girl reports: One boy tried to escape, but he was caught. They made him eat a mouthful of red pepper, and fi ve people were beating him. His hands were tied, and then they made us, the other new captives, kill him with a stick. I felt sick. I knew this boy from before. We were from the same village. I refused to kill him and they told me they would shoot me. They pointed a gun at me, so I had to do it (HRW 1997 : 1). The members of a youth’s family may pressure him or her to “join” for economic and other reasons. In some cases this may involve extreme sacrifi ce on the part of the youth being “recruited.” For example, the BBC ( 2010 ) reports that in Pakistan a 13 year-old girl told how her family tried to turn her in to a suicide bomber. Her father and brother, members of the Taliban, beat her repeatedly when she refused to succumb to their demands. Her younger sister appears to have been used as a substitute. The girl was ultimately saved from her sister’s fate when her house was blown up by an airstrike while she was outside to retrieve a goat that had wandered away. The ways by which young people are drawn (or dragged) into serving the interests of the, normally selfi sh, agendas of political and military establishments are varied and stem from complex causes. They all, however, share one thing in common Ð adult perceptions of them and the exploitative uses to which they can be put. This perception is succinctly voiced by Angela McIntyre in her exploration of the ways in which young people are transformed from children into armed combatants. In so doing, McIntyre (2003 : 92) notes that youth are “… perceived as a commodity for plunder, and that the only way for this problem of ‘instrumentalization’ to be corrected is to both guarantee children’s rights and ensure meaningful participation of children and youth in decision-making.”

Efforts to Combat

Numerous people have offered a host of suggestions on ways the victimization of young people as child soldiers might be stopped or prevented and what, if anything, to do about those victimized in this way. Michael Wessells (2000 ) , a recognized export in this area, has suggested that there are four areas of “high priority” for its prevention: (1) poverty reduction, (2) the construction of more comprehensive, 118 4 Child Soldiers effective legal and human rights standards, (3) improve the care and protection of children who face immediate risk of soldiering, and (4) create effective programs for the demobilization and reintegration of former child soldiers. Although all four are necessary, addressing poverty and inequality are the top priority as far as signifi - cantly reducing the conditions that breed confl icts in which child soldiers are likely to be used. As Wessells (2000 : 409) succinctly puts it: Since child soldiering is grounded in the structural violence of poverty and social inequalities, a top propriety is poverty reduction accompanied by more equitable resource alloca- tion. …ecological degradation, failing states, and rampant militarism, poverty and social injustice constitute the root causes of most armed confl icts today. Indeed, as he also notes: In situations of armed confl ict, it is mostly poor children living in diffi cult circumstances who are at risk of soldiering. Within a community, poor children are most likely to be the orphans, the unaccompanied, or the marginalized and therefore at greatest risk of abduction since they lack basic protection. Most immediately, the focus should be on those youths most at risk of recruitment. According to Wessells (2000 : 410) these: …are children who are orphans, separated from parents or adult caregivers, school drop- outs, internally displaced, or refugees. Also at great risk are girls, who are valued less than boys in many societies, who may be smaller in stature and less able to defend themselves, and who suffer because of a variety of myths. A more elaborate scheme to prevent the recruitment of child soldiers before and during confl icts is offered by Emily Vargas-Barón ( 2010 ) . Addressing national policies geared to reducing the potential confl icts, or that would help to insulate children from being recruited when they do occur, Vargas-Barón argues that governments need to give priority to such things as “integrating parent education and support systems,” “ developing comprehensive community services,” “educational reform” to improve fragile and failing education systems, establish integrated “educational, trauma healing, and protective services,” and enhance “security” for displaced persons and others at risk. Once confl ict does break out, it is essential to provide “basic services,” develop systems to monitor and track the “recruitment and status of child soldiers,” as well as “educational reform,” provide “community services,” “combat recruitment,” and demobilize and reintegrate child soldiers so as to prevent their re- recruitment. While quite idealistic in scope and intent, Vagras-Barón’s correctly targets the underlying conditions that not only make confl icts likely but contribute to the use of children and young people to join in the struggle. Indeed, as she notes: Ultimately, given that over 70 million children lack access to basic education, and yet more children live in severe poverty, it is surprising that there are not many more child soldiers in the world. To prevent an increase in the number of children whose only recourse is violence, it is essential that protective and social policies be developed and implemented that will give vulnerable children a fair start in life (Vagras-Barón 2010 : 222). A number of organizations have been actively engaged in addressing the problem of child soldiers. Among the most signifi cant of these are several nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) that came together to form a group called the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (CSUCS). In addition, largely stimulated by the Efforts to Combat 119

CSUCS’s activism, the United Nations, and especially United Nations Children’s Educational Fund (UNICEF), has been active in passing resolutions, monitoring national compliance, setting up programs, and putting pressures on offending countries and groups to comply with international agreements. The focus of these efforts has centered on two broad issues: (1) prevention, and (2) the treatment of young persons who are or have been child soldiers.

Prevention

Efforts to prevent the use of children in armed confl ict have taken two major approaches: (1) criminalization of the activity and punishment of offenders as a deterrent strategy, and (2) ameliorating the root causes that give rise to confl icts that may involve children, or facilitate the use of children in such confl icts. Neither approach appears to have had much impact. The laws and agreements described in the previous section refl ect a growing international sentiment that recruiting and using children in situations of armed confl ict is not only immoral, but it is now criminally prohibited and prosecutable. Even though the specifi c agreements are not as tightly worded as one would typically fi nd in a criminal statute, the international criminal and special criminal courts have assumed the power to prosecute and punish individuals as war criminals who have been accused of using child soldiers. Having only really acquired enforcement power in the twenty-fi rst century, the criminalization of the recruitment and use of children in armed confl ict through the International and Special Criminal Courts promises to be a major potential weapon in deterring national and insurgent leaders who may contemplate using children in the ranks of their military forces. However, up to now the promise of this potential has met with frustration. For one, although the leadership of several dozen government and non-government organizations that now use, or have used child soldiers in the past, qualify for criminal prosecution, only a handful have actually been brought before the bar of justice. And, to date, only a few have been found guilty and actually subjected to penal sanction. As late as 2008 only 19 commanders of former child soldiers have faced prosecution for war crimes before the International Criminal Court or special war crimes tribunals. Of these, fi ve have been convicted, the rest were either still under trial, awaiting trial, were at large, or had died (Felton 2008 ) . Even prosecuting these individuals can be a daunting exercise in judicial practice. For example, the war-crimes trial of the warlord and former Liberian President Charles Taylor faced upheaval when the accused simply refused to attend the proceeding. Charges against Taylor include using child soldiers among other offenses ( BBC 2007a ) . The fi rst case to ever come before the International Criminal Court involved the local warlord Thomas Lubanga of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Held in 2006 for crimes committed during a 5-year war that ended in 2003, Lubanga was accused of using child soldiers in association with the various atrocities his forces committed during that struggle. That trial was placed into jeopardy when prosecutors were accused of withholding evidence from the defense ( BBC 2008c ) . 120 4 Child Soldiers

But achieving justice in war-crime tribunals is not impossible. The special war-crimes court on Sierra Leone, for example, handed down its fi rst war crimes conviction (for activities during the civil war that lasted from 1991 to 2002) against three leaders of a militia guilty of 11 counts, including the use of child soldiers. The three ultimately received prison sentences of 25, 40, and 52 years each ( MSNBC 2009 , 2009a ) Setting a precedent, these convictions may make future prosecutions in similar cases more likely to succeed (cf.: Clifford and Glassborow 2007 ; HRW 2007a ; Mail and Guardian 2008 ) . And in some cases, accused war crimes suspects have been arrested in countries to which they fl ed once evidence of their crimes had come to light. In 2009, for example, while they were living in Germany the German police arrested to militia leaders from Rwanda on suspicion that they had committed war crimes, including recruiting children as soldiers, during the unrest in the Democratic Republic of Congo following the genocide in Rwanda. Both could stand trail before the International Criminal Court ( BBC 2009a ) . But the very few offenders who have actually ever been brought to trail, much less subjected to punishment for their crimes, could suggest to others that the chances of punitive reaction are slim at best and the benefi ts to be gained from using child soldiers far greater than any possible legal threat from doing so. Criminologists have long realized that for any punishment to be of deterrent value, it must be both severe and sure. The slow pace with which the international criminal court and the various special courts have operated in charging and trying cases negates both of these two requirements. Moreover, and most crucially, no case focusing on the crime of using child solders alone has been brought before any criminal court. In prosecuting these cases the crime of using child soldiers is typically bundled with a number of other war crimes for which the offenders are being prosecuted. As such, the specifi c crime is essentially lost in the shuffl e of charges such as genocide, terrorism, rape, abduction, forced labor, looting, and unlawful killing. In effect, should any offender actually be convicted and punished of “war crimes,” potential offenders are not likely to notice that using child soldiers was one of the offenses in question, or to view it as a serious offense compared to charges such as genocide. Even more so, leaders of government or non-government confl ict groups that use child soldiers are hardly cognizant of, or likely to care much about, the unlikely prospect of being hauled before an international criminal court for any reason. As far as they are concerned, far too much can be gained, at least immediately, by using children to fi ll their armed ranks to be dissuaded by the threat of criminal prosecution or punishment. Indeed: … some armed groups and their leaders appear to attach little value to international law and display little inclination to adhere to it. The military imperatives of the group and the political, economic and social factors that drive confl icts and causes children to enlist Ð often underpinned by local cultural attitudes towards the age of majority Ð can outweigh legal and moral arguments. And while it is premature to assess the future deterrent effect of prosecutions by international courts, members of many armed groups will, in all likelihood, continue to regard themselves as beyond the reach of international justice and remain confi dent that nationalÐlevel prosecutions are unlikely (CSUCS 2008 : 24Ð25) Efforts to Combat 121

Thus, as a way of preventing this form of child victimization, criminalization is probably more a symbolic gesture than a real solution. As de Montigny (2006 ) argues, in its present form international law is seriously fl awed and insuffi cient to protect children from becoming actively involved as military child-labor in situations of armed confl ict. And, in explaining why international laws aimed at protecting children from recruitment into armed confl ict are ineffective, Hughes (2000 : 404) notes that, moreover, in places where such recruitment occurs “… the pretext upon which international laws are based, the nation-state, may have crumbled.” Consequently, law or its likely enforcement loses its meaning. Perhaps Rosen (2007 : 304) is, at least partially, correct when he argues that as a means in preventing the use of children in armed confl ict, international humanitarian law “… is too blunt an instrument, which does not allow for varying solutions to the very real network of social problems it has identifi ed and is trying to address.” This does not mean that sanctions, criminal penalties and other solutions don’t work, or could not be one of several weapons that, in combination, might have some impact on those inclined to use children in armed confl ict. As Singer (2005Ð2006 : 10) states: We must set up realistic system of punishment and deterrence. Such measures include the use of sanctions against child soldier leaders, supporters, and enablers, and the wider application of war crimes tribunals and labor laws. These steps may not fully deter the use of child soldiers, and they certainly will not end the practice. They will, however, at least take away some of its advantages and, most importantly, connect the practice of recruiting and using child soldiers with some form of realistic penalty. Thus, the decision calculus of those weighing whether or not to use children as soldiers will be altered. Since calling on the moral conscience of confl ict-group leaders or, for that matter, threatening them with criminal punishment, do little to deter them from recruiting and using children in their confl icts, a number of observers suggest that a variety of alternatives exist to, if not totally eliminate, at least reduce the use of children as soldiers. Among these are bans or restrictions on the sale or distribution of smallarms weapons; international economic sanctions on governments and insurgent groups to reduce the rewards gained from warfare and increase the costs of its continuance; reducing the grinding poverty that is ultimately behind many of the confl icts throughout the world where child soldiers are likely to be utilized; and implementing measures to assist former child soldiers, orphans, displaced children, and others at-risk of being recruited or re-recruited into the bands of warring factions. Modern assault rifl es can make a deadly soldier out of just about anyone. Both the weight and simplicity of small arms make them easy for children to learn to operate and to use. A strong adult male is no longer needed to fi ght most contemporary wars, especially the kind of insurgent and counter-insurgent confl icts that have plagued the post World War Two world. With one weapon, a child as young as eight can produce the fi repower of an entire squad of soldiers in World War Two. The ready availability of these modern weapons of war, and the ease with which young people can be trained and are able to use them, are a strong incentive for their recruitment. Although warring parties can obtain these weapons from numerous 122 4 Child Soldiers sources, the former Soviet Union and the United States have been the most conspicuous in this trade. And, until recently, the United States has actually worked against preventing the “illegal” trade in such weapons. Recent legislation passed by the U.S. Congress, if enforced, is a step in reducing at least the American contribution to the problem (cf. McManimon 1999 ; SAWG 2008) . In recent decades multinational efforts to ban, or reduce, the legal and illegal international trade in small arms weaponry have been intense, but largely impeded by the major suppliers in the trade (cf. CSUCS 2008 : 22; Singer 2005 : 137Ð138). And there is always the black market with any number of inscrutable individuals all too willing to sell guns to anyone, even if intended to arm and kill children. Wessells (2006 ) suggests that a potentially useful tactic in restraining those who would use children in confl ict from doing so is to isolate them by blocking their access to supplies. One way to do this is to impose sanctions on countries or organizations that trade with warring parties that use child soldiers. Human Rights Watch, for example, recommended that the United Nations Security Council impose sanctions against the Karuna group, in violation of international agreements, for its continued use of child soldiers in Sri Lanka ( HRW 2008a ) . Similarly, the Heritage Foundation called upon the United States to take action against the Myanmar regime for, among other things, using children to repress the country’s population. Claiming that China and Russia are the regime’s primary enablers, the foundation called on the United States to impose “unilateral sanctions” against the regime (Groves 2008 ) . And in 2000, the United Nations had unanimously adopted a resolution directed at blocking the trade in rough diamonds – “blood diamonds” – that has been at the core of many of the confl icts taking place throughout Africa (UN 2001 ) . The primary goal of these sanctioning efforts is to cut off military assistance to these parties, be they nation states or insurgent warlords. In addition, specifi c sanctions such as freezing assets, preventing trade, imposing travel restrictions, and international boycotts can be used to halt the illicit trade in goods that can help fi nance confl ict. But as Wessells ( 2006 ) notes such strategies, while potentially effective, can also often weigh most heavily on the backs of the poor, or backfi re, fueling the very economic antagonisms that gave rise to the confl ict in the fi rst place. According to Singer (2005 : 135–136): “At the global level, the underlying causes behind the rise of child soldiers include such overarching problems as world poverty, the lack of economic and educational opportunity for many of the world’s youth, and the spread of war and disease.” More than anything, the absence of hope born of abject poverty is the root cause of most, if not all, the confl icts employing children as soldiers throughout the world (cf. McManimon 1999 ; Wessells 2006 ) . A recent study sought to test this assumption. Not surprisingly, it was found that the most deprived regions of the world are more likely to be subjected to child soldier recruitment. Moreover, in addition it was found that the existence of refugee camps in a region signifi cantly increases the likelihood of child soldier recruitment. If not poverty per se, the authors’ of this report suggest a number of conditions associated with poverty do indeed increase the probability of confl ict and the use of children in warfare (Achvarina et al. 2007 ) . To reduce the use of children in armed Efforts to Combat 123 confl ict, effective means to ameliorate poverty and its attendant distress must be found and implemented. International aid aimed at promoting sustainable development must be vastly increased. But, Singer (2005 : 137) points out that a majority of the recipients of international aid “… spend far higher percentages of their national incomes on their (usually ineffective) militaries than on their own people’s critical needs in education and health. Many of these funds could be shifted toward the next generation of children and make a far greater difference in alleviating their social and economic problems. Donors should make this a condition of their aid grants.” No matter how poor, governments or those opposed to them always seem to fi nd a way to obtain guns, usually at the expense of such things as schools and health care. In the past half-century virtually all the confl icts that have utilized child soldiers have primarily drawn their recruits from the ranks of the impoverished and displaced. As Singer (2005 : 44) notes: “The overwhelming majority of child soldiers are drawn from the poorest, least educated, and most marginalized sections of society, who have been forced to grow up in what one writer aptly termed a ‘roving orphanage of blood and fl ame.’” Thus, beyond addressing the fundamental blight of world poverty, effective programs need to be implemented throughout the world to protect youths at-risk of being abducted, or to insulate them from being recruited, enticed, or drawn into joining military organizations. Numerous reports suggest, that if steps are not taken to facilitate their rehabilitation and reintegration into civilian life, former child soldiers are especially at risk of being re-recruited into armed bands (often criminal or mercenary groups) after their initial demobilization (cf.: CSUCS 2008 ; UN 2008 ) . The ultimate goal of prevention efforts is to reduce the conditions that give rise to the kinds of confl icts in which children are viewed as a desirable pool of manpower to exploit: by reducing the ability of warring parties to continue their warfare; and by diminishing the pool of children typically relied upon to fi ll the ranks of combatants. The world-wide attention that the various nongovernmental organizations, government, and international organizations concerned with this form of victimization have stimulated may help to mobilize effective action to combat the activity. But that has yet to be realized.

Treating the Victims

Besides trying to stop the activity itself, where prevention efforts have failed, activist organizations have focused attention on two major issues regarding the children who are victimized as child soldiers. One of these efforts focuses on the treatment of children who are presently serving as soldiers in attempting to address questions such as: How should opposing forces deal with child combatants? How should child soldiers taken prisoners be treated by their captors? What should be done with child soldiers who have been involved (unwillingly or on their own initiative) in atrocities of various kinds? The second issue has received much more direct active attention 124 4 Child Soldiers and concerns freeing children from the clutches of armed organizations and returning them as close as possible to a normal civilian life. From the numerous confl icts that have plagued the world since the end of World War Two people have come to realize that children of quite tender age can be fi erce and deadly fi ghters. An 11 year-old with an AK-47, or a rocket-launched grenade, can kill you just as well as a 21 year-old holding the same weapon. Adult combatants quickly learn to fear child opponents as much as any adults they might face. But, at the same time, for many it is very disconcerting to confront and kill children, even when they are the enemy (cf. Singer 2005 ; Wessells 2006 : 74Ð81 ). But are children, even when carrying an assault rifl e, to be fully blamed for their conduct? Are they to be treated just as any other combatants would be in similar circumstances? These, and similar questions, still plague the international community even though the international laws and agreements enacted since World War Two provide guidance in addressing them. Essentially the issue centers on resolving the question of “blame worthiness.” Are child soldiers to be viewed as victims, regardless of their actions, and thus not held accountable for them no matter how horrifi c some acts on their part may have been? Or, can children engaged in combat activities, or involved in atrocities, be held accountable for that behavior? If so, at what age? The general consensus, bolstered by international law, suggests that individuals under age 15 at the time of their involvement are to be viewed as victims of adult manipulation and thus absolved of guilt. For those between age 15 and 18, however, the matter is less clear and subject to some dispute. In an extensive analysis of this issue, a variety of experts present compelling arguments that children (willingly or under compulsion) should not be held responsible as war-criminals in the same sense that the adults recruiting or using them can be. As such, they should not be prosecuted and punished as criminals. However, children involved in war crimes should still be held accountable for their actions through other mechanism, such as participating in truth and reconciliation proceedings. And to not do so, it is argued, could very well lead commanders of warring groups to more readily use children to commit the very atrocities adults could be punished for committing (see Arts and Popovski 2006 ) . The American Pentagon’s effort to try a former “child soldier” is a major case illustrating this dilemma. The accused was 15 years old at the time he allegedly committed murder and attempted murder in violation of the “law of war” when he tossed a grenade that killed a U.S. special forces medic while under attack in Afghanistan. While the Pentagon claimed that the case clearly complied with the standards of a “war crimes” prosecution, an offi cial from the United Nations argued that the proceedings were a violation of international legal norms and could endanger the status as victims normally applied to child soldiers around the world (Isikoff 2010 ) . In efforts to deal with the aftermath of several confl icts in various parts of the world questions regarding the culpability of child combatants have been voiced. And these issues appear to have been resolved – if at all – by fi at more than reasoned agreement. Typically the solution has been to “do nothing” and simply let the past die, or engage in some symbolic kind of “truth and reconciliation” ceremony Efforts to Combat 125 designed to mollify grieving victims and restore a sense of normalcy. The truth and reconciliation commission of Sierra Leone (TRCSL), for example, attempted to address this issue by treating all children as “victims” and, rather than being accusa- tory toward child offenders, understand how this behavior occurred and what could be done to prevent its reoccurrence in the future (CSUCS 2008 ; GPF 2008 ; TRCSL 2004; Rosen 2007 ) . As potentially “healing” as this approach might be, it leaves considerable room for discord involving several moral dilemmas and pragmatic programmatic confl icts. For example, Rosen ( 2007: 304) reports that a great deal of resentment exists among victims of atrocities Ð especially amputees Ð against their young abusers who are now being treated as victims receiving international aid while they themselves and their suffering are left high and dry. Similarly, the Timor- L’Este Truth Commission on East Timor has been criticized for ignoring justice in the pursuit of political expediency (cf. CAVR 2008 ; UCANEWS 2008 ) . The problem, of course, concerns achieving a balance of justice for those victimized by “child victims.” This is especially compounded when the adults responsible for the victimization of the victimizers somehow seem to go scot free. The major thrust of activism, in terms of directly dealing with children who have been victimized as child soldiers, has been to establish various programs to free children from military ranks and restore them as nearly normal as possible to civilian life. Three inter-related efforts are directed toward this end: demobilization programs, rehabilitation programs, and reintegration programs. Largely sparked by the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers and championed by the United Nations, primarily UNICEF, and other international bodies, a host of such programs have been initiated in countries prone to armed confl icts to resolve various issues (see CSUCS 2008 ) . Demobilization efforts seek to convince the leaders of groups, or even national governments that are using child soldiers to release these children from their ranks. In a handful of cases (typically only when the children are no longer needed to fi ll the ranks of combatants) demobilization efforts appear to have been successful. For example, by the end of 2007 a substantial number of former child soldiers had been released and reintegrated into their families and communities in the Central African Republic (CSUCS 2008). However, as in the case of Myanmar efforts have simply been ignored or, as with Sri Lanka, adhered to only as publicity stunts or temporary ploys to ward off international pressure or gain some advantage. For example, in Chad Human Rights Watch reported that after much effort government-backed paramilitary groups actually demobilized children ( HRW 2007b ) . But, many a national army had still relented to do so. Child soldiers are simply often too valuable an asset for combatant leaders to give up unless pressured to do so, or the need for their services has passed. For example, after the peace agreement was signed in Liberia in 2003 it is reported (HRW 2004a ): …child soldiers reportedly began to spontaneously surrender their weapons … However, according to UNICEF no offi cial demobilization process had been launched because of the reluctance of commanders and authorities of the different forces to cooperate. They offi cially denied the existence of child soldiers within their ranks. There were reports of military offi - cials forcing child soldiers under their command to conceal their real age ( CSUCS 2004 : 3 ) . 126 4 Child Soldiers

Thus, for demobilization efforts to meet with any real success, the same kinds of criminalization, stigmatization, and monetary pressures that are proposed to prevent this form of victimization in the fi rst place must be brought to bear on those who have not been dissuaded from doing so. But, realistically, if these measures had not worked originally it is unlikely that they would have much impact after the decision has been made to recruit, train, and/or deploy child soldiers. Once demobilization has occurred, the major hurdle is to help former child soldiers overcome a host of physical, psychological, economic, and social problems they now may face and restore them to their homes and communities, if still existing, and normal civilian life (see, for example, HRW 1994 ) . If, as ample evidence indicates, such efforts are lacking or inadequate, these demobilized child soldiers Ð now often in their late teens or early adulthood Ð become ripe targets for re-recruitment into the same or other confl ict organizations. Otherwise, they may acquire membership in a host of criminal gangs or join rogue mercenaries. A number of observers report that demobilized child soldiers who are not successfully restored to civilian life are a major source of manpower for numerous armed bands through much of the strife-ridden developing world (see especially Singer 2005 ) . How best to go about reintegrating former child soldiers is often not clear and can meet with resistance and delay. After a 10 year civil war in Nepal former Maoist rebel fi ghters, including more than 3,000 children, were detained in a number of camps prior to their “rehabilitation” back in their communities. It took 3 years however for the new government to actually begin releasing the fi rst of these youths. Those released will supposedly be offered academic or vocational training and a stipend for travel and other expenses as they make their ways back to their former homes (Lang 2010 ) . In 2009, during a period of relative stability in Congo combatants were persuaded to release close to 500 child soldiers under age 18 who were put in a camp prior to reintegration. For some of these youths returning to their home villages is highly problematic due to death threats and community rejection. As one child protection offi cer stated: ‘Before we reunite the children, we go to the parents and communities,…We explain that these are just children who have been manipulated by adults, that they did not understand what they were doing. What they need is a lot of love and attention’ (quoted in MSNBC 2009b ) . In some cases, the liberated former soldiers had to be re-liberated from their former communities due to death threats and placed in a transit home in a neighboring country. In some countries concerted efforts to restore child soldiers to meaningful civilian life have met with some success. In Sri Lanka, following the end of its bloody war with the Tamil Tigers, considerable effort has gone into locating former child soldiers, housing them in camps and, where possible, having them attend educational institutions or receive vocational training with the ultimate objective of returning them to their homes with the ability to earn a living and live a normal life (Natarajan 2009 ) . Just how successful this reintegration effort will be remains to be seen given the devastation experienced in Tamil regions of the country, but UNICEF and other international agencies have been hopeful about the prospects (cf. Haviland 2010 ; Sackur 2010 ) . In Afghanistan a number of local initiatives have been launched, including vocational training and education for former child soldiers and other Efforts to Combat 127 children at risk (Mitani 2008 ) . In Uganda, Hyun (2008 ) reports that more than 2,000 children presumably abducted as military recruits, have been reached through an awareness program oriented to enabling communities to help former child soldiers “get their lives back.” In Liberia, UNICEF is working with over 700 communities to develop vocational and educational programs to help reintegrate former child soldiers back into the community. According to Scott ( 2008 ) , nearly 5000 former Liberian child soldiers are, or have been, involved in these programs to date. These and other community-action type programs are prominently promoted by UNICEF as “successful” programs operating under its sponsorship that reportedly enable former child soldiers to make progress in their transition to civilian lives. However, unfortunately, these appear to be the exception. In far too many cases rehabilitation and reintegration programs are under-funded, temporary, or of too short duration, misdirected in the populations served or simply inadequate to have any meaningful impact on many of those they seek to help. In a 2008 assessment of these programs, it was concluded that: The needs of youth are often poorly addressed. Viewed as victims or recipients of assistance, they are rarely recognized as actors or agents of change. It is equally rare for them to be consulted during program development, which inevitably leads to a failure to meet their short and long-term reintegration needs, such as their need for educational support and access to employment opportunities (CPBN 2008 : 7) For example, a 2006 report on the state of programs to deal with displaced populations and reintegrate children abducted by rebel forces in Uganda’s Lord’s Resistance Army recommended a number of important modifi cations in both the focus and target populations of the efforts in that country (Annan et al. 2006 ) . Similarly a World Bank report, based on case studies of Angola and El Salvador and other countries, suggests a number of specifi c requirements for such programs that are rarely found in practice (Verhey 2001) . Primary among these are the exercise of political will and commitment of resources adequate to meet the diverse challenges of reconstructing and recapturing stolen childhoods, besides providing education and vocational training. Especially troubling are inadequacies in programs to help girls who have been demobilized. The Canadian Peacebuilding Network, for instance, comments: Girls are largely absent from DDR programming and when they are present, programs do not adequately refl ect their lived experience and participation in armed groups. In addition to a failure to incorporate their needs into program design, girls are simply not recognized as combatants. Girls, like women, have diffi culties accessing information about DDR in the fi rst place. They may also avoid such programs out of fear of stigmatization and may not want community members to know of their active participation in combat. DDR programs also fail girls by providing them with low-skill training …in line with their real or perceived traditional gender roles. Such training does not enable women to access gainful employment ( CPBN 2008 : 7). Thus, although possibly well-intended, individual nations and the international community have simply not devoted the resources necessary for demobilization and reintegration programs to succeed in any meaningful way. Consequently, with no meaningful alternatives or hope for the future the remaining decades of this century 128 4 Child Soldiers countries across the globe will be confronted with potential threats in the form of an ever growing pool of young people trained to kill and with no alternatives but to do so.

Conclusion

Due largely to a coalition of NGOs acting under an umbrella organization called the Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers, international awareness of the problem of child soldiers has grown over the past quarter century. And a host of local, regional, and international steps have been taken to address and hopefully stop and prevent the use of children in the service of armed combat. These steps involve the formation of international laws and agreements to prohibit the practice of using anyone below age 18 in armed confl ict, prosecuting those who recruit and use child soldiers as war criminals, stigmatizing and punishing organizations and countries who aid and enable the practice, providing aid to alleviate the conditions that foster and facilitate the practice, and programs to help and reintegrate children who have served as child soldiers. Efforts of these kinds were practically non-existent before the twenty-fi rst century. At the present time, examples of efforts to “do something” about the problem are found throughout the world. In this regard, one could rightly say that tremendous progress has been made in addressing this form of child victimization. But, in an assessment of the various efforts that have been initiated by international and other organizations to combat the use of children in combat activities, Gates et al. (2010 ) paint a rather dismal picture. They contend that there is little evidence to show that the various treaties, protocols, conventions, and laws enacted since the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1989 have been effective. Similarly, the “naming and shaming” approach favored by many whereby offending states and organizations are held up to public condemnation have largely been inconsequential and “many states still seem impervious to public pressure.” Where the effort of NGOs to combat human traffi cking and the use of land minds appear to have met with some success, in stopping the use of child soldiers, Gates et al. (2010 ) claim they have had little impact. Similarly, rather than acting as a preventive, the criminalization of people using child soldiers as war criminals may sometimes actually have the effect of obstructing peacemaking activities. Similarly, they argue that economic measures seem to also have had little impact on stopping the activity. In the end, they contend: The logical conclusion of this pattern is sobering: those countries currently or recently engaged in confl ict are most likely to be engaged in war again. It is these future confl icts that presage a higher and higher proportion of wars fought with children….The best policy to prevent child soldiering is to ensure that peace settlements remain robust and vibrant, to more societies from civil war to civil peace ( Gates and Reich 2010 : 10). In spite of efforts to combat the use of child soldiers, no end to the problem is in sight. Indeed, the use of children as armed combatants has actually increased in the Conclusion 129 past decade over what had existed when attention to the problem was fi rst initiated. And present efforts to combat the practice appear to be sorely inadequate to the task. Prosecution of offenders is rare, and moreover, of questionable value as a deterrent. Actions such as banning the international trade in small arms, blood diamonds, or gold that are directed at those who enable the activity are weak, sporadic, largely unenforceable, and usually initiated too late to do much good in specifi c instances. In contemporary insurgent or exploitative warfare children are plentiful, cheap, expendable, and easily made into fearsome fi ghters. Too many people have too much to be gained by fostering the kind of confl icts that rely on children to fi ll combatant ranks, and the supply of potential victims to suck into these confl icts is too vast for leaders of warring parties to ignore. The rewards of exploiting this resource simply outweigh any potential negative consequences that might, if ever, result from doing so. While increasing in number and funding, post-confl ict programs are comparatively normally inadequate in scope, resources, expertise, and target populations to fully assist prospective and past child-soldiers in any meaningful manner and those who need help the most. Thus, awareness has been raised, efforts around the globe have been launched on many fronts, and mechanisms have been put in place that, if used with rigor and resolve, could make a real impact on the world-wide use of children as soldiers. To date, despairingly, these efforts, however well-intentioned, appear to have been more symbolic than effective. An extreme pro-children’s rights perspective, or a cultural relative perspective Ð what Wessells (2000 : 408) refers to as the “contextualist” perspective Ð may contend that defi ning and treating child soldiers as “victims” somehow diminishes them as people. Children, it is argued, often willingly join combat groups for a variety of reasons. Being soldiers gives these children status, power, economic worth, and self-determination. And, they argue, western-led “international humanitarian” efforts to impose a universalistic defi nition of childhood on the entire world ignores other cultures and Third World social situations. This international humanitarian approach, it is argued may, in itself, undermine the very efforts to bring about a halt to the use of child soldiers (see Rosen 2007 ) . Understandable as these positions might be Ð and we, by no means seek to, imply that these arguments should not be taken into consideration to effectively deal with the problem of child soldiers – we fi nd the international human rights argument to be more compelling. Even if forced by circumstances to fend for themselves and/or their families, children are not adults. Children enticed, pressed, or otherwise recruited into service in armed confl ict are, by any defi nition, victims. As most of the people concerned with this issue have noted, at minimum they are being robbed of their childhood, and such robbery is a blatant denial of their fundamental rights as human beings. Yes, as human beings, children do have an inalienable right of self-determination to the extent that they are mentally and physically able to exercise that right. To the extent that they are not, they also have the right to protection from abuse. Out of dire necessity or even rational judgment, children may become involved in armed confl ict. But for people to actively seek them out and either “con” or 130 4 Child Soldiers coerce them into “joining the cause” is a far different matter. To abduct and force them to serve out of fear is even more unjustifi able. At minimum, these children are being exploited. At worst, they are being abused. As such, doing something about this form of victimization might violate some country’s primitive cultural beliefs, or traditional values, or worrying about somehow interfering with the incongruous desire of an 11 year-old to play soldier with modern light-weaponry, is irrelevant and obscures the point. The vast majority of the world’s societies have agreed to the standard that all children below age 18 have a fundamental right to be protected from this, or any, form of victimization and that anyone, whether it be a government offi cial, insurgent, warlord, or rebel with a cause, can be held accountable for violating that right. Insofar as virtually all the actors engaged in committing this form of child victimization are agents of governments, or agents of organizations that (for good reason or ill) want-to-be governments, the case of child soldiers is one of the clearest examples of government crime involving children we are likely to encounter. Any solution to the problem, therefore, must address not only the individuals responsible for committing these offenses but, most importantly, the past, current, and future regimes that allow, necessitate, facilitate, or promote this behavior, or turn a blind eye when it happens. In so doing, it is essential in dealing with this, as with any other form of youth victimization that the victims themselves become not merely the recipients of but active agents in remedial and preventive efforts. As the authors of the Canadian Peacebuilding Network report state: A focus of youth empowerment that includes youth in decision-making processes, pursued in conjunction with youth protection strategies, is essential to addressing their post-confl ict vulnerabilities. This includes the danger of re-recruitment and falling into criminality. Youth are an important source of social capital. They must have the opportunity to participate fruitfully in the post-confl ict social order ( CPBN 2008 : 9).

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Throughout the world, and historically, children have been have been both economic assets and burdens. And until the nineteenth century the young were considered miniature, if somewhat incompetent, adults subject to adult authority but expected to do their part in providing for the family or group. With rare exception, however, the young were also to be protected and cared for by relatives and other adults. Contribute – yes! Exploit – no! These were the standards for their treatment. In contemporary times, for children of economically developed societies, as well as many of the people in developing nations, the economic contributions expected of children have largely given way to the demands of education and nurturing. Childhood universally is considered to be a special time in which the young are to become – without the expectation that they act as – adults. For many of the world’s young, however, that norm is commonly violated. Children (as with other adults) are viewed as commodities, something to be bought, sold, traded, and exploited for economic gain. Individuals in pursuit of that commercial goal, i.e., “commodiﬁ cation,” require that the child-commodity be transported, either willingly or not, from their home to some distant city or another country. This treatment of the young as commodities has led to a world-wide practice referred to as “child trafﬁ cking.”

What is “Child Trafﬁ cking?”

An exhaustive deﬁ nition of “child trafﬁ cking” describes it as the recruitment, procurement, transport, transfer, harboring, or receipt of, both internationally and within the borders of a country, anyone under age 18 for commercial, often but not exclusively sexual, exploitation using threat, force, coercion, fraud, deception, or abduction (see: Aronowitz 2004 ; Chase and Statham 2004 : 33; Erez et al. 2004 :

C.A. Hartjen and S. Priyadarsini, The Global Victimization of Children: 137 Problems and Solutions, DOI 10.1007/978-1-4614-2179-5_5, © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012 138 5 Sexual and Commercial Trafﬁ cking of Children

1; Langevin 2004 ; UNICEF 2009 ; UNICEF 2006a, 2006b ; UNICEF 2003 ; UNHCR 2005 ) . In brief, child traffi cking constitutes the transportation to economically exploit under-aged individuals. In this regard, “traffi cking” of either adults or children is the twenty-fi rst century’s slave trade whereby human beings across the globe are owned, bartered, sold, resold, mistreated, and imprisoned for economic gain. Next to the distribution of illegal arms and drugs, traffi cking in people has become the third largest and, according to some, the most lucrative criminal activity in the world. Inseparable from, and intertwined with, the globalization of prostitution and commercialized vice it wrenches victims from their roots in family and community while subjecting them to physical, emotional, and psychological harm ( BBC 2007 ; ECPAT n.d. ; ECPAT n.d.a ; Hodge and Lietz; 2007 : 1; Terres des Hommes-Germany 2001 ). The internal and cross-national traffi cking of children has become a transnational enterprise employing the technology of cell phones and the internet, providing instant connectivity between far-fl ung suppliers and their equally dispersed customers. Often customers are men on deployment in the military, international agency staff members, or businessmen or tourists looking to purchase child prostitutes or pornography (Erez et al. 2004 : 6; The Future Group 2001: 55; Human Traffi cking 2009 ; Hughes 2000a ; Kelly 2004 ; Monzini 2004 ; Terres des Hommes-Germany 2001 ). Children, like consumer goods, have become cargo. As a voiceless segment of societies across the globe, lacking resources and power children become extremely vulnerable to this kind of victimization. About 20% of traffi cking victims worldwide are children, increasing to almost 100% in parts of West Africa. According to David Bull (UNICEF 2003 : 1) “Traffi cking is a serious abuse of child rights and is the fastest growing business of organized crime, since it is seen as less risky than traffi cking drugs.” Not all children engaged in prostitution are traffi cked, and not all traffi cked children (although a majority) are involved in the commercial sex trade. However, traffi cking is often connected with the sexual exploitation of children, particularly females. Its worst aspect, the commercial sexual exploitation of children “…is an extreme form of sexual abuse of children and an especially intense form of exploitative labor” (Kent 1992: 323–346). It is estimated that 79% of the cases involve female children traffi cked for sexual exploitation while forced labor accounts for another 18% ( BBC 2009; Beddoe et al. 2001 ; Holt 2010; HRW 2002, 2003, 2006; Kan 2009) . The problem of child-labor victimization is addressed in depth in Chapter 2 . Thus, this Chapter focuses primarily on the traffi cking of young people for sexual exploitation. How children are recruited, and the illegal purpose for which they are recruited are the essence of this form of victimization (Aronowitz 2004; Curtol et al. 2004 ; Erez et al. 2004 ; Terres des Hommes-Germany 2001 ). Since children cannot make informed choices, their recruitment into prostitution or the production of pornographic materials means that their adult guardians, often for personal gain, have abrogated their duty to protect and nourish those in their charge since it is abusing – at a great physical, emotional, and economic cost to the victims – the child’s Forms of Traffi cking 139

fundamental human rights. Typically the “enablers” of this trade in children are the poor and ignorant parents of the individuals victimized. The “commodifi cation” of children means that, instead of being signifi cant members of the family, community, and society, youngsters have become trad- able, profi t-making, assets bereft of human qualities. In total disregard for their feelings, emotions, desires and needs, children have come to be owned, exchanged, and traded. Abduction is the standard operating procedure for the traffi ckers and their agents (Curtol et al. 2004 ; Nordland and Rubin 2010 ; Kristof 2006 ; Kumar 2009 ; Muntarbhorn 1996 ) . Modern means of travel and telecommunications make the transport of children easy for traffi ckers operating in the under-world of commercial sexual exploitation. In the wake of globalization, child sex-traffi cking has, thus, become a well-orchestrated, brutally effi cient, organized enterprise involving enormous fi nancial transactions, all abetted by modern technological tools (BBC 2009a ) . This is facilitated by the speed and the magnitude of monetary transactions as well as the organizational prowess with which criminal networks move sizable numbers of children to be delivered to brothels, massage parlors, and ‘buyers’ of all sorts. People who sell, buy, recruit, procure, receive, transport, handle, harbor, or use a minor for fi nancial gain or sexual gratifi cation, infringe the rights of the minor to autonomy, dignity, equality, and physical and mental well-being (Hughes 2000 ; Rafferty 2007 ). In so doing, they victimize that child.

Forms of Trafﬁ cking

Young people around the world are taken from their homes. Depending on their age and gender, the destiny of the victim may be domestic servitude, as cheap commercial labor, or for sex enterprises. But some times they are illegally transported to satisfy a world-wide adoption industry to provide children to couples unable or unwilling to adopt children through legal means. Young girls are married off, to be trafﬁ cked and commercially exploited. In its most nefarious exploitation, children may be trafﬁ cked to harvest their organs for those who can afford to pay for such transplantations.

Commercial Labor Exploitation

Children are primarily traffi cked for commercial exploitation. While the unwilling young victims bear the brunt of coercion, violence, and exploitative working conditions, traffi ckers stand to reap direct monetary benefi t. The child’s guardians may also accrue economic benefi t, at least, by getting rid of an additional mouth to be fed. Children may be traffi cked to work in a host of activities (Kapoor 2007 : 42; O’Briain et al. 2004; Dottridge 2004; UNHCR 2005; Interlandi 2009; BBC 2009b ) . 140 5 Sexual and Commercial Traffi cking of Children

They may be found working as au pairs or as bonded domestics, as virtual slave labor in low-skilled pursuits, forced to engage in begging or labor in sweatshops and restaurants. Sometimes they are required to engage in illegal and criminal activities working in cannabis farms, gangs to pick pockets, steal, or as “mules” carrying drugs (CEOP 2009 ) . Sometimes their body parts are harvested for sale. Some may work in entertainment and sports activities, such as racing camels or performing in circuses. In some Western European countries, children are purchased in order to claim welfare benefi ts. And untold thousands are employed in the commercial sex trade working in massage parlors, brothels, child pornography, or on the streets peddling sex. According to Van Reisen and Stefanovic ( 2004 ) , child traffi cking in the European Union encompasses the forced, arranged marriages of girls who then are traffi cked. Some young girls are traffi cked as child brides to serve as domestic servants and sex-slaves. Cultural practices such as the African custom of child-fostering and Haitian ‘restavec’ temporarily placing poor children with relatives and richer families, or early marriage of girls have all enabled child traffi ckers who exploit their victims for their labor (Bass 2004 ). African children are often bought and sold within and across national borders to work as domestics, prostitutes, beggars, on cotton and coffee plantations, and construction sites. As late as 2003, in Ghana laws did not prohibit forcing children to work or selling and buying children. Thus, 1,200 boys were found “employed” in slave-like conditions in the fi shing communities on the shores of Lake Volta in central Ghana (Kirby 2003 ) . LaFerniere ( 2006: 1) states that “Mr. Takyi’s boys – conscripts in a miniature labor camp, deprived of schooling, basic necessities and freedom – are part of a vast traffi c in children that supports West and Central African fi sheries, quarries, cocoa and rice plantations and street markets. The girls are domestic servants, bread bakers, prostitutes. The boys are fi eld workers, cart pushers, scavengers in abandoned gem and gold mines.” In other instances abound and in one case, a 5-year old Ugandan girl was kidnapped at her father’s funeral by a family to be used as a slave in Yemen (Bass 2004 : 153; BBC 2008 ) . The story of Mawulehawe, a 12-year old Ghanaian boy sold to his fi sherman master for $48, is a rarity for traffi cked children. Unlike most, Mawulehawe received training and acquired skill in his trade under the gentle and caring master Aaron (Omar 2007 ). More typical is the case of 12-year old Fatao. Fatao was sold to a traffi cker to work as a cocoa slave by an uncle with whom his widowed mother had left him while she was making a living elsewhere ( BBC 2010 ) . During 2007 children from 33 of Africa’s 53 countries were traffi cked to the United States to work as domestic servants. And child “maids” are not an uncommon phenomenon in Europe either (MSNBC: 2008) . Tens of thousands of African children, some as young as three, are recruited every year to work as domestic servants (HRW 2003, 2006 ) . Child traffi ckers capitalize on a combination of entrenched poverty and weak child protection laws, as well as high demand for cheap labor in host countries. Some children traffi cked in to the United Kingdom for domestic servitude change hands among different families, and sexually exploited children are moved among a wide variety of brothels and massage parlors in large cities (Kapoor 2007). Forms of Traffi cking 141

Thus, even when children are traffi cked for seemingly harmless domestic servitude, they are often placed in a stranger’s home in risky situations beyond their control. On call 24 hour a day, they are often beaten if they make a mistake. Children are in demand because they can be paid less than adults and are less likely to complain. In just one city – Casablanca – a 2001 survey by the Moroccan government found more than 15,000 girls under age 15 working as maid (MSNBC: 2008). HRW ( 2006 : 3) reports: Abena R., a ten-year old from Ghana who was traffi cked into Togo, was badly beaten by her employer for not obeying an order immediately: ‘[M]y boss yelled at me and beat me with a stick, she broke my hand. She didn’t take me to the hospital.’ The nongovernmental organization (NGO) providing shelter to Abena said her hand was paralyzed and might never heal. Sharing the same Caribbean island of Hispaniola, Haitian children are often smuggled in to the Dominican Republic to work as cheap labor during the annual harvesting of sugar cane (Bryson and Bryson 2004 ) . In Burma as well as some African countries children are abducted and traffi cked internally to serve as forced labor in agriculture and remote farms, small scale industries, serve as child soldiers, and support workers for the military and insurgents (Human Traffi cking 2009 ) . In a classic example of internal traffi cking, one Indian study found that at least 135 children from seven local villages in Thiruvannamalai, Tamil Nadu were traffi cked to major cities like Bangalore and Chennai to work as domestic help to support their families while a 42-day old baby girl was sold by her poor, illiterate, and ill- parents for Rs. 2,000 (Menon 2007 ) . In Gujarat, India fi ve 8-year old boys and girls who had been traffi cked from other states were assigned to begging gangs (Rautela and Janyala 2007 ) . Poor children from Tamil Nadu are also systematically kidnapped, traffi cked, and forced to work in to militant Naxalite dominated areas in adjacent Andhra Pradesh (The Hindu 2009 ) . Traffi cked Albanian children in Greece and Italy end up begging or are used as forced labor in drug dealing and car washing, while Moldova traffi ckers procure children for illegal adoption (Donati 2003 ; UNICEF 2003 ; O’Briain et al. 2004 ).

Adoption and Other Purposes

Traffi cking minors for adoption has a long history. The “once child” policy adopted by China in 1979 restricting each couple to one child has resulted in male children reportedly being abducted by smugglers who traffi c the children internally, and overseas, to be sold to childless couples or those seeking male children (Jacobs 2009; Lanchin 2010 ; Mong 2009; Saletan 2009; Slate 2001 ). One Bulgarian couple traffi cked pregnant women into Greece so that their babies could be sold for adoption while a traffi cker in the city of Varna, Bulgaria offered toddlers to be sold (BBC 2007a, 2009c ) . In Nigeria police raided a hospital that was, in fact, a ‘baby farm’ supplying children to overseas purchasers ( BBC 2008a ) . 142 5 Sexual and Commercial Traffi cking of Children

Commercially-motivated traffi cking in the Indian subcontinent has its own twist – the traffi cking of child brides. In Bangladesh it is reported that minors are routinely drugged, and traffi cked into the Kashmir Valley, Rajasthan, and other parts of northern India, to be sold to aspiring bridegrooms who are often poor, disabled, or unable to fi nd local brides due to feticide of females babies (The Hindu 2010a ; Terres des Hommes-Germany 2001 ). A new enterprise, the sale of body parts has recently come to also involve children. Wealthy people all over the world who are desperate for organs for transplant have provided ample opportunities for unscrupulous middlemen who kidnap and traffi c stray children whose organs are harvested (Interlandi 2009 ) . Butt (2003 ) reports that 11 children from Karachi, Pakistan, all between ages 3 months to 2 years, were traffi cked and traded to childless families for medical experiments or for organs and bone marrow transplants. With the exception of Iran, every country of the world makes it illegal to swap such organs for money or gifts (Interlandi 2009 ) .

Commercial Sexual Exploitation

While cheap labor and other reasons are frequently the motivation for abducting or recruiting children to leave their homes, the principle trade in traffi cked children is to exploit them in the global sex industry. Children are exploited in the commercial sex industry in three ways – as child prostitutes, massagers and strippers, and in the production of pornography. Much of the traffi cking for commercial sexual exploitation is a ‘female centric’ phenomenon in that the vast majority of the children traffi cked for these purposes are females. For example, in Zambia the word ‘mahule’ means prostitute and specifi cally female; there is no word for a male who sells sex (MAPODE 2004 ) . Under-aged girls are exploited in countless ways for their labor. In one case, Marie, a girl from Cameroon, was brought to France and forced into prostitution. She subsequently sought asylum in the United Kingdom (McGregor 2007 ) . Since the break up of the Soviet Union women and girls from the former member countries have been lured by the traffi ckers with promises of better lives and employment in the west. With their weak and ineffective child protection agencies, Eastern European countries have become transit points for traffi cked minors (O’Briain et al. 2004). Indeed, young victims from Belarus, Moldova, Romania, Ukraine, Russia, Serbia and Montenegro have reputedly provided sexual services to the international peace-keeping forces stationed within Bosnia and Herzegovina (UNHCR 2005 ). In the Ukraine and its resort areas escort and marriage agencies have been at the fore- front of this traffi c by ferrying young girls to Italy and other EU member states (Monzini 2004 ; Hughes 2004 ). Within country sex traffi cking is extremely diffi cult to identify and curb. Hundreds of women and girls in India are kidnapped, sold, coerced and traffi cked for sex in a highly organized, yet illicit, trade within the country ( MSNBC 2007 ; Prasad 2007; Majumdar 2008) . It is believed that some 3,840 female children have The Numbers of Children Traffi cked 143 absconded from their homes in Assam. Some are found working as call girls in far away Delhi, or used as sex-slaves by wealthy landlords in the Punjab and Haryana. Others show up in pornography made in local hotel rooms (Bhaumik 2007 ) . In countries like India with large populations and great economic disparity, much traffi cking is probably local. But traffi cking to neighboring countries is rampant, and fairly easy, all over the world. Even in centrally regimented societies like China, children in Yunnan province have reportedly been kidnapped by armed men and forced to work in Thai brothels (Davidson 2001 ). Karaoke bars have become the euphemisms for the brothels of Cambodia, catering to sex-tourists fl ocking from Thailand, Taiwan and China, as well as to local men (Beddoe et al. 2001 ). And Khmer girls are regularly traffi cked to border towns like Poipet that are teeming with shabby and unhygienic brothels. Or they are brought to Phnom Penh to be “rented out” to Westerners and wealthy locals (Kristof 2006, 2009 ; Morris 2005 ) . Being a tourist or visiting a foreign country can also pose a risk of being traffi cked. The United Arab sentenced two of its citizens for kidnapping and sexually attacking a 15-year old French-Swiss boy ( MSNBC 2007b, c ) . Echoing the technological age in which we live, child pornography has evolved to be an impersonal, “borderless traffi cking” business. As discussed in Chapter 2 , child pornography and pedophilia have been exacerbated by the new technology of the internet, camcorder, and fast modes of transportation that carry the child victims and their victimizers across real and virtual boundaries. Moreover, contemporary amenities have brought the sex tourists and pedophiles toting their com-carders, sharing sexually explicit imagery for barter or money to a far-fl ung clientele (International Tribunal for Children’s Rights 1999 ; Beddoe et al. 2001 ). Although most child pornography is produced in the West, the victims are often Third World children (Muntarbhorn 1996; International Tribunal for Children’s Rights 1999 ; The Future Group 2001 ).

The Numbers of Children Trafﬁ cked

As with any global-wide issue, information on the number of children being victimized by traffi ckers lacks specifi cs because of the diversity of the socioeconomic and political systems of the varied countries. And many countries do not make any serious attempts, or have the resources and mechanisms to collect data on child traffi cking. The following are some examples.

The Problem of Counting

Many countries do not have adequate data collection methods to count the numbers of minors who exit in, cross through, enter, or leave their territories. Fewer still have any information of any kind on the organized criminal groups working within their 144 5 Sexual and Commercial Traffi cking of Children border (Williams 1999 ). Although the US Department of State ( 2004 ) estimates that a total of 600,000 to 800,000 traffi cking victims, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) estimates that 1.2 million children are annually traffi cked for sexual exploitation, domestic slavery, work in agriculture and mining, or street-based activities such as petty crime and begging, and that about 10–30% of these are for commercial sex work (UNHCR 2005 ; ECPAT n.d..; ECPAT n.d.a ; Chase and Statham 2004 ). Organizations concerned with this problem refer to fi gures on the traffi cked as ‘guestimates’ – guesses to estimate the global numbers or those in various parts of the world. This is complicated by the diverse and un-replicable methodologies that are employed in arriving at these estimates. Often the collected data concern both women and children, thus making it diffi cult to measure the precise extent of child traffi cking. Similarly girls traffi cked for commercial sex may be included in counts of adult women, thereby making it diffi cult to determine the extent to which minors are or are not involved in this activity. Adding to the shortcomings of data collection is the fact that when apprehended by authorities teenaged-girls are often lumped together with adult women, failing to delineate the ages of the victims, so that even offi cial data, such as arrest statistics, may be misleading. And Due to the stigma of homosexuality, “rent boys,” young males selling sex, are much less visible than girls and thus undercounted in statistics (Chase and Statham 2005).

Global Figures

Worldwide, it is estimated that one million children enter the sex trade every year. Most are traffi cked internally within countries or across neighboring countries. However, the magnitude of this problem is illustrated by the fact that some 13 million people (about 0.2% of the worlds’ population) are on the move at any given time. World-wide, 20% of those traffi cked are thought to be children, while in the Mekong region and some regions of Africa they are the majority while comprising almost 100% of those traffi cked in parts of West Africa (UNODC 2009 ). Data reveal that half a million women and girls, from all over the world, are traffi cked into Western Europe with an estimated 175,000 women and girls being traffi cked out of the former Soviet bloc countries alone (Donati 2003 ) . Although some authorities claim the number to be 10 million prostituted children, others argue that nearly 40–50% of the1.2 million people globally who are forced into the commercial sex trade are children (Willias and Levy 2002 ; BBC 2007 ; Carter 2009 ; UNICEF 2003 ; UNICEF 2006a, c; UNICEF 2009 ; UNICEF n.d. ; UNICEF n.d.a). The International Labour Organization (ILO) estimated that 270,000 victims were traffi cked for forced labor, including sexual exploitation, in the industrialized countries of Europe and the United States alone. The U.S. State Department estimates the worldwide fi gure to be between 600,000 and 800,000 people (UNHCR 2005 ; Hodge and Lietz 2007 ; US Department of State 2004 ) . A total of 33,402 unaccompanied minors – including The Numbers of Children Traffi cked 145 asylum seeker – came to the attention of the European Commission in 2001 (Donati 2003) . The Albanian government estimated that, during 1993–2001 alone 100,000 people were traffi cked from, and through Albania, to Italy and Greece (UNHCR 2005).

National Estimates

Estimates of children exploited by prostitution vary greatly by country. The lowest fi gure is 1,000 in the Netherlands, increasing to 5,000–7,000 in Colombia, 10,000 Bangladeshi, 20,000–30,000 Russian, with 100,000–500,000 Brazilian, 200,000 Chinese, and 400,000–575,000 Indian children being victimized in this way (The Lancet 2002). In Teheran, Iran alone there are – besides those who have been traffi cked to Arab countries in the Persian Gulf and Pakistan by the Iranian religious fundamentalists – an estimated 84,000 women and girl prostitutes on the streets or in the 250 brothels (Hughes 2004 ) . Malaysia has a thriving sex industry with girls from several adjacent countries to be found involved in the trade (Ciralsky and Hansen 2007 ) . Among the 50,000–75,000 street children of Manila, the Philippines prostitution outnumbers begging as a livelihood (Kent 1992 ; BBC 2007e ) . In places like Burma, and some African countries, children are internally abducted, traffi cked, and forced to sexually serve the military, while Burmese children and women are traffi cked to the borders of Thailand and China for commercial sexual exploitation (Human Traffi cking 2009 ) . Armenia is the source and transit country for Uzbek minors traffi cked into The United Arab Emirate, Russia, and Turkey, while Austria is a transit and destination for those traffi cked from former Soviet bloc and Eastern European countries (UNHCR 2005 ). Bulgaria identifi ed only 275 cases of traffi cking in 2002. But, given its active, organized, criminal gangs, the actual numbers are bound to be much higher. The Croatian government estimates that 10% of its 100–200 traffi cking victims are minors (UNHCR 2005 ). Among the former Soviet republics, Moldova is thought to have had at least 1,230 children and adults who were traffi cked for sex work, forced labor and begging, or organ harvesting, besides serving as a transit country for girls traffi cked from Romania, Ukraine, and other Eastern European countries (UNHCR 2005). It is believed that 20–50% of prostitutes in Lithuania are minors while Prague is reputed to be a center of boy prostitution (UNICEF 2001 ). In the UK, it is believed that there are about 5,000 child prostitutes of both genders of whom about 250–330 being victims of sex traffi cking (Brown and Barrett 2002; Daguerre 2008 ; UNICEF 2003 ) . Among 3,135 criminal charges of prostitution in that country 52 involved “procuring” under-16 year olds, and some estimate that there are 2,000–5,000 minors – a third of whom are below 16 – who are prostitutes (Chase and Statham 2004 ). In Ireland, governmental agencies regularly state that there are “only a small number of cases” of traffi cking but admits that it is a “potential problem.” Voluntary agencies working with victims, however, suggest 146 5 Sexual and Commercial Traffi cking of Children that traffi cking in that country is a signifi cant problem and involves many children (ECPAT n.d.). And Ireland has increasing numbers of unaccompanied children being reunited with persons claiming to be relatives – all destined for prostitution rings either at home or abroad (UNHCR 2005 ). The Dominican Republic’s ‘Sanky Panky’ boys – some as young as 13 – become annual partners to the endless stream of adult tourists with whom they stay in Boca Chica and Sosua, while local Haitian boys have sex with American and European tourists (UNICEF 2001). According to the same report, six Mexican cities – Acapulco, Cancun, Cuidad Juarez, Guadalajara, Tapachula, and Tijuana – have an estimated 4,600 of the 16,000 nationwide sexually exploited minors (UNICEF 2001 : 17). About 300,000 minors, mostly runaways, are estimated to be involved in the American sex trade while Paris, France has 5,000 boy and 3,000 girl prostitutes (Melrose and Ayre 2002 ). Unaccompanied minors in search of jobs and shelter are easily spotted at the train and bus stations, and along the highways and byways – to be recruited with misleading offers, and sold by traffi ckers’ agents and pimps (Asian Gazette 2005 ; Herbert 2006, 2007; The Indian Express 2009a ) . French police estimate that 90% of the prostitutes working in France are traffi cked while up to 8,000 children are exploited in forced prostitution and labor. Italy has about 2,000–3,000 traffi cking victims, including children, bound for sex work or labor (UNHCR 2005 : 56). Hungarian girls (and women) are traffi cked into the Netherlands for sex work. Germany receives about 2,000 to 10,000 traffi cking victims. Children in this number come from African and Central and Eastern European countries. Greece is the destination of children traffi cked from Albania for forced labor (UNHCR 2005). Of the 200,000 West African children traffi cked, 90% are girls traffi cked for domestic work in other parts of West and Central Africa (UNICEF 2003 ; Bass 2004). In the cities of Porto-novo and Cotonu, Benin alone about 100,000 6–14 year olds are traffi cked internally and across borders, with 85% being girls to work as domestics or in the commercial trade of the host families. About one in fi ve Benin children have left their villages for the oil-rich countries of Nigeria and Gabon (UNICEF 2003 ; Bass 2004 : 153). In Nigeria about 40% of street and working children have been the victims of traffi cking (Bass 2004 ). The 800 Tanzanian child prostitutes in Arusha, Dar es Salaam and Singida were originally traffi cked as domestic workers (Bass 2004). One study in Benin and Gabon found that 88% of the traffi cked children were from three administrative regions (Bass 2004 ). In South Africa, 28,000–30,000 under-aged children, about half as young as 10–14, are used in prostitution ( UNICEF 2006b ) . Particularly severe is the traffi cking in Southeast Asia where about one-third of the sex-workers are below age 18, some as young as 10. Fifteen percent of the 3000 traffi cked children from South Vietnam are below are 15 (UNICEF 2003 ) . Some observers claim that 650,000 Asian children work as prostitutes (Melrose and Ayre 2002) . Thirty percent of the sex workers in Phnom Penh and the provinces of Cambodia were between 12 and 17 years of age (UNICEF 2001 : 7). China alone has a quarter of million traffi cked women and children, although Chinese offi - cials insist that there are less than 2,500 human traffi cking victims in that country The Numbers of Children Traffi cked 147

(Saletan 2009 ) . At least 10,000 Myanmar girls are recruited to the brothels along the Thai border. Thailand is estimated to have about 200,000 child prostitutes of both genders (Melrose and Ayre 2002 ; UNICEF 2001 : 7). According to some experts India has the largest problem of human traffi cking (Singh 2007 ; Terres des Hommes-Germany 2001 ). About 30% of all prostitutes in India, about 70,000 in Mumbai alone, are minors earning 37 crore rupees (approximately $30 million) during the 1990s (Gathia 1999: 20, 91). An estimated 12,000 children of whom 5,000–7,000 are girls, are traffi cked annually from Nepal to India, with about 300,000 Bangladeshi minors work in the Indian red light districts of Kolkata and other cities. About 13,000 Bangladeshi boys and girls, some as young as fi ve, have been traffi cked in the last 5 years to destinations such as India, Pakistan, Dubai and The United Arab Emirates with India becoming a transit point for the traffi ckers (Donati 2003 ; Munir 2003: 108; Hari 2009: 4; The Indian Express 2008 ; Singh 2007 ; ILO 1997 ; UNDOC 2009 ) . Sri Lanka’s estimated 20,000–30,000 child prostitutes are primarily boys often catering to male pedophiles (Kent 1992 : 333; UNICEF 2001 : 11). Traffi cked girls are often from Bangladeshi families that have several daughters requiring dowries – the South Asian scourge (Munir 2003 ) . Some families send their 12–15 year old daughters to Mumbai to be tutored for a career in commercial sex. These fi gures of children traffi cked for sexual exploitation are, at best, underestimates given the numerous problems in tracing and tracking such shadowy victims caught up in the dark depths of the under-world, or behind the locked doors of domiciles. By its clandestine nature child prostitution and pornography, which sometimes occurs within the confi nes of a child’s domicile, escape scrutiny and accurate counting of the victims and the victimizers is near impossible. That the numbers are vast, however, is inescapable.

Gender

Data from various sources indicates that probably most of the juveniles victimized by traffi cking are females, mostly young teenagers recruited for sexual exploitation while boys, on the other hand, are typically, but not exclusively, traffi cked for their labor (Hodge and Lietz 2007 ; O’Briain et al. 2004). For example Asian young men are traffi cked into Belgium to work in restaurants and sweatshops, while 12–13 year old West African and Latin American boys are traffi cked to play soccer (UNHCR 2005). Romanian boys are traffi cked into France for sexual activity in spite of the French government’s commitment and concerted effort to combat the sexual exploitation of minors (O’Briain et al. 2004 ). Although majority of the traffi cked were girls, boys may be undercounted largely because they are far less visible than boys and young men who are used as “rent boys” in the surreptitious homosexual exchanges (Kapoor 2007 : 44; Chase and Statham 2004 : 18). But, while boys are found exploited in the sex trade, girls make up the vast majority of the young people traffi cked for this purpose. For example, in 148 5 Sexual and Commercial Traffi cking of Children one study girls made up two thirds of the 91 Benin children traffi cked and 99% of the 138 traffi cked children interviewed in Gabon during 2000 (Bass 2004 : 155). In Poland the majority of the people traffi cked are females while men and boys comprise only about 2% (UNHCR 2005 : 94). There are many instances of young women from Lithuania, Albania, Rumania, and Bulgaria who were abducted, tricked, traffi cked, auctioned, and ‘trained’ in Italy to be delivered into the clutches of pimps and brothels in the rest of Europe ( BBC 2007 ; Hodge and Lietz 2007 ; Thorpe 2006 ; Buckley 2005 ; HRW 2002 ; UNHCR 2005: 6). Burmese and Cambodian girls traffi cked to the border of Thailand teeming with brothels, forcibly made to work in these brothels, and imprisoned or physically restrained are terrifi ed of being caught by the police and authorities in charge of immigration while Thai girls might work in these brothels voluntarily ( Kristof 2009 ) . Established prostitutes themselves – some times instigated by their ‘owners’ with promise of their own freedom – may smuggle and exploit younger girls in their trade. In the words of one prostitute: My friend and I used to go to Malawi. There, business is good, and it is safer. The Mwenyes (Indians) pay well. They are not cruel…You know me. I am old in the business. I have a lot of young girls. The men prefer them to us…I gathered 40 young girls. Young! Below 16 years. I pretended I was a teacher taking pupils on a study tour across the border in Zambia. I brought them to Lusaka. Now they make a lot of money for me (MAPODE 2004 : 5) . In Britain, only one out of fi ve of the 5,000 minors involved in prostitution are boys (Brown and Barrett 2002 ). African girls are twice as likely as boys to be traffi cked for sexual purposes (Bass 2004 ). And in the Pink Triangle of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh, India commercial sex offers material opportunities for entire families. According to Gathia (1999 : 90), Girls are groomed to be artful sex workers. The girls who go to Bombay (Mumbai) or the Gulf have houses with Corrugated roofs, grills, windowpanes, TV sets and coolers…often have more than one tape recorder, pressure cookers, steel utensils and so on…The men of these households spend their time lying around on ‘charpais’ (cots) under the shade trees and playing cards.

Age

Many men seeking relations with prostitutes appear to prefer younger girls and the traffi ckers and pimps consider them a virtual gold mine that command more money because “punters” prefer “fresh meat” (Brown and Barrett 2002 ; Terres des Hommes 2001 ). Since it is easier to surreptitiously cross frontiers than obtain legal working permits, particularly vulnerable are young foreign girls without legal papers. Younger victims require less coercion to control. Traffi cked across borders, they lack skills in the language of their destination country or province, leaving them at the mercy of the traffi ckers and owners (Langevin 2004) . And they also tend to be less sure of their rights, are inexperienced, easy to manipulate and intimidate. Moreover, they consume less food and can be bought off with small trinkets – like cheap lipstick or Causes of Traffi cking 149 glittery hair-ornaments – insuring greater profi ts for their exploiters. One West African man had helped traffi c young girls, one as young as 10, to braid hair in Newark and East Orange, New Jersey salons (Ryan 2010 ). Typically boys involved in prostitution are even younger than their female counterparts (Chase and Statham 2004 ). In Cambodia, it is reported that girls and boys as young as eight are offered for sex in some brothels, while girls as young as 12 from Cambodia, China, Indonesia, Korea, and Vietnam work in the commercial sex trade as far away as Australia (Harrison 2003 ; MSNBC 2007a) . One UK study concluded that about half of the traffi cked juveniles were between 16 and 17 years of age while another third were between ages 14–15 although less than 15% were 13 years of age or younger (Kapoor 2007 : 24). Thirty-fi ve percent of all sex workers in Southeast Asia’s Mekong region are between 12 and 17 years of age while there are more than 16,000 children working as prostitutes in the tourist regions of Mexico, and 20–50% of the Lithuanian prostitutes are believed to be minors, some as young as 11 while 10–12 year olds from children’s homes have been used to make pornographic productions. Children between 3 and 17 are traffi cked into Ireland ( ECPAT n.d. ) . During 2004 in Serbia- Montenegro and Kosovo 38 victims – 18minors out of whom 14 were girls – were traffi cked for sexual exploitation (UNHCR 2005 : 105). One customer in Capetown, South Africa claimed that: These little girls, 10 or 12 years old, I wouldn’t describe them as innocent…but they are fresh. They don’t have the attitudes of the older whores. The older whores have gone down- hill. They use foul language. They drink. They harden. The little girls, they are not experienced…And literally you can do with them what you want to (MAPODE 2004 : 32).

Causes of Trafﬁ cking

Although there are country-specifi c factors associated with traffi cking for individual countries, everywhere the activity is inextricably a function of poverty, ignorance, and regional (rural–urban) and gender inequalities (Chase and Statham 2005 ; Davidson 2001 ; UNICEF 2001 ; Kan 2009 ) . When it comes to the young, socio- culturally embedded iniquities of age, status, and power accentuate this complex web. In a seemingly endless list of economic factors, demand for cheap labor seems to contribute to the exploitation and endangering of the disadvantaged young, uprooting them from the protective forces of family, group, and community (Gozdziak and Bump 2008 ) . These include new communication technologies, modern modes of transportation, economic transition from feudal/totalitarian to industrial economies, high rates of unemployment and underemployment, a lag between the supply and demand for labor, discrimination against sections of the populations (e.g., the Roma in Europe or socioeconomic inferiority of females in many parts of the world), migration and social dislocation, changes wrought by natural disasters and man-made confl icts, the HIV/AIDs epidemic and the associated superstition that sex with virgin girls is a preventive or cure, and fi nally weak laws and poor or 150 5 Sexual and Commercial Traffi cking of Children corrupt law-enforcement agents (Chase and Statham 2004 ; Chase and Statham 2005; O’Briain et al. 2004 ; Kristof 2008 ; Montgomery 2001 ; Muntarbhorn 1996 ; Terres des Hommes-Germany 2001 ; UNICEF 2001 ; Williamson 2009 ) . Among these diverse factors poverty and conditions associated with economic need, is primary.

Poverty

Besides causing economic despair, poverty is also universally associated with ignorance and illiteracy, both of which seem to be the handmaidens of child traffi cking. Human Rights Watch, for example, contends that Togolese boys and girls who are not attending school or unable to fi nd work are likely to become victims of traffi ckers who transport them by cramped boats with no amenities and end up being held in conditions bordering on slavery in neighboring Nigeria or Gabon (HRW 2003 ). A desperate Bulgarian girl – snake-bitten from having to drape snakes around her body – and her sister were held as “slaves” in an Italian circus for a mere 100 Euros a week ( BBC 2008b ) . Although it is not clear what proportion of those traffi cked from Eritrea to Israel are children, Israeli police state that these children are subject to awful abuse and torture (BBC 2010a ) . In spite of economic progress, rapid economic development and affl uence has not ended child prostitution and child pornography in Brazil (International Tribunal for Children’s Rights 1999 ). Indeed, economic progress can sometimes contribute the problem. For example, with their parents’ knowledge and encouragement, ethnic minority girls in rural Yunnan province of China eagerly migrate to urban areas to fi nd jobs. They are regularly tricked with promises of jobs only to end up in the commercial sex trade (Davidson 2001). Often in Assam, a poor, northeast area in India, parents accept offers made by recruiters and send their girls away not understanding they are sending them into a life of prostitution. Indeed, the most backward states of India – Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and Andhra Pradesh – are reputed to also supply the largest number of girls procured for prostitution (Bhaumik 2007 : Terres des Homes-Germany 2001 ). One poverty-stricken 20-year-old Indian single mother sold her newborn son for Rs. 6000 to pay the bribe demanded by staff in a government hospital ( The Indian Express 2009b ) . And, following the East Asian market crash in 2001, a fl ood of Thai sex workers – some as young as 15 – clad in their trademark skimpy outfi ts could be found plying their trade along the night spots of Lusaka, Zambia (MAPODE 2004 ) .

War and Conﬂ ict

Children are the helpless casualties of civil and military confl icts that dismember families in many parts of the world. Lost and orphaned children migrating in search of food and shelter provide easy marks for traffi ckers. Afghan boys – some as young Causes of Traffi cking 151 as 12 – in search of education and work are frequently traffi cked, fi rst to work in Turkey, and the potato and onion fi elds of Agros, Greece, and ultimately into France ( Brothers 2009 ; Foulkes 2010 ) . An 11-year old boy from a minority Hazara tribe called Abdullah spent years working in Iran. He relates that: “From Greece, I hid between the wheels of a lorry {truck} on a ferry to Italy,” adding, “It took 40 hours, with no food and only one bottle of water. It was very diffi cult, and I was very scared” (Foulkes 2010 : 1 ) . Sex traffi cking enterprises were common in post war Bosnia-Herzegovina. In once account an enterprising brothel owner sold a Moldovan minor girl to an American citizen working in Tuzla, Bosnia-Herzegovina and forced a 17-year old Romanian girl to serve 500 clients (HRW 2002 ).

The Money Involved

Child prostitutes do not choose sex-work as a viable career (Higson-Smith and Richter 2004 ). Their traffi ckers derive the most economic benefi t – about 70% of the money. The traffi ckers and exploiters are opportunistic, adaptive, and improvise swiftly motivated by added profi ts and knowing that by its very nature, involvement in sexual commerce wears out the victims requiring an unending, and fresh, line of supply. Generating an estimated seven to ten billion dollars annually for the traffi ckers, traffi cking is big business with the tentacles of organized crime reaching deep into this illegal enterprise, (UNICEF 2001 ). As early as 1993, the Council of Europe realized how other crimes and child prostitution were intertwined. Similarly the UN, NICEF, and an NGO called End Child Prostitution in Asian Tourism (ECPAT) have all documented the extent to which child traffi cking and forced sex work are “big business” (Barrett 1998 ). In France alone prostitution involves 2.3–3 million Euros, and profi ts from trading in human beings in Europe amounts to over 36 billion Euros. The Cambodian sex slavery is conservatively estimated to net approximately half a billion American dollars – each victim yielding the exploiters around $124,000 (Monzini 2004 : 74; The Future Group 2001 : 25; Kan 2009 ) . Huge monetary transactions among the recruiters and traffi ckers in the “Natasha” trade in Ukraine, the major supplier of young recruits bound for European Union’s commercial sex market. Two men and two women in Sevastopol, Crimea, Ukraine sold 200 13–25 year old females for $2000 a piece to the sex industry in Turkey, Greece, and Cyprus. A prostitution ring in Agencija Tovazhyshka in Poland sold its victims to another agency for Deutschmarks 2000–5000 with this cost being repaid as debt by the victims (Hughes 2000 : 633). In the United Kingdom child protection organizations and human rights groups contend that there are thousands of child sex slaves, some sold off for £3,000 in auctions at airport coffee shops and restaurants as they arrived in the country ( BBC 2007c ; Richards 2007 ) . Both boys and girls are traffi cked, sold, rented and sexually abused in tourist hangouts like Pattaya Beach within Thailand (Beddoe et al. 2001). Many of the girls 152 5 Sexual and Commercial Traffi cking of Children have been sold by parents unable to provide for their families (UNICEF 2001 ). In impoverished Iranian rural areas drug-addicted parents sell their children to Islamic fundamentalists who, while professing religious observance, have discovered how profi table the sex slave trade can be (Hughes 2004). Kenny (2007: 21) reports that while doing fi eld work in Brazil, she was suspected of being a potential kidnapper – under the pretense of adoption – because in the mid-1980s poor local children were being kidnapped and sold to prospective organ transplants peddlers. The going price of organ harvesting was $5000 for arm bones, $20,000 for a kidney, $50,000 for a heart, and so on. In purely economic terms child workers – whether for labor exploitation or commercial sexual exploitation – are often preferable over their adult counterparts because their labor is cheap, consequently, yielding greater profi ts. Children also tend to be malleable and non-contesting workers, and their small stature enables them to be physically pliant while demanding very little nourishment (Kenny 2007). But for the intense labor provided by groups of under-aged boys in West and Central African cocoa and rice plantations, fi sheries, quarries, and street markets would come to a grinding halt, and much of the developed countries would suffer with- drawals from their billion-dollar chocolate consumption (LaFerniere 2006 ) . It is extremely diffi cult to estimate the monetary value of the labor of children traffi cked by governments, militias, and insurgencies, to serve as conscripts in various wars around the world (ILO 1997 ; International Tribunal for Children’s Rights 1999 ).

Victims and Victimizers

Child traffi cking involves infants destined for adoption and prepubescent children to be used for labor, adolescents bound for commercial sexual exploitation, and “almost adult” 17-year-olds. It is believed that children make up almost half of the people traffi cked in the world and more than three-fourths are females, the majority destined for sexual exploitation (Hodge and Lietz 2007 ; UNICEF 2003 ; UNICEF 2006d). Moreover the traffi ckers’ goal of making sustained profi ts demands that an unending supply of victims be made available (O’Briain et al. 2004 ). Hence, recruitment and retention tactics are intense, employing any means. Lying, cheating, deception, kidnappings, and violence are “normal” to the traffi ckers and their agents. While kidnappers, traffi ckers, and slave-owners are often locals, the clientele these children serve are mostly from the developed world, or the upper echelons of the traffi ckers’ societies.

Origins, Transit Points, and Destinations

Most traffi cking is not necessarily across long-distances. Instead, people are transported to localities in countries located in the same general region, particularly Victims and Victimizers 153 between neighboring countries. Victims from East Asia, for example, were detected in more than 20 different countries around the world, and African victims have been traffi cked to locations in Europe and North America (UNODC 2009 ). West Africa seems a magnet for people in pursuit of minors to be exploited for sex or labor. Alexandria in Egypt, Tunis in Tunisia, Marrakesh in Morocco, and Prague in Czeck Republic are popular destinations for adult tourists seeking sex with children (UNICEF 2001 ). Often it is geography that determines if minors are traffi cked further east from Eastern Europe or West and Central and Southern Europe from the adjacent Eastern European countries (O’Briain et al. 2004 ). The major sources of traffi cked females and children are Thailand, China, Nigeria, Albania, Bulgaria, Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine. The principle destinations are Thailand, Japan, Israel, Belgium, the Netherlands, Germany, Italy, Turkey, and the United States ( BBC 2007d ) . Belgium provides a convenient transit and destination country for girls and women being traffi cked from mostly French-speaking Sub-Saharan Africa, Central and Eastern Europe, and especially China (UNHCR 2005 ). Chinese children traffi cked into the United Kingdom are frequently unaccompanied, most arriving through an airport (Kapoor 2007). Spain is a transit country (for Portugal, France, and Germany) as well as a destination for victims from Eastern Europe (Romania, Russia, Bulgaria, Ukraine), South America (Brazil, Colombia, and Ecuador), and African (Guinea, Nigeria, and Sierra Leone). The Middle East is usually not a destination for traffi cked children but contributes to child victimization by its tourists who fl ock to Southeast Asia in search of sexual services (Muntarbhorn 1996 ). Tourist centers and military bases attract prostitution rings. Cities like Meerut, Agra, Siliguri, Mumbai, Secunderabad, and Machlipattanam are rife with young prostitutes. But some places in India old practices are still to be found – Devadasi (servant/slave of a temple god), Jogin (virgin brides of god), and Basavi (unmarried wanderers) that indirectly enable sexual exploitation of young girls, (Grammaticas 2007; Gathia 1999 ). India’s Golden Triangle – the cities of Agra-Delhi-Jaipur – have long been known to attract sex tourists, including pedophiles, who often travel to Agra, Alwar, Dhaulpur, Gwalior, Jaipur, Morena, and Tonk in Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh prowling the byways for accessible minors where family tradition encourage such trade for the easy money involved (Gathia 1999 ). In Ban Nua, Thailand one pimp, just released from prison, became an exclusive recruiter for a foreigner, who did not have the courage to fi nd local women and children himself, but employed the pimp fetching females from bars and streets to whom he explained the predator’s sexual requests (Montgomery 2001 : 94). Pakistan receives signifi cant numbers of girls traffi cked from Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, and Sri Lanka (Muntarbhorn 1996 ). In Africa, Algeria reportedly was the transit point for the increasing problem of traffi cking of children for prostitution (Muntarbhorn 1996). Mombasa, the scenic port city of Kenya has become the center of East Africa’s child sex tourism (Ruxin 2009 ) . The border towns of the Zambian copper belt are often the magnet for traffi ckers of girls from across the border and within the country’s rural area often trans- porting their victims by bus, taxis, and trucks (MAPODE 2004 ) . Between Zambia 154 5 Sexual and Commercial Traffi cking of Children and Malawi, one 26-year old sex worker revealed that she uses the internet in the business center of a hotel to process the travel documents of younger girls she recruits and traffi cked between Zambia and Benin to the United Kingdom and to Detroit, Michigan. Another intermediary in traffi cking – once a victim of traffi cking herself – delivered Benin children to Nigeria for domestic service, all for the equivalent of $9.00. Poorly educated girls and boys are traffi cked across from Paraguay to La Plata, near Buenos Aires, Argentina to provide sex services to who- ever would pay the price their owners demanded (MAPODE 2004; Bass 2004 ; Schweimier 2008 ) .

Victims

Whatever their countries of origin, transit, or destination traffi cked juveniles are mostly the children of the poor, particularly the rural poor (Bass 2004 ; Hughes 2004; Irby 2004; Kapoor 2007). According to Montgomery ( 2001: 136) 95% of the working children work because of family poverty. Of these, 93% claim to work willingly. One can presume that traffi cked minors, even if not happy as sex workers, are no exception – most want and are willing to work, but not necessarily in the occupations they fi nd themselves in. Thus, whether in poorer countries or in pockets of the disadvantaged in developed countries, poverty in general, and specifi cally lack of employment and prospects for a future, provides for a ready pool of victims (Muntarbhorn 1996; O’Briain et al. 2004 ). In India, for example, 66% of prostitutes come from drought prone areas where poverty among the rural population is the rule (Gathia 1999 : 16). Moreover, societies whose children are legally, economically, socially, and culturally less protected tend to create an instant pool of victims. And those who lack education and related skills, but are eager to migrate, become prey to the deception, and fall under the control of the traffi ckers. Often rural parents working in the fi elds eking out an existence must leave young children unattended, allowing traffi ckers easy access (UNICEF 2001 ; Terres des Hommes-Germany 2001 ). Abuse and mistreatment by desperately poor relatives straddled with yet another mouth to feed can also drive desperate children into the clutches of traffi ckers. Poorly educated and ignorant rural people, cash-strapped and easily tempted, unexposed to the suave and deceitful ways of the outside world, can easily fall prey to recruiting relatives and acquaintances acting as middlemen (The Future Group 2001 ; Kitsantonis 2009 ) . Orphanages, often private, in poor countries like India, El Salvador, Guatemala, Haiti and so on have always been suspected of collusion with traffi ckers whose association is very lucrative. As happened in Samoan, Guatemalan, Nepali, Indian, and Ethiopian, and the recent 2010 earthquake in Haiti, children traffi cked for adoption may turn out not to be orphans after all (Slate 2001 ) . In areas torn by war and confl ict, children, many orphaned by the confl ict, are often abducted, taken away from their domicile and traffi cked to serve as child soldiers or camp sex-slaves and wives (UNICEF 2001 ; Thompson 2010 ; Pressly Victims and Victimizers 155

2007) . Female children, considered undesirable in China and India, due to the stigma of illegitimacy, or because of the Chinese one child policy may be abandoned ending up being traffi cked for adoption while orphaned East Timor children were traffi cked for adoption in Indonesia (BBC 2009a; Graff 2009; Slate 2001 ; Williamson 2009 ) . Many traffi cked children are runaways. Runaways are among the most vulnerable children. Strapped for money, without family roots, contacts, and networks, and emotionally fragile they are easy targets of the traffi ckers (Malarvizhi 2007 ; Rautela and Janyala 2007) . Scared and alone, runaway girls are welcomed by pimps who watch for them as they arrive by bus, and at train stations offering them a roof over their heads, a “caring adult,” clothes, makeup, and promises of love and belonging (Flowers 2001 ). In one case, Caroline, a 16-year old villager from Nakuru, Kenya was “spotted” by another older, young, woman who offered her shelter. Accepting her offer, Caroline quickly found herself being “trained” for sex work, with the older girl negotiating with clients (UNICEF 2001 : 28). This kind of deception can take place anywhere. In the United States in Washington, D.C., Atlanta, or Las Vegas juvenile prostitution rings and brutal pimps regularly recruit young girls to cater to “johns” in cheap motels, alleys, and cars (Herbert 2006, 2007 ; The New York Times 2008 ; PBS 2009 ; Wilgoren 2006 ) . Both before and during their prostitution, many traffi cked children experience few alternatives but many disadvantages stemming from a complex list that includes family problems such as absent parents, family breakdown, violence and arguments at home, neglect, physical, sexual or emotional abuse and violence, running away, truancy, peer pressure, drugs, sleeping rough, and losing family and social contacts (Chase and Statham 2004 ). In the United States the runaways, homeless, victims of sexual abuse, street-living throwaways kicked out of homes, female gang members, transgender street youths, or any youngster seeking illicit psychotropic drugs and sex, or those brought illegally into the country are all at risk of being traffi cked to be victimized in commercial sex such as stripping, pornography, and prostitution (Estes and Weiner 2002 ). In Poland, the targets of traffi cking are the naïve and uninformed poor, with little education or familiarity with foreign languages, often from dysfunctional families living in medium-size towns in impoverished regions, (UNHCR 2005; ECPAT n.d. ) . Roma minors, married to their “pimps,” are peddled along the boulevards of Italy and other neighboring countries (UNICEF 2001 ; UNHCR 2005 ). An NGO called the Poppy Project reports that numerous females from Albania traffi cked into the United Kingdom had been subject to multiple forms of violence before being traffi cked, including rape by men within their social network, (UNHCR 2005). In Baan Nua, Thailand pornography and pedophile networks employee children whose families are well aware of the sexual-nature of their children’s relationship with their employers (Kent 1992 ; Montgomery 2001 ). Often traffi cked children are never heard from again, and are untraceable, and lost forever. Almost all will die in their youth at their destination, never-ever to see their families, home, or community. Unusual is the fate of a 12-year old boy from Ghana who as traffi cked to be a cocoa-slave. He was lucky when the BBC news crew covering his story helped reunite him with his mother ( BBC 2010 ) . 156 5 Sexual and Commercial Traffi cking of Children

Victimizers

Recruiters, agents, transporters, traffi ckers, and the benefi ciaries of their activities are typically adults. Thus, as with most forms of youth victimization, traffi cking is another example of adults victimizing the young. Traffi ckers may be the parent, sibling, relative, acquaintance, or the husband of the victim. They might also be friends, acquaintances, school teachers, local politicians, fellow villagers, the village headman, or temple priests or other religious offi cials. Sometimes organized groups, such as employment, escort, marriage, or travel agencies, may be involved. Labor contractors, local criminal gangs, corrupt offi cials, or poseurs parading as social workers are not immune to the trade. And government and other institutions such as children’s homes, orphanages, and crèches have been involved. And, of course, a host of pimps, brothel owners, or women already in the fl esh trade, help fi ll out the seemingly endless list of people willing to trade in the lives of the young (ECPAT n.d. ; Terres des Hommes-Germany 2001 ). Since a majority – anywhere from 66% to 79% – of those traffi cked are subject to sexual exploitation, many traffi ckers are women, particularly in West Africa (Bass 2004 : 154). They may recruit prepubescent children by contacting their parents – often poverty-stricken, ignorant, and sometimes indebted to the recruiter – to enter into an agreement that paints a false, rosy, future for both child and the family ( UNICEF 2006c ; UNODC 2009 ). Frequently traffi ckers, or their recruiting agents, are acquaintances familiar with the strained circumstances of the child’s life (O’Briain et al. 2004 ). Bass ( 2004 : 153) notes that “In Benin [West Africa] when corn harvest is bad child-smugglers and recruiters traverse the red dirt roads connecting the villages with the big city, offering money and promises of a better life. They prey on the villagers’ hopes for education for their children, a good wage, and a full belly.” . Often, the families who allow the traffi ckers to take their children away never see much beyond the initial payment (Bass 2004 : 154). And a 2-year contract may turn into decades without any sign of the child’s return. Deception and lies are the modus operandi in luring older adolescents whether they are in the backwaters of Eastern Europe, the ramshackle villages of Africa, or the poor villages of Asia. Empty promises, fl agrant deception, and fl imsy ruses are the stock-in trade of the traffi ckers (O’Briain et al. 2004 ; Beddoe et al. 2001 ; Erez et al. 2004 ). Adding insult to injury, some of the traffi ckers convince their victims and their families to hand over their charges as well as large sums of money in hopes of a better future for all. In the Philippines, one gang boss, the “Chairman,” disarm- ingly informed a BBC reporter that he lies to the families of the girls he buys, forcing the youngsters into his brothels. The madam of a tiny club – a former recruiter herself – proudly declared how her stable of girls are all her distant relatives, and all above age 18 – and now have regular incomes ( BBC 2007f ) . A group of Senegalese “models” were put on a Libya-bound charter fl ight on the pretext of participating in a cultural show only to be apprehended by authorities, leading to a Senegal-Libya diplomatic row (MAPODE 2004 ) . One Cambodian 15-year old girl named Srey Kanya became a victim of a kind-speaking, well-dressed traffi cker Mrs. Ith Sitha Victims and Victimizers 157 who promised her an escape from the drudgery and poverty of weaving rush mats all day saying “You’re too smart to be tucked away in this village” (UNICEF 2001: 26). Two 14-year old Malawian girls reported that they had arrived in Lusaka, Zambia just two weeks earlier with a large group of youngsters – all led by an adult prostitute whom they had met in Lilongwe, Malawi (MAPODE 2004 ) . Traffi ckers, particularly those traffi cking for commercial sexual exploitation may be part of organized, criminal enterprises that readily supply victims with fake identities. Typically the organized traffi ckers work with a network of agents, transporters, safe-keepers, and handlers. Experts in bribing the police, and border offi - cials, their activities are facilitated by corrupt (and poorly paid) offi cials in poor countries. In one instance, mistaking an investigator to be a sex-tour operator, a Cambodian policeman offered to procure child prostitutes for $150, an amount exceeding his salary over several months (Hansen 2008 ) . One African female traffi cker proudly declared, “The girls I escort have no passports, I get day pass for them from the immigration.” She added, “I charge $100 per person. I pay the immigration Offi cer $100 on the Zambia side and $100 on the Zimbabwean side for each group. When I get to the immigration, I greet the immigration offi cer with $100 in my palm” (MAPODE 2004 : 8). In La Plata, a suburb of Buenos Aires, Argentina, young Peruvian boys dressed in drag are reported to pay $400 per month to offi cials to be protected from third parties (Schweimier 2008 ) . Often traffi ckers are affi liated with organizations involved in various other forms of criminality. For example, Vietnamese traffi ckers in the United Kingdom also are reputed to be involved in immigration racketeering, the vice-rackets, money laun- dering, transportation, and drug-dealing (Kapoor 2007 ; O’Briain et al. 2004 ; The Future Group 2001 ; UNICEF 2001 ). To facilitate crossing borders, for the right price offi cial-looking forged documents are obtained through the traffi ckers’ under- world connections (O’Briain et al. 2004 ). Not infrequently the traffi ckers in one country are resident foreigners. In Ireland, traffi ckers tend to be Eastern European nationals of Bulgaria, Romania, Lithuania and the coastal countries of West Africa (ECPAT n.d.). In the Netherlands, these traffi ckers are thought to have moved an estimated 1,000 to 3,000 females – of whom 250–300 are believed to be minors – into prostitution in 2003 alone (UNHCR 2005: 89). Among the traffi ckers in to the United Kingdom, for example, the Albanians and the Chinese seem the best organized and the most sophisticated (Kapoor 2007 ). Controlling the wealthier European sex markets Ukrainian and Russian organized gangs who recruit, transport, and exploit Ukrainian and Russian females while Albanian male networks recruit poor girls who tend to be subservient to the men (Monzini 2004 ). It is not only those who recruit, sell, and/or transport the children who are guilty of abuse. The sex-tourist who arrives in Cambodia to have a ‘yum-yum’ (fellatio), ‘boom boom’ (genital penetration), or group sex with Thai minors is rich in cash, but morally bankrupt and ethically challenged. Many such adults engage in sex with minors rationalizing that the child prostitutes have chosen prostitution, that tourist- destination societies and cultures are more natural, freer, the children are ‘grownup’ by local norms, or are sexually experienced in that the child is a prostitute already, 158 5 Sexual and Commercial Traffi cking of Children or no harm emanates from the sexual encounter, and they patronize and help those desperately in need of income (UNICEF 2001 ). One American ex-diplomat sentenced to 20-years in prison – used his postings overseas in Brazil and Kinshasa, Uganda to prey on under-aged girls, recording his illegal escapades in pornographic fi lms that included “Congo 2004 Sexual adventures.” One of his defense lawyers asked that the local permissive cultural norms in his postings be considered while judging him (MSNBC 2008 ) . An American doctor paying $50 for three girls for the whole night lamely claimed “…I mean 15, 16, and older. Maybe a 14-year old might sneak in if you can’t tell the age, but, you know I don’t take the little, really little ones…” (Hansen 2008 : 7).

Recruting and Controlling Victims

While the targets of sex traffi cking are typically illiterate, ignorant, and poor, traffi ckers are normally skillful salespersons – their poker faces hiding their shrewd judgment of the desperation of their targets – camoufl aging their deception, coercion, and kidnapping with sweet words and white lies (The Future Group 2001 ). A common ploy of traffi ckers is to entice potential victims with promises of respectable, well-paying, work. Later their victims learn that their real job is prostitution, or slave labor. Sometimes child prostitution may begin as an easy, temporary, form of work during cash strapped diffi cult times. More often it comes as a surprise once the youth has been spirited away from his or her home. Girls in fi nancial straits in India may be lured with promise of legal, well-paid jobs in the Canary Islands of Spain, for example. Once they arrive and have no way to return home they are forced in to prostitution (Grammaticas 2007 ; BBC 2008c ) . Parents or guardians may – knowingly or unwittingly – facilitate their child or relative to be sent away for sex work (Muntarbhorn 1996 ; Montgomery 2001 ). Other tactics are also used. In Iran, for instance, traffi ckers target poor families offering to marry off girls as young as 12 (Hughes 2002 ). Parents anxious to be rid of their economic burden, or believing the marriage will provide their daughter a better life, often readily agree. The victim winds up being a sex slave of some pedophile or fi nds herself forced into prostitution or other slave-like labor. For example: “E” was traffi cked at age 13, sold by her sister to traffi ckers, then again sold in Italy. Found there by the police, she was returned to her country of origin. She was home for four days before her father sold her again, this time to another group of traffi ckers who prostituted her in Italy and France before bringing her to the United Kingdom….(UNHCR 2005 : 145) And in Albania rural girls may discontinue going to school out of fear of being kidnapped and traffi cked by men who promise to, or “conveniently”, marry them in order to pimp them (UNICEF 2001 ). Traditional belief systems, rampant in the midst of ignorance and illiteracy among the poor, make young girls susceptible to these lures. Spanish authorities, for example, arrested 23 Nigerians for traffi cking 150 Recruting and Controlling Victims 159 women and girls. The victims had been required to swear on the graves of their ancestors prior to leaving Nigeria and were kept under control with voodoo and black magic ( BBC 2009d ; BBC 2007e; Kapoor 2007). In Gujarat, India ‘tantrics’ – the worshippers of the female goddess Sakthi – have been accused of being involved in ‘lifting children’ for traffi cking from public places (Rautela and Janyala 2007 ) . Ignorance and naïveté also make victims fall prey to charming recruiters and traffi ckers (Thorpe 2006). One 16-year old Lithuanian girl, for example, agreed to accompany a group of her “new friends” to have fun. She was sold, and resold, by her Albanian traffi ckers to brothels in the United Kingdom (Buckley 2005 ) . A common recruitment technique is through “the second wave” when a former friend or acquaintance – a traffi cked woman, now well-dressed and with a full wallet – returns home as a predator to fi nd new victims. Her “obvious” success helps to convince parents and potential victims that the promise of a “good life” in another country is true (Hughes 2000; Kitsantonis 2009) . An unconscious pretty teenage Cambodian girl named Kahan was rescued by the Cambodian police. A woman who had left the village years earlier had convinced her to accompany her and whisked her upstream by boat to be held until transported to Pailin, near the Thai border. She had been drugged with ice cream (Kristof 2006 ) . Indeed, sedatives of various kinds are an easy way to quietly spirit youngsters away (Bhaumik 2007 ) . But, in most cases the lure is a “good job” in some distant town or country. In many parts of Eastern Europe alluring advertisements appear in newspapers and magazines for good jobs abroad. Or “friends of friends” convince young women working locally for meager wages with enticing job offers (HRW 2002 ; Thorpe 2006 ; O’Briain et al. 2004 ). In Ghana, young girls are easily tricked into prostitution by the ruse that they are being recruited to be maids in homes (Muntarbhorn 1996 ). Traffi ckers use other ruses as well. For example, several white traffi ckers pur- portedly rescued traffi cked African girls from their bad situation in Africa only to prostitute or abandoned them later (Kapoor 2007 : 28, 37). Accompanying ‘pretended’ relatives – such as aunts, uncles, grandmothers, and other relatives – is common practice among African girls being traffi cked to the United Kingdom (Kapoor 2007: 38). Girls from West Africa may refer to their female traffi ckers as aunties, leading others to assume that they were with family members (Bass 2004 ). In the Northwest frontiers of Pakistan – where homosexuality is considered worse than adultery – rape is the modus operandi to recruit young boys into prostitution (Sajjad 2003 ). Servitude, bondage, and slavery in domestic labor seems mild compared to what can happen to young girls kidnapped, drugged, or tortured to work as prostitutes ( Kristof 2009 ; UNICEF 2003 ) . Once a victim is recruited, the threat of prospective monetary loss to the traffi ckers and owners is so huge that traffi cking – especially sex-traffi cking of girls – is accompanied by great brutality and enormously life- changing experiences for the victims who survive. Almost always the victims are forced to pay back the exorbitant transportation and related fees the traffi ckers claim are owed to them. Afraid and lacking any idea of who they can turn to for help, most victims become enslaved until their “owners” allow them to leave or they die – from AIDS, drugs, or beatings (Harrison 2003 ; Kapoor 2007 ). Often, their “bosses” 160 5 Sexual and Commercial Traffi cking of Children

simply keep whatever they earn, making the victims even more dependent on them for their sustenance. Each time a victim is sold or re-sold, she or he becomes indebted all over. Frequent change of ownership is not an unusual experience. One Indonesian girl reported being sold by her pimp to white people who liked only children. When she aged she was resold to a series of Japanese masters (Beddoe et al. 2001 ). Young West African girls who paid large sums to their “managers” for prospective jobs instead experienced a long and tortuous journey from Nigeria to North Africa and across Central Europe. Ultimately they were delivered into the hands of the Mafi a in Naples. Along the way they were bought and sold as often as 10–12 times (UNICEF 2001 : 9). Interviews by representatives of NGOs demonstrate the use of manipulation, deception, and violence the people involved in the commercial sex trade use to control their victims (Brown and Barrett 2002 ; Barrett 1998 ) . Such coercion may be psychological or physical. In one report the interviewer was told that upon arrival: {T}he traffi cker will provide the teenager with a place to live, clothes, hair- colour, con- doms, and a place where he/she will work. The teenager is supervised, so that on the one hand he/she does not keep any money, and on the other hand to protect him/her from abuse by other pimps. If he/she does not obey, physical and mental cruelty is used: he/she is beaten, raped, threatened, or witnesses the beatings of others to terrify him/her (O’Briain et al. 2004 : 49). First and foremost, the traffi ckers sever the lines of communication between their victims and their families, making the victims totally isolated, and unable to communicate their plight to anyone else. Children from Northern and Luapula provinces in Zambia, some as young as 4 years old, may be held incommunicado miles away locked behind the doors of Islamic (madrassas) schools in Lusaka while being given new Muslim identities and forced to communicate only in Arabic. With the complicity of their parents, some 105 boys from Kano, Nigeria were taken in a cramped bus to such a school 400 kilometers away from their homes in what the Nigerian National Agency for the Prohibition of Traffi c in Persons (NAPTIP) claimed would be bonded labor (MAPODE 2004 ) . Such isolation puts the victims totally at the mercy of the traffi ckers. Threats of confi nement in cages, killings and disappearance of co-workers, harm to the victim’s family, physical punishment to the victim, sexual abuse such as rapes including gang-rape, showing photographs and videos of badly hurt disobedient victims, threats to reveal the child’s actual activity to the victim’s family, being denied food and water, isolation, restrictions on freedom of movement and association, forced alcohol and drug ingestion, and constant monitoring of the victim’s movements are all common methods of control. In addition, “debt bondage,” fi nes, theft and seizure of offi cial documents, such as identity papers and passports, misleading work-permit status and rights, and failure to legalize the victims status are also common tools in the traffi cker’s control kit (Richards, Stuart 2007 ; UNICEF 2006d ; Prologue 2008 ; HRW 2002 ). Examples of such abuse are found everywhere. For instance, a traffi cked 17-year old Romanian girl was often beaten and mistreated in post (civil) war Bosnia. Recruting and Controlling Victims 161

She tells how she had 500 clients, including two offi cials from the foreigners department of the Public Security Center. While in the brothel in which she was working they were present when a police offi cial stamped the passports of the women and girls working there (HRW 2002 ) . Another 16-year old Eastern European girl based in Reggio Calabria, Italy was forced to prostitute herself into the sixth month of her pregnancy ( BBC 2007 ) . A 16-year old Pakistani girl was kidnapped and raped by a group of thugs, and when she was delivered to the police after a year, raped again by police offi cers ( Kristof 2009a ) . When law enforcement offi cials abuse and exploit these children, they reinforce the lack of trust these youth already have in public offi cials. Actual harm, and threats of harm, is often used to control the child victim who is isolated, moneyless, and emotionally fragile (Kapoor 2007 ; Chase and Statham 2004 ). In the 1970s during the armed confl ict In Mozambique kidnapped children were used as child soldiers and forced labor on both sides of the confl ict. Sexual abuse was a rampant tactic to terrorize and control the children. In one case the small vagina of a 6 to 7 year old girl was cut with a bayonet by a soldier who then raped her (Efraime Junior 2004 ). The fear of harm traumatizes the children who become psychologically ensnared as their isolation and dependency allow them no way out (Hodge and Lietz 2007 ). The most severe forms of sexual violence await the children traffi cked for sexual exploitation. Investigations by Kapoor (2007 ) found that among its sample of Eastern European children the modus operandi of traffi ckers was kidnapping and the use of extreme violence to control the young girls by repeated rapes and gang- rapes until they complied to have sex with “clients.” Often such violence occurs in the presence of other victims to instill fear among the entire group (Kapoor 2007 ). Burning with cigarettes – in invisible places to avoid visible scarring – is reportedly a popular tool used by sex traffi ckers of young girls bound for prostitution. One Cambodian traffi cker chose to torture his young victim with electric shock by tying the victim down, dousing her with water, prodding her with wires running from 220-volt wall outlets ( Kristof 2009 ) . Narrating the story of one young woman traffi cked across Southeast Asian countries, Kristof (2009 : 1) reports: Sina is Vietnamese but was kidnapped at the age of 13 and taken to Cambodia, where she was drugged. She said she woke up naked and bloody on a bed with a white man – she doesn’t know his nationality – who had purchased her virginity…As in many brothels. The torture of choice was electric shocks. Sina would be tied down, doused in water and then prodded with wires running from 220-volt wall outlet. The jolt causes intense pain, sometimes evacuation of the bladder and bowel – and even unconsciousness…After beatings and shock, Sina said she would be locked naked in a wooden coffi n full of biting ants. The coffi n was dark, suffocating and so tight that she could not move her hands up to her face to brush off the ants. A 16-year old Russian girl who stabbed her Azerbaijan pimp was visited in jail by his friends who threatened to harm her little sister (O’Briain et al. 2004 : 136). One Albanian Roma 12-year old girl spoke of the beatings she received from her Roma husband-pimp for failure to earn $250 a night – which required turning a minimum of ten tricks a night (UNICEF 2001 ). A pre-pubescent girl was kidnapped 162 5 Sexual and Commercial Traffi cking of Children by a young woman and sold into slavery to a woman brothel-owner in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. She revealed that she had brutal injuries, including a gauged out right eye which fi nally liberated her since, as a consequence, she no longer looked attractive ( Kristof 2009 ) . Another Khmer girl traffi cked across several countries was beaten so badly she had to hide her face for a month before it healed. She was then put back to sex work ( Morris 2005 ) . Besides such actual physical and mental abuse traffi ckers often use their victims’ sense of “indebtedness” to manipulate their young victims. This emotional manipulation is quite evident among South East Asian children instilled with a sense of family obligation that binds them with loyalty to the traffi ckers (Kapoor 2007). The manipulative traffi ckers trick the young people into believing that they have a “duty” to pay back their family’s debt by working endless hours turning tricks as prostitutes or engaging in virtual slave labor. One Togolese girl traffi cked to a neighboring country stated that she was rescued by a boy who promised to take her to Togo if she would marry him. Her brothers had to pay off the boy when she decided not to marry him (HRW 2003 ) . As happens with adult prostitutes, particularly among the Eastern European victims of sex trade, pimps create a cycle of indebtedness by addicting the fragile and distraught minors to drugs (Kapoor 2007; Chase and Statham 2004 ). The addicted victim becomes even more indebted to her pimp who supplies her with the needed drugs in return for her continued “labor.”

Health Hazards

Traffi cking is full of hazards for its victims. Simply being transported to a distant land or city can it self involve risks. With long treks on foot, portage in dangerous vehicles, or movement through treacherous territories, sometimes with no water, food, or sanitary facilities, traffi cking victims risk mistreatment, sexual and physical abuse, and sometimes death on route to the destination – which often may be one other than originally presumed (O’Briain et al. 2004 ; OCVAdvocate 2004 ) . The dangers of being injured in an overturned vehicle, being asphyxiated while locked in a sealed compartment, or drowning in a sinking boat are very real. Most of the injuries sustained by traffi cked youth people, however, occur from the beatings and abuse meted out by the traffi ckers. Physical abuse by the victimizers is a pervasive fact of life for these youngsters. In addition, working and living conditions are often unhealthy, degrading, unsafe, unsanitary, and overcrowded with excessively long working hours and lack of adequate health care, and corrupt local offi cials who are in cahoots with traffi ckers and brothel owners (Prologue 2008: 24; HRW 2002 : 17). Traffi cked from Yemen and beaten with metal wire when he refused to beg all day six-year old Ali was rescued when picked up by Saudi police for begging on the streets of Jeddah (Omar 2007 ) . Moreover, children begging and picking pockets along the streets deal with environmental hazards such as constant cold or heat, pulmonary problems due to pollution, and the risk of being run over as well as encounters with the people they victimize. Their abusive experiences can leave deep emotional scars (The Willias and Levy 2002 ). Health Hazards 163

The very lives of children traffi cked for organ harvesting are in danger, as well as those of people who try to help them. In one extreme case, in Nampula, Mozambique a nun was murdered for reveling that hundreds of children were being murdered to provide organs for export (MAPODE 2004 ) . Traffi cked child brides who are often over-worked and forced into premature sex may suffer a whole host of health problems that endanger their lives (Nordland and Rubin 2010 ) . And the risk of harm, injury and mortality increases dramatically when the minors, particularly are involved in commercial sex, both from the activity it self as well as the beatings received from pimps, clients, and law enforcement offi cers. Victims may be beaten, burned with hot irons or other objects, or cut and salt poured into the wounds – in non-visible areas of their bodies to avoid visible damage to the “product.” Murder is only used as a last resort since future profi ts would be lost (Hodge and Lietz 2007 ; Hughes 2000a ; Zimmerman et al. 2003 ) . Even for those youngsters who reconcile to their fate, the hazards are endless (Montgomery 2001). There is a high correlation between commercial sexual exploitation of children and their use of drugs. The “boyfriends” of young girls, scheming to exploit them, may supply those already addicted with drugs. Or non-users may be introduced to highly addictive substances. Controlling the supply, their pimps get them to consent to their demands (Chase and Statham 2004 and 2005 ; Mapode 2004 ) . Sixteen-year old Caroline of Mombasa, Kenya tells how: “Some of the men would beat me, especially when I refused to take drugs or if I insisted on using a condom” (UNICEF 2001 : 35). The beatings, burning, and forced drug and alcohol use can have negative impact on the youth’s health, especially since many are already malnourished. Sexually-transmitted diseases are a risk to both genders. Long hours of exposure wearing the skimpy outfi ts that are the trademark of the sex peddlers, and living and working under crowded and unhygienic conditions, increase exposure to infection. Because of their illegal status they are often not able to get adequate healthcare. Repeated injuries from sexual acts can lead to cervical cancer, and these youths run a far higher risk of contracting HIV/AIDs and other sexually transmitted diseases. HIV, gonorrhea, syphilis, herpes simplex, urinary tract infections, and polyps are common diseases among the children held in Cambodian brothels with pregnancies and forced abortions taking a heavy toll (Future Group 2001; The Willias and Levy 2002 ; UNICEF 2001 ). Some Bangladeshi minors abuse steroids to enhance their breast and hips to be more enticing in a stiffl y competitive street business (Dummett 2010 ) . In addition to the physical harm, children traffi cked in to the sex trade or slave labor pay a price in terms of their self-concept due to the public’s negative attitudes, the brutality they experience, chronic ill-health, and their lack of power over their lives (Montgomery 2001 ). The living conditions and the manner of their relationship with pimps and clients take a heavy, but invisible, psychological toll making them vulnerable to further exploitation and re-traffi cking by the same or other exploiters who easily manipulate their fragile sense of self with kind words, enticing promises, declarations of love, and offers to care ( Kristof 2009b ) . Inseparable from their lot is the progressive loss of identity, psychological denigration, and denial of humanity they experience (Kan 2009 ) . Many Cambodian indentured sex 164 5 Sexual and Commercial Traffi cking of Children workers, for example, are kept in prison-like conditions, or in small over-crowded, dark, dingy, and unsanitary underground cells, and, as punishment, in cages (The Future Group 2001 ; Omar 2007 ) . Dalyn, a Cambodian sold into a brothel at age 12, was beaten, starved, and threatened at gunpoint until she agreed to serve clients. Once rescued, she needed counseling and therapy before being able to talk about her experiences (Omar 2007 : 1). Another Cambodian sex slave named Sophea lived in an “aunt’s” house. In spite of her aunt’s kindness, she was rebuked, beaten, and knocked unconscious, awakening only to fi nd her “uncle” with a knife attempting to kill her. She was unable to tell of her situation claiming that she had taken a blood pact to her mother never to mention her ordeal at her aunt’s house after she had run away from home, only to be found by traffi ckers (The Future Group 2001 ).

Laws

A host of legislation exists throughout the world which, if properly enforced, would virtually stop the global trafﬁ cking in children and adults. Some of this legislation is international. But a multitude of local and national laws can also be found designed to curb the activity in speciﬁ c countries or areas.

International Laws

Organizations like the United Nations, International Labor Organization (ILO), UNICEF, and various non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have spearheaded international agreements and protocols intended to prevent human traffi cking and facilitating the apprehension and punishment of traffi ckers, as well as help anyone below age 18 who has been victimized (O’Briain et al. 2004 ; ILO 1997 ) . In its specifi c measures against child labor in its 1999 list of Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention (No. 182), the ILO addressed the traffi cking of minors for labor-exploitation, including child traffi cking for prostitution. The United Nations Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against 1979. Women set fi rm international standards to prevent the abuse of women and girls. The Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment in 1984 established norms regarding violence. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) of 1989 and its Optional Protocol on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography (UNICEF 2009 ) provide the basis for an international movement to end the sexual exploitation of children. Article 35 urges that “parties shall take all appropriate, bilateral and multilateral measures to prevent the abduction of, the sale or traffi c in children for any purpose or in any form” (Chase and Statham 2004 ; MAPODE 2004 ) . Other international agreements on Transnational Organized Crime in 2000 and its Protocol against Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea, and Air, and the Laws 165

UN Traffi cking Protocol to Prevent, Suppress, and Punish Traffi cking in Persons Especially Women and Children in 2000 enhanced the existing international standards on the treatment of human beings. Article 3 of the Traffi cking Protocol supplemented the United Nations Convention against Transnational Crime and the Optional Protocol on the Sale of Children, Child Prostitution and Child Pornography (Chase and Statham 2004 ; Chase and Statham 2005 ; Aronowitz 2004 ; Erez et al. 2004; International Bureau of Children’s Rights (IBCR) 2009; UNICEF 2006 ; UNICEF 2006c ; UNICEF 2009 ; UNHCR 2005 ) . The Optional Protocol to the Convention for the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination (CEDAW), the 2000 ILO Convention (No. 182) on the Worst Forms of Child Labour, the 2000 Council of Europe Convention on Action Against Traffi cking in Human Beings, and the 2001 Convention on Cyber Crime all provide for ways to eliminate child traffi cking by prevention measures and the apprehension, trial, and punishment of the adults involved in the enterprise (Chase and Statham 2004 ; UNICEF 2003 ; UNHCR 2005 ; UNICEF 2009 ). These laws and agreements have provided guidelines to be followed in shaping effective local and national laws. Together they set a global standard for the treatment of young people (and others) and make any form of child-traffi cking a criminal act across the globe. But, given the continued widespread existence of this activity, the problem is not the lack of laws, but the will to enforce them.

National Laws

Laws to eliminate and control child traffi cking have long existed in some countries. As early as 1927 the Netherlands lifted the ban on brothels and criminalized traffi cking in male minors in the hopes of combating traffi cking for the sake of prostitution in that country (Prologue 2008 : 4). Two founding treaties of the European Union – Treaty of Rome 1958 and Treaty of Maastricht in 1992 – form the basis of all laws governing such behavior within member states. Article 20 of the 1999 Treaty of Amsterdam addressed child traffi cking, stating that: “this objective shall be achieved by preventing and combating crime, organized or otherwise, in particular terrorism, traffi cking in persons and offences against children, illicit drug traffi cking and illicit arms traffi cking, corruption and fraud,” (Van Reisen and Stefanovic 2004 : 16). In 1999 Sweden declared that buying or attempting to buy sex was illegal and in 2002 criminalized traffi cking and attempted traffi cking with penalties of 2 to 10 years imprisonment (Prologue 2008 : 4, 10). In Belgium traffi cking of foreigners is a crime as are forced labor, and abnormal profi ts from prostitution (Prologue 2008 ). The Irish Child Traffi cking and Pornography Act of 1998 criminalizes child traffi cking and pornography and their various manifestations such as massage parlors, clubs with lap dancing, and escort agencies (Conroy 2003 ) . The Sexual Offences Act of 2003 in England, Wales, and Northern Ireland criminalized the traffi cking of children for commercial and sexual purposes, as well as sexual “grooming.” In 2004 traffi cking for forced labor and removal of organs was made a crime 166 5 Sexual and Commercial Traffi cking of Children with 14 years imprisonment a possible punishment (Chase and Statham 2004 ; Prologue 2008 ; Kapoor 2007 ). Also, in the United Kingdom unaccompanied traffi cked children are given some protection under the Children Act of 1989 relegating the moral and physical wellbeing of children to the police and certain statutory agencies (Barrett 1998 ). In Article 18, the Consolidated Text on Italian Law on Immigration tries to break the double circuit of victimization by eliminating the illegal status of traffi cked minors, allowing the victim to approach the public pros- ecutor, the chief of police, or an NGO to initiate action to obtain special stay-permits and social assistance (Curtol et al. 2004 ). In 2000, the United States enacted the Traffi cking Victims Protection ACT (TVPA) with subsequent amendments in 2003 and 2005 to strengthen its provisions (Prologue 2008: 9). Often victimized children may be imprisoned, or deported instead of being helped (Muntarbhorn 1996 ; UNICEF 2006 ; UNICEF 2006c ). In an attempt to protect victims and prevent their falling prey to their victimizers again a few countries grant special visas for those designated victims of severe forms of traffi cking (Hodge and Lietz 2007). In addition to the federal Criminal Code and Children’s Services Act, individual Australian states have passed laws prohibiting prostitution of those ranging between the ages of 16 and 18 (Muntarbhorn 1996 ). While Romania has complied with the terms of the international Traffi cking Protocol, many Eastern European countries (i.e., Moldova, Ukraine, Czech Republic, Albania, and Belarus) have only established committees and commissions concerning the issue. But the enforcement of what legislation against traffi ckers exists is weak in these countries (O’Briain et al. 2004 ; Berger 2009 ) . The Turkish Penal Code incorporated anti-traffi cking measures, but failed to include sexual exploitation and prostitution (Prologue 2008 : 10). The Southeast Asian countries of the Philippines, Cambodia, Viet Nam, Thailand, Laos, and Myanmar all demonstrate persistent and fl agrant violations of international standards regarding traffi cking of minors for sexual exploitation, even if they have legislation prohibiting such behavior. Besides the 1974 Child and Youth Welfare Code, in 1992 the Philippines enacted the Special Protection of Children Against Child Abuse, Exploitation and Discrimination Act. Thailand’s 1905 anti- slavery laws “technically” freed Thai women from bondage, and the Penal Code of 1908 criminalizes seduction of minors and abduction of those below age 10. Youths between ages10 to 14 are technically allowed the freedom to “consent” (Montgomery 2001). The People’s Republic of China instituted the Marriage Law in 1950 protecting women and children. But a thriving commercial sex-industry employing women, girls, and boys still exists especially, for example, along the Yunnan-Vietnam border (Davidson 2001). Following women’s activism during 2010 in Yemen, there is a proposal to raise the minimum age to be married to 17 for girls and 18 for boys ( BBC 2010b ) . In many parts of the Third World the absence of specifi c laws concerning children is glaring. In Pakistan, except Sindh province with its Sindh Children’s Act, there are no special laws concerning children (Saifullah 2003 ). On the other hand, some countries have a confusing jumble of laws. For example, Article 23 of the Indian Constitution states that “Traffi cking in human beings and beggar and Laws 167 other similar forms of forced labor are prohibited and any contravention of this provision shall be an offence punishable in accordance with the law.” But specifi c statutes in India lack uniformity in defi ning a child. The Factory Act of 1958, for instance, refers to persons below age 14 as children, while the 1960 Penal Code refers to youngsters below age 12 as children, and the Juvenile Justice Act of 1986 defi nes a male below 16 and a female below age 18 as a child. But three laws – the 1992 Child Marriage Restraint Act, the Apprenticeship Act of 1957, and the 1986 Child Labor Prohibition and Regulation Act defi ne a child as any male below age 21, and female below 18 years, while the Immoral Traffi c Prevention Act of 1956 and its amendment of 1986 apply to all children (Gathia 1999 ). And the Devadasi Prohibition of Dedication Act of 1982 in India was designed to end the custom of deifying and dedicating female children to temples where they ultimately fall into prostitution (Muntarbhorn 1996 ). In a public interest decision, the Indian Supreme Court recently told the Central government to address poverty to curb child sex traffi cking (Alexander 2010; BBC 2009b; The Hindu 2010b; The Indian Express 2009 ) . In Africa, the Nigerian Northern Region Children and Young Persons Law of 1958, and Native Authority Restrictions on Travel of Juveniles Rules, and the Control of Juveniles Accompanying Koranic Mallams Rules expressly prohibit the removal of juveniles from the custody, care, or charge of parents/guardians without a permit, while holding the “mallams” (men educated in the teachings of Islam) responsible for their abandonment or neglect, and forbidding any one in charge of public vehicles from permitting juveniles to board without an adult lawfully in charge (Ojanuga 1990 ) . Ghana law passed in September 1998 expressly forbids sending a child away from home for religious rituals, such as Trokosi girls who are forced to ‘atone’ their family’s sins by becoming physical and sex slaves of temple priests, even while only 10 years of age (Bass 2004 ). Countries in South America have recently sought to enact legislation protecting children from traffi cking and other victimization. Brazil, for example, decentral- ized the various measures to combat children’s exploitation by enacting the Statute of Child and Adolescent in 1990. In 1994, the Dominican Republic in the Caribbean enacted the Criminal Law 24–97, the Code for the Protection of Children and Adolescents that levies a hefty penalty for procurers of a child for prostitution with 6 months to 3 years imprisonment plus 50,000 to 500,000 pesos fi nes (UNICEF 2001 ).

Enforcement

Enforcement of existing laws is essential to curb child traffi cking and exploitation. International agreements and national laws are geared to preventing adults from inducing or coercing children to engage in any exploitative labor or unlawful sexual activity. However, since international protocols are only agreements to act, they lack the full force of criminal law. Indeed, in 2001 only 48 countries had enacted laws that 168 5 Sexual and Commercial Traffi cking of Children specifi cally criminalized traffi cking even though most countries were signatories of the agreements prohibiting the activity (UNICEF 2001 ). And even in countries that signed the international protocols to protect minors and have followed up with laws to do so, the enforcement of these laws is often sporadic, inadequate, or unsystem- atic. As such the intent of the laws remains unfulfi lled (Muntarbhorn 1996 ). The arrests of 800 people connected to a traffi cking and prostitution ring in Reggio- Calabria, Italy is only one instance that casts doubt on any idea that law-enforcement personnel are unaware of or do not suspect that something might be going on and something should be done about it ( BBC 2007) . In some cases their inaction may be blamed on a lack of training (Berger 2009 ) . And stopping the trade in child sex- workers may take a low priority to other, more seemingly pressing, criminal matters. In addition, in many places, inadequate numbers of personnel are assigned to rehabilitation and protection services. In Gujarat, India, for example, some 3,000 missing children were dealt with by only two people in one government unit (Rautela and Janyala 2007 ) . As one Indian social worker reported: The VB (Vice Bureau) has an amazing knack of locating mothers of girls whose complete names and addresses are not known. They produce mothers from other states in less time than it takes to travel from the state. Using my judicial permission, I sought to see the court records. They had vanished…Thousands of Salmas (a child prostitute) are trapped and fl ung before predators. And they die a thousand deaths before they dissipate into dust… I have not heard of a single prosecution of a person who had indulged in commercial sexual exploitation of child with life imprisonment (Gathia 1999 : 56). By severely limiting the movements of traffi ckers by systematic harassment, confi scations, and confi nement in prisons offi cials might provide an incentive to cease their operations. Reducing profi ts by hefty penalties and imposing fi nancial damages might also dissuade traffi ckers. A Cambodian woman was sentenced to 85 years in prison for luring Khmer girls into prostitution ( Morris 2005 ) . But such sentences are rare in most of the world. On the other hand, Interpol has been promoting international cooperation, and national police forces to create a specialist liaison offi cer with duty only to child victims of traffi cking (Gathia 1999 ). But even those involved in prevention of child traffi cking or rescuing child prostitutes can become targets of those reaping enormous rewards from the trade. In one case, volunteers for the NGOs Good Samaritans and Somaly Mam were threatened with revenge from traffi ckers, brothel owners, and the corrupt police and politicians intertwined in a nexus of traffi cking (Kristof 2008, 2009a) . Thus, if any real dent in the traffi cking of children is to be made it is important to eradicate the collusion among law-enforcement agents, members of the judiciary, politicians, and organized crime (The Future Group 2001 ). As, one Indian police offi cial remarked, traffi cking of minors has become a ‘low risk’ organized criminal enterprise (The Hindu 2007 ) . Incidents such as the New York City police detective who forced a 13-year old runaway to work as a prostitute highlight how law-enforcers may capitalize on the helplessness of minors whom they are required to protect (MSNBC 2008 ) . According to UNODC ( 2009 ) 40% of the countries studied had no conviction for child sex traffi cking whatsoever. Convictions of traffi ckers had increased in a few countries, although this was not in proportion to the numbers of children traffi cked. Preventing Traffi cking and Helping Children 169

Tracing and returning victims to their families has been hampered by the absence of multilateral and bilateral agreements on abducted and disappeared children across frontiers, (Muntarbhorn 1996 ). No universal agreement relegating sex-traffi cking as a criminal offense exists. And, many signatories to the Smuggling Protocol as well as the Traffi cking Protocol have yet to ratify the Optional Protocols to the CRC and CEDAW (UNHCR 2005 : Appendix 1, 2; UNICEF 2009 ). Moreover, law enforcement among various originating, receiving, and transiting countries is erratic, if not totally absent (O’Briain et al. 2004 ). Complicating the enforcement of the laws that do exists are the extreme differences in the laws themselves. Contradictions regarding the age for sexual consent, for example, abound across and even within many countries. Notable are the variations in state statutes in the United States (Wilgoren 2006 ) . Besides contradictions, legislation can sometimes be absurd, and totally illogical, such as prohibiting a child who is legally below the age of consent for sex from engaging in prostitution (Brown and Barrett 2002 ). Sometimes extreme cases can lead to efforts to change law to more closely comply with internationally agreed upon standards. Incidents like one where a 60-year old man sought to marry an eight-year old girl with the promise to abstain from sex with her until she obtained puberty motivated the Saudi Arabian government to declare that it would regulate marriage and mobilized world opinion against such pedophilic marriages ( BBC 2009e ) . Finally, it is imperative that offi cial documents, such as ID cards and passports be tamper-proof and non-forgeable. Border control agents should be paid adequately, instilled with incorruptible professionalism, and trained to identify and assess whether a child is being traffi cked or entering legally. Enlisting and training the public provides additional “eyes and ears” in identifying traffi ckers and their victims. Indeed, there are more than 5,000 people involved in stopping traffi cking all over Cambodia (Delauny 2007 ) . Seventy-four infl uential employers in Kunming City in Yunnan Province, China created self-monitoring of anti-traffi cking and other aspects of child labor laws (ILO 2006 ). And, the awareness campaign of ECPAT against the role of the foreign tourists in sexual exploitation of Thai children appears to be having some impact (Montgomery 2001 ). Thus, concerted effort can bring results.

Preventing Trafﬁ cking and Helping Children

Efforts to prevent traffi cking are often based on the assumption that people involved in this activity resemble the stereotypical bogey men lurking in the shadows bent on luring unsuspecting children in to a life of sin. In fact, the danger often comes from family members, friends, and acquaintances. A number of “push” factors, such as poverty, lack of educational and employment opportunities and the dearth of emotional sustenance combine with the “pull” provided by traffi ckers to encourage many children to abandon their homes, if they have any at all. 170 5 Sexual and Commercial Traffi cking of Children

Prevention

With the increased involvement of women and girls from Eastern Europe and West Africa in prostitution, in the 1990s the non-governmental organization ECPAT (End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and Traffi cking of Children for Sexual Purposes) and the United Nations began their campaigns against traffi cking of children (Daguerre 2008 ; O’Briain et al. 2004; UNHCR 2005 ). In effectively dealing with this problem, the task is not so much stopping the “traffi ckers” but combating the conditions that make their activities possible. The question is: How do we convince people in power to ensure a bright future for all citizens and encourage troubled people to maintain their children at home providing them with the security and the means for that future? In dealing with victimized children, UNICEF (2006 : 10) has developed 11 guidelines that government and aid agencies should follow: • Identifying victims, • Appointing a guardian, • Questioning by the authorities, • Referral to appropriate inter-agency coordinated services, • Interim care and protection, • Regularization of immigration status if in a country other than their own, • Individual assessment for durable solution, • Implementing the enduring solution such as return to the child’s country of origin, • Access to justice, protecting the victim as a potential witness, • Training government and other agencies to deal with child victims. But helping victims is a reactive strategy, and after they have been traffi cked. Efforts to motivate and enable children to stay home must take precedence. This does not necessarily require profound changes. Ghana, for example, has taken concrete steps by eliminating school fees – a major factor in forcing youngsters from classrooms – and increasing birth registration to provide children with legal identities. In addition, the government has granted small loans to 1200 mothers of young children who otherwise might lease them to traffi ckers (LaFerniere 2006 ). In countries like Zambia, where education is unaffordable for most, making secondary education mandatory but free might help reduce the number of girls who enter prostitution by dropping out of high school since it is beyond their family’s means for them to continue their education (MAPODE 2004 ) . With 10,000 minors in danger of being traffi cked, Cambodia is using a Khmer language coloring books to educate high risk children in hopes of preventing them from leaving home (The Future Group 2001 ). The community-based Child Protection Network in Cambodia helps communities select “Community Social Helpers” from among the villagers, train them for 2 weeks on children’s rights and in identifying children at risk of being traffi cked, thus involving the local community to pay attention to their young and intervene to prevent traffi cking Preventing Traffi cking and Helping Children 171

(UNICEF 2001 ). Such measures enable local communities to mobilize around the wellbeing and protection of children. Since poverty is overwhelmingly the chief reason people sell, lend, and bondage their children to traffi ckers, actions such as that of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) providing micro-credits to adult guardians can help in reducing the impact of poverty on families (Kirby 2003) . Local agencies can also help the child and the family by helping them to verify the legitimacy of offers of employment away from home, review a job contract with someone knowledgeable, leaving a copy of the contract with relatives or friends for safe keeping, creating a code so children can let people know they are in trouble, and providing local career counseling to children at risk ( UNICEF 2006c ). Even under natural and man-made disasters desperate survivors in some places tend to take in orphaned children of their neighbors and others (Kristof 2010 ) . But enterprising private individuals and groups may try to snatch children amidst the ruins that natural disasters and confl ict unleash. Thus the fi rst order of any government should be to secure their borders so that minors cannot be removed without proper judicial authorization and only in cases where such pre-existing authorization can be proved. Following “standards of good practice” set by UNICEF and assigning competent state representatives held accountable to oversee accredited and established non-profi ts, can prevent adoption-related traffi cking (UNICEF 2009; UNICEF 2006c ). Governments and aid agents need to be vigilant during natural crises like the 2010 earthquake in Haiti that resulted in the “cowboy adoptions” of 33 Haitian children who were traffi cked by ten American Baptists from Idaho ( BBC 2010c ; Thompson 2010 ) . To help prevent under-age individuals from being traffi cked, it is crucial that governments tightly regulate, control, vigilantly monitor, and restrict local orphanages, children’s homes, and adoption agencies, many of which profi t from illegal adoptions. In Andhra Pradesh, India, the government took steps to tighten adoption rules following media exposure of the scandalous adoption racket run by crèches (nurseries/day care centers), orphanages, and children’s homes that were accused of selling infants for $2,000–$3,000 (Terres des Hommes-Germany 2001 ) . Nepal continues to allow adoptions, although a number of children’s homes have opened with the aim of making money through overseas adoptions. It was common for children to be abducted, traffi cked, and sold through orphanages ( BBC 2010d ). In Cairo, Egypt an American couple had been tried for their attempted illegal adoption of a boy and a girl from an orphanage ( BBC 2009f ) . In an effort to combat the illegal adoption industry, Belarus instituted a databank of orphaned and abandoned children under its Ministry of Education (O’Briain et al. 2004 ). Many other countries, however, have little if any information on who is, or how many children are, orphaned. But such registries can provide emigration and passport control a valuable source for verifying the status of any one leaving the country. In a similar move, India’s Union Health Ministry is attempting to document every child and had directed that every prenatal, postnatal and maternal care recipient register and has instituted a biometric census of everyone age15 and older in the 2010 census (The Hindu 2010a ; Dottridge 2004 ; Ramanathan 2010 ) . Such a 172 5 Sexual and Commercial Traffi cking of Children

measure enables law-enforcement agencies to trace infants and children, at least within a country. In what may seem to be an extreme measure to reduce child traffi cking it may be necessary to suspend adoptions from specifi c countries. The Hague Conference on private International Law recently urged Nepal to suspend all adoptions since safe- guards had not been put in place to prevent abducted children from being traffi cked to Spain, France, Germany, Italy, and the United States ( BBC 2010d ) . In another case, Ireland suspended any adoptions from Guatemala due to serious concerns about corruption involving the adoption process (Fleas Biting 2007 ) . Mass media should be enlisted in raising public awareness thereby helping to prevent traffi cked children from being humiliated when returned to family and community (O’Briain et al. 2004 ; Beddoe et al. 2001 ; BBC 2007b ) . Organizations like UNICEF actively work to increase public awareness and raise funds for programs and work that protect children while promoting stronger policy and enforcement (UNICEF 2009 ) . The United Nations Offi ce on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) hopes to tackle child sex traffi cking by educating the patrons that some of the services they ask for are forms of exploitation, ( BBC 2007d ) . The media can play an active role in combating child sex traffi cking by, for example, revealing the affi liation of politicians (and those aspiring to political offi ce) who may be close allies and associates of those who enable or engage in the exploitation of children. An Illinois politician was revealed to have been a lobbyist for a foreign mining company with a history of human traffi cking (Collins 2010 ). Media can also actively educate the young since they are the potential victims of sex exploitation, educate the public to the danger, and enhance the role of women and girls in society. Being labeled “undocumented” and “illegal” by immigration authorities exacer- bates the problems of isolation, rejection, and marginalization of “lost” youngsters. Getting caught up in the bureaucracy of governments, and their impersonal rules and personnel, only adds to these young people’s fear of offi cials and engenders a sense of secondary victimization (Goodey 2004 ). Often bureaucracies work at cross purpose with one another. For example, although local police repeatedly try to remove Afghan minors traffi cked into France, the organization Terre d’Asile has been providing them with French lessons, accommodation, and asylum assistance ( Brothers 2009 ) . Thus the agencies that deal with traffi cked children should be locally integrated to be able to provide the protection and aid these children need. Since the longer the children’s stay in their exploitative situation the more severe the cumulative effects, the fi rst priority should be removing them from that exploitative environment (Chase and Statham 2004 ; Chase and Statham 2005 ). Their access to legal representation and judicial recourse is of great importance in exor- cising their past, securing some monetary compensation, and achieve “self” integ- rity ( UNICEF 2006c ). Often the lumbering bureaucracies of most governments are anything but quick and adept. In contrast, traffi cking is a dynamic process with traffi ckers quickly adapting to changing situations. This requires that enforcement and aid agencies be equally swift and adaptive (UNHCR 2005). Toward that goal in 2005, the anti-people traffi cking offi ce of the United States State Department aimed to spend 100 million Preventing Traffi cking and Helping Children 173 dollars toward law enforcement training, education, and assistance to victims. The FBI and the local police coordinated nationwide sweeps and prosecutors charged the victimizers with the most stringent laws – on racketeering and conspiracy charges – against organized groups preying on American-youngsters ( MSNBC 2009 ) . Long-haul traffi cking typically involves some mode of transportation. Information and education campaigns must target and encourage people in those fi elds and, through employers and trade organizations, enlist them in identifying suspected traffi cking. Once in transit across state borders, agencies can take proactive steps to identify victims to quickly coordinate with law enforcement, immigration, passport control, education, social-welfare and health departments to assist them ( UNICEF 2006c ). But, even in European countries inter-agency coordination mechanism are rare (UNHCR 2005 ). More often the child protection agencies are not compelled to offer traffi cked children a helping hand and a chance to be rehabilitated ( BBC 2009f ) . Practices such as rescuing victims by “buying off” the minors creates an artifi cial demand, shrunken supply, and its subsequent high price, with the impending risk of “bought off” children being re-sold unless follow up action is taken (Kristof 2006a ) . Protecting rescued children is of utmost importance, and any agreement and understanding in such a task must be contractually binding. In certain Asian countries the multi-lingual website www.tipinasia.info provides rescuers with knowledge of local laws, agencies, and contacts concerning traffi cking enhancing the power of the various agencies involved in preventing, protecting, rescuing and supporting victims ( Morris 2005a ) . Use of internet technology has increased awareness, information, and monitoring. For example, internet sex-tourism websites have begun to condemn child sex abuse and child pornography, warning those trolling for minors that they would be reported to the legal authorities in the destination, as well as, their own countries of domicile (Beddoe et al. 2001 ). Countries that provide aid to other nations can leverage that aid for the wellbeing of children by, for example, denying access to non-humanitarian, non-trade-related, goods. Plagued by traffi cking across the border from Burma, Laos, Cambodia, and China the Thai government has been accused of being slack in doing much to help victims (Morris 2004 ) . On the other hand, in 2005 an agreement between The United Arab Emirates and UNICEF resulted in “jockey boys” being returned to their homes after being traffi cked there for camel races ( UNICEF 2006a ) . Several European countries participating in the “Blue Blindfold” awareness raising program have set up a 24-hour anonymous telephone hot-line for the public to report possible cases of traffi cking. Similarly, the Irish “Crime Stoppers” program encourages anonymous and free calls to report sex traffi cking (ECPAT n.d.a).

Helping Victims

When prevention efforts fail, as they normally have, attention must be directed to helping those already victimized. To do so, action is needed to rescue victims and 174 5 Sexual and Commercial Traffi cking of Children help them recover from the experience, where possible be re-united with family and community, and not be re-victimized all over again. When a victim is recovering and is at risk of being re-traffi cked, support agencies should focus on the child’s return home and reunion by providing counseling and other services. Complex challenges and mental health problems confront those youngsters trying to exit prostitution – drug dependency, single parenthood, lack of housing, lack of job qualifi cations, training, and skills, criminal convictions, abusive partners and pimps, besides the low self-esteem, depression, and often a network of family and friends who are also involved in similar situations in life (Chase and Statham 2005 ). Various NGOs have reported some success in intercepting the victims of traffi cking and either returning them to their families or sheltering them from further harm. Solidarity with Women in Distress (SOLWODI) in Kenya, for example, provides alternative livelihoods to young girls involved in prostitution by offering literacy classes and training in occupations related to hairdresser (UNICEF 2001). With the skilled helped of the social workers at SOLWODI, and the peer camaraderie, the girls attain emotional healing as well. Many child sex-workers and abused children report feeling the brunt of anger and embarrassment from their local community and family, and feel ashamed and fearful of returning home (Beddoe et al. 2001 ). Mediating with the community that feels its name dirtied, and assuring and protecting the returning children is a task that requires diplomacy and patience. Since many sex workers inevitably have children, it is necessary to provide facilities such as child care centers where they can leave their infants and children in comparative safety, and in a learning environment. On a broader scale, the organization ECPAT started the STOP (Stop Sex Traffi cking of Children & Young People) with the help of The Body Shop has sought to raise consciousness among the general public about the plight of girls traffi cked into prostitution (ECPAT n.d.). In an unusual move, Air France shows infl ight videos about child sex tourism, using allocations from in-fl ight toy-sales to fund awareness programs (US Department of State 2005 ). Some victims who have managed to leave or have been rescued return to their victimizers because they fi nd themselves uprooted and in a strange culture where they don’t speak the local language and lack means of livelihood and perceive that they have no other choice. Thus, interim measures, such as safe houses that provide security besides a safe bed, nutritious meals, health and child-care, translators, counseling, and legal advice are essential (Chase and Statham 2004 ; UNICEF 2006c). In one example, the “Safe Harbor Act” in the United States was passed explicitly to help children smuggled into the United States as sex slaves ( The New York Times 2008a) . As, at least a minimal accomplishment, NGOs in Mumbai, with its notorious Kamathipura red light district, have established crèches (day care centers) where sex-worker mothers can leave their children to be cared for in safety (UNICEF 2001 ). In an effort to combat the sex-tourist trade, Bangkok’s Pan Pacifi c Hotel started a job training program for young, poor, rural, Thai girls that teaches them varied skills and provides sex education. Other hotel groups later joined the effort (UNICEF 2001 ). Conclusion 175

Where it is not in their best interests, or it is legally or factually impossible to return them to their country of origin, trafﬁ cked children must be integrated in to the host country ( UNICEF 2006 ). In cases where they are repatriated to their home country, every effort should be made to re-integrate them with their family, community, and society. But such re-union with the family does not guarantee that the child will not be re-sold or re-bonded. Nor should anyone dismiss lightly the implications of being branded, gossiped about, ostracized and excluded for once having been in a deviant position (Kelly 2004 ). Returning asylum-seeking unaccompanied minors to their homes could simply serve to abandon them again to their victimizers ( BBC 2008d ) .

Conclusion

Traffi cking in children, like traffi cking of people in general, denies them their fundamental human rights, and violates the principles of democratic values acknowledge by all civilized countries of the world today (Kan 2009 ) . Besides being a crime, traffi cking not only violates the child’s basic rights but also infl icts physical, emotional, and likely economic harm on the child victim. This crime is facilitated by modern means of transportation that enable traffi ckers to move their youthful victims quickly, and surreptitiously within and across various territories. Similarly, their mostly transient male customers can easily communicate across real and virtual borders to access the various commercial sex providers via latest electronic gadgets (Estes and Weiner 2002 ). Unfortunately, due to the unre- strained, free-wheeling, nature of globalization traffi cking victimizes untold numbers of children, primarily the poor in third world countries (Kelly 2004 ; Monzini 2004). The children in many parts of Africa, Asia, and Eastern European countries bear the brunt of the problem while adults in the countries of the developed world, as consumers of services of the victims, benefi t from their victimization. Although prohibited by the Hague Convention (# 33 of 1993) on the Protection of Children and Cooperation in Respect of Inter-Country Adoption, the contravention of this agreement in Haiti following the 2010 earthquake is one glaring example of the battle child advocates face in combating the traffi cking of children to this day. In spite of worldwide efforts to combat the practice, many observes feel that the international crusade has so far failed to do much to prevent traffi cking, pursue offenders, or help victims (Goodey 2004 ). Ultimately this failure, some suggest, is a consequence of the asymmetry of citizenship that denigrates children to second- class citizenship depriving them of all the benefi ts of being full members of society (Brown and Barrett 2002). Charitable groups may free 3,000 Nepali ‘kamlari’ girls (indentured domestic servants), but who, and how, can anyone guarantee that the girls will continue to remain free (Haviland 2007 )? Whether they are found at points of origin, in transit, or at points of destination, everyone along the route has a responsibility to prevent the young from being sold or bartered as if they were goods 176 5 Sexual and Commercial Traffi cking of Children for trade. Not all exploited children quietly disappear into the sunset. But as Holland (1992 : 161) notes: The child who appeals to the viewer, humbly requesting help, has remained the mainstream of aid imagery. But children’s actual response to conditions of deprivation may well refuse qualities of childhood which give them their pathos. It is less easy to deal with children who have become fi ghters, workers, or brutalized dwellers on the streets. Being young, children may be readily adaptable. But they also lack the savvy that experience, exposure, and age endows adults. Coping with inescapable situations of exploitation requires great resourcefulness, courage, and stamina. Any solution to the problems of these victims requires that the best interest of the child – and only the child – be the guiding principle ( UNICEF 2006 ; 2006c ). All governments have a moral and legal obligation to ensure that their territories do not encourage, harbor, and benignly protect either the victimizers of the young or abandon those who are victimized (Kelly 2004 ) . Media-hyped selective prosecution of sex tourists, or focus on a relatively small number of brothel keepers may give the appearance that “something is being done.” But such token gestures also divert attention from the fact that large numbers of, and signifi cant, people benefi t from such traffi cking. The fact that most traffi cked children come from impoverished countries does not mean governments in developed societies are without blame. Without an international functioning legal and enforcement framework for children’s rights implementing effective measures is likely to be a meaningless exercise (Beddoe et al. 2001 ). But, for traffi cking and commercial sexual exploitation of children to cease, the focus should be to stopping it at the source. Since child prostitution and labor are symptoms of the broader inequities and oppression that plague most people in developing countries, efforts must be directed not just toward simply catching traffi ckers but toward prevention by helping poor parents and their children (Montgomery 2001 ). Some people are reluctant to take effective measures to curtail child traffi cking out of an ethos of accepting things as they are, a resistance to “Westernization,” or simple insensitivity to the plight of others, particularly poor people’s children. Indeed, no nation in contemporary times is untouched by the traffi cking of children. It is incongruous that a handful of humanity enjoys the fruits of their exploitation while many children are denied even the basics of life. To quote Kofi Annan, the former Secretary General of the United Nations: With globalization, the World has come to a fork in the road, the future wellbeing of the globe will depend on which fork the world chooses to take. As things stand, it seems that the rich and powerful have chosen the road of short- term gain, a route that will inevitably lead to massive social and political upheavals (MAPODE 2004 ) . Adult negligence and indifference creates child victims. Allowing children to be victimized erodes trust between the present and future generations. And this does not bode well for a world over-run with those who have survived and remember being brutalized, dehumanized, and ill-treated. In short, we must never make victims of children, even if they are someone else’s, since all children are our collective future. References 177

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The Indian Express. 2009. Legalise Prostitution If You Can’t Curb It: SC To Centre. http://www. indianexpress.com/story-print/552045 . The Indian Express. 2009a. Delhi Shame: Girl In Search Of Job Sold, Raped. http://www.indianexpress.com/story_print.php?storyid=427578 . The Indian Express. 2009b. Mom Sells Baby To Pay ‘Bribe’ In Renuka’s Constituency. http:// www.indianexpress.com/story_print.php?storyid=427557 . The New York Times. 2008. Prostitution and Prevention. http://www.nytimes.com/2008/07/29/ opinion/29tue2.html . The New York Times. 2008a. Help for Exploited Children. http://www.nytimes.com/2008/06/20/ opinion/20fri4.html . Thompson, Ginger. 2010. Bleak Portrait of Haiti Orphanages Raises Fears. http://www.nytimes. com/2010/02/07/world/americas/07traffi cking.html . Thorpe, Nick. 2006. Romania Struggles with Sex Trade. http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/ europe/5278186.stm . UNODC (UN Offi ce on Drugs and Crime. 2009. Global Report on Traffi cking in Persons. http:// www.unodc.org/unodc/en/frontpage/unodc-report-on-human-traffi cking-express-mo . UNHCR. 2005. Combating Human Traffi cking: Overview of UNHCR Anti-Traffi cking Activities in Europe. http://www.unhcr.org/refworl/pdfi d/43fd782d4.pdf . UNICEF. 2001. Profi ting From Abuse – An Investigation into The Sexual Exploitation Of Our Children. NY: UNICEF. UNICEF UK. 2003. Stop the Traffi c! http://www.londonscb.gov.uk/fi les/resources/cpp/unicef__ stop_the_traffi ck.pdf . UNICEF. 2006. Guidelines On The Protection Of Child Victims Of Traffi cking, New York, NY: UNICEF Technical Notes. UNICEF. 2006a. Tarffi cking – Child Protection Information Sheet. www.unicef.org . UNICEF. 2006b. Commercial Sexual Exploitation. www.unicef.org . UNICEF. 2006c. Reference Guide on Protecting the Rights of Child Victims of Traffi cking in Europe. www.unicef.org/ceecis . UNICEF. 2009. End child traffi cking. http://www.unicef.org.uk/campaigs/campaign_detail.asp?ca mpaign=21&nondeid=campaign . UNICEF. 2009. Child Traffi cking. http://www.unicef.org/protection/index_exploitation.html? q=printm . United States Department of State. 2004. Traffi cking In Persons Report. http://www.state.gov/g/ tip/rls/ttiprpt/2004/34021.htm . United States Department of State. 2005. The Facts About Child Sex Tourism. http://www.liber- tadlatina.org/US%20Dept%20of%20State%20-%20Child%20Sex%20Tourism%20Fact%20 Sheet%20041405.pdf . Van Reisen, Mijam & Stefanovic, Ana. 2004. Lost Kids, Lost futures. The European Union’s Response to Child Traffi cking. Geneva, Switzerland: Terres des Hommes, Geneva. Wilgoren, Debbi. 2006. Feds Target D.C. Pimps, Juvenile Sex Rings – Federal Anti-Traffi cking Laws Allow Stiffer Penalties Than Local Statutes. http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/11689661/ print/1/displaymode/1098/ . Williams, Phil. 1999. Emerging Issues: Transnational Crime and its Control, pp. 221 – 241 in Newman, Graeme (ed.) Global Report on Crime and Justice, United Nations. Offi ce for Drug Control and Crime Prevention. New York: Oxford University Press. Williamson, Lucy. 2009. The Lost Children Of East Timor. http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/ programmes/newsnight/8068221.stm . Willias, Brian M. & Levy, Barry S. 2002. Child Prostitution: Global Health Burden, Research Needs, and Interventions. The Lancet, 359:1417–1422. Zimmerman, C., Yun, C., Shvab, I., Watts, C., Trappolin, L., Bimbi, F., Adams, B., Jiraporn, S., Beci, L., Albrecht, M., Bindel, J. & Regan, L. 2003. The Health Risks and Consequences Of Traffi cking In Women And Adolescents. Findings from a European Study. http://www.lshtm. ac.uk/hpu/docs/traffi ckingfi nal.pdf . Chapter 6 Child Pornography and Pedophelia

The young have always and everywhere been objects of sexual fantasy and involvement, at least for some adults. Throughout the world’s societies this reality is reﬂ ected in the myriad laws, cultural taboos, and social arrangements designed to prohibit or restrict physical interaction, especially within the family, between various adults and children and thereby lessening the opportunities for sexual contact. By law and custom, virtually everywhere having sex with a minor is deemed wrong and typically also criminal (Lowder 2011 ) . Nevertheless, probably in every society juveniles and even very young children have been subjected to sexual involvement besides being exposed to sexually explicit activity and advances by adults and other youths. In this regard, pedophilia and child pornography have been very much a part of human history. Such conduct appears to have been a normal part of Western cultures well into the Renaissance. And explicit sexual images depicting children appear to have also existed ever since pornographic images have been produced (Davidson 2005 ; Taylor and Quayle 2003 ) . Indeed, the historian Philippe Ariès ( 1962) points out that up until the end of the ﬁ fteenth century Western European children were routinely subjected to explicit sexual talk, fondling, and exposure – something that was neither considered unnatural or necessarily frowned upon. According to Ariès (1962 : 100) people today would be “… astonished by the liberties which people took with children, by the coarseness of the jokes they made, and the indecency of gestures made in public which shocked nobody and which were regarded as perfectly natural.” While actual sexual acts between adults and, at least very young, children may have been considered untoward, the idea that children should be shielded from “sex” was a foreign concept in Western culture well into the eighteenth century (see Myers et al. 2002 ) . The idea that children were special and in need of care and protection grew in popularity with the invention of the concept of “childhood” in Western societies by the nineteenth century. Children were to be “protected” from all manner of harm – an idea that found world-wide expression in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1989 . Among these protections were prohibitions against sexual activity on the part of children, and especially any such activity that involved

C.A. Hartjen and S. Priyadarsini, The Global Victimization of Children: 185 Problems and Solutions, DOI 10.1007/978-1-4614-2179-5_6, © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012 186 6 Child Pornography and Pedophelia adults. Young people witnessing or being exposed to such behaviors was considered repugnant. Not only were the young to be protected from having sex, but they were also to be shielded from even being exposed to it (Olafson 2002 ) . In contemporary societies many people feel that having sex with persons thought to be “too young” for such activity is offensive and immoral. And in countries throughout the world this behavior has also been rendered illegal. Besides being morally condemned and socially disgraced, offenders can be subjected to criminal punishment and restrictions. To be recognized as a “child molester” is arguably the worst social identity one can have in contemporary society. In some countries, prisoners convicted of sex crimes involving children are often either placed in protective custody to avoid their becoming the objects of attacks from other inmates. The example of an inmate in Pennsylvania is not uncommon. Accused of child pornography, this inmate was subjected to all manner of physical and sexual abuse by other inmates and guards did nothing to intervene in stopping the attacks (Rubinkam 2010 ) . And in many jurisdictions, even after serving their full sentences sex offenders remain institutionalized – sometimes for life – because they are deemed too dangerous to be let loose on potential unsuspecting victims (Cohen and Jeglic 2007 ; Wright 2009 ) . As the means to distribute pornographic material to the masses developed over the centuries, efforts grew to protect children from being exposed to objectionable material and to regulate, if not totally ban, the distribution of pornographic depictions of children (see Carr 2003 ) . And with the threats of criminal sanctions and public exposure, the ability of pedophiles seeking out such imagery, or worse, to contact children to victimize, has become increasingly difﬁ cult and dangerous. Undoubtedly, children around the world continue to be exposed to objectionable material and sexually victimized in every conceivable way by adults and older youths, especially within the home and institutional environments. But, by the twentieth century, some measure of protection had evolved to shield children from this kind of victimization, even if this protection is minimal in many societies across the globe. The widespread use of the internet, however, has changed even that.

The Internet and Child Sex-Victimization

The direct or indirect sexual victimization of persons deemed by law and custom to be inappropriate sexual participants is probably a matter of concern for parents and authorities everywhere. Keeping one’s child away from a known or suspected predator is something parents and guardians seem to be attuned to worldwide. Taking legal action against offenders or implementing ways to protect children from known predators are tasks that law-enforcement agencies are attempting to pursue in many countries. But, no matter how vigilant guardians are, or how punitive retaliatory measures may be, the problem of protecting young people from sexual victimization is a daunting challenge to people everywhere. Globally, that challenge appears to have been greatly hindered with the advent of the internet (Thornburgh and Lin 2002 ) . The Internet and Child Sex-Victimization 187

The internet has opened up all corners of the world to virtually anyone able to log on to the worldwide net. As such, it has become a vehicle of immense importance to human betterment and communication. It also has its dark side. The internet provides pornographers a hitherto unimaginable ability to dispense sexually explicit imagery of children as well as to expose children to pornographic materials of all kinds. And it offers new opportunities for sexual predators to contact, and ultimately physically victimize, children. Besides exposing young internet users to unwanted and unintended sexually explicit images of all kinds, the internet has been a virtual boon for pedophiles in accessing all manner of imagery depicting children and juveniles in sexually explicit poses and activities. Literally millions of such images involving tens of thousands, if not millions, of young people are made available in cyberspace each day. These images are produced, accessed, shared, and sometimes sold by unknown numbers of persons around the world. Research from Germany, for example, reports that the internet has replaced classifi ed ads as a primary way to bring together suppliers and consumers of child pornography (Hesselbarth and Haag 2004 ) . However, to what extent the world-wide distribution of child pornography is commercially organized is not clear. A 1988 study in Australia, for example, reports that no evidence of the organized production of child pornography could be found at that time. Such material was available to internet users, but it appeared to either consist of images resulting from child sex abuse by family members, or others, in the household or recycled material produced in the United States during the 1960s and 1970s. However, the researchers anticipated that the commercial sale of images would likely increase in Australia in coming decades (Grant et al. 2001 ) . In addition, through chat rooms and other means of communication, the internet has opened an entire new world for sexual predators to contact prospective young victims. Such contact provides all manner of opportunity for pedophiles to lure unsuspecting youths into providing predators with sexually explicit talk, photos, and fi lms of themselves and/or other youths. More seriously, offenders have found a seemingly fail-proof way of setting up rendezvous with victims for sexual liaisons. In some instances these contacts have resulted in the death of the young victim. People around the world have became aware of the real, and potential, threats that the internet poses to children from undesired exposure to sexuality and contact with sexual predators. And the task of combating child pornography and sexual victimization greatly facilitated by internet technology has become a matter of global concern. Agencies from the United Nations to local police departments and numerous NGOs and citizen groups have become involved in addressing the concern (see, e.g., Arnaldo 2001 ; Klain et al. 2001 ) . The main focus of activism has been combating the apparently growing international spread of child pornography. Yet, how big the problem of child pornography may be, how harmful it may actually be to the world’s children, or what should or can be done about the issue remain unresolved questions. Thus, probably more than any other form of child victimization, efforts to combat the sexual victimization of children in nations across the globe illustrates both the possibilities and diffi culties of global cooperation in addressing problems relating to child victimization of any kind. 188 6 Child Pornography and Pedophelia

What is the Problem?

Young people are sexually victimized in two major ways: direct and indirect (see Bocij and McFarlane 2003 ; Carr 2003 ) . Direct victimization involves any physical sexual or sexually-arousing contact involving individuals deemed minors by law or custom. Examples would be sexual intercourse of an adult with a minor or watching a minor undress or using a minor in the production of pornographic material of any kind. Indirect victimization consists of viewing child pornography or sexually intimidating or harassing a minor through some media, such as telephone or email. The advent of the internet has greatly facilitated the possibilities for both (see: Wortley and Smallbone 2006 ) .

Direct Victimization

Direct victimization consists of underage individuals being physically involved in sexual acts of any kind, either with persons of their own age or older individuals. The primary concern here is with (typically) adults forcing, seducing, enticing, or tricking underage individuals to engage in sex acts with them or with other young people or adults. Of most concern is the danger that some adult stranger will have sex with a minor or minors. The common media depiction of the “sexual predator” enticing some young victim into his car to be sped away, abused, and physically harmed or killed is the prototypical image people have of the “sex offender.” Equally common are the apparently “normal” people found to have long histories of sexual abnormality, eventually caught committing some offense bringing them to the attention of the media. Examples of such predators are all to frequent in the Western media. MSNBC (2010) , for example, reported that a former NBA all-star was arrested in Texas for “sex trafﬁ cking” following the abduction of a 14 year old girl who the accused forced to have sex with various men and dance at a strip club ( MSNBC 2010 ) . A Delaware pediatrician was indicted on 471 counts of sexual crimes against 103 children – all patients of the doctor – whom the doctor video taped while he was abusing them (Chase 2010 ) . In Manchester, UK a 16-year-old boy was accused of kidnapping and raping a 5-year-old boy ( BBC 2009 ) . A female nursery worker from Plymouth in Devon, UK was charged with four counts of sexual assault on children in her care ( BBC 2009a ) . In the worst case scenario, a convicted sex offender in County Durham, UK admitted kidnapping, raping, and murdering a 17-year-old girl he met on Facebook while posing as a teenager (BBC 2010) . Such cases are by no means limited to Western nations. For example, In Jakarta, Indonesia a man confessed to raping at least 96 boys aged 13–17 (Associated Press 2011 ) . A director of a prison in Paraguay was suspended after being accused of allowing pornographic ﬁ lms of juvenile girls to be produced inside his prison ( BBC 2010a ). And in Afghanistan government leaders signed an agreement to not only stop recruiting children into the police force but also to ban the common practice of using boys as sex slaves by military commanders (Norland 2011 ) . What is the Problem? 189

But probably more than some “pervert” driving around suburban neighborhoods looking for kids to victimize, inappropriate sexual contact is more likely to occur between someone the victim already knows, such as a teacher, coach, older peer, or someone living in or visiting the victim’s home. Even more unthinkable are sexual acts committed by an older sibling, parent, or other relative. Probably one of the most disturbing cases was that of a 73 year-old Austrian man who confessed that he had imprisoned his daughter in a cellar of his home for 24 years and had fathered seven children with her ( BBC 2008 ) . A similar case was reported in Poland where a man was accused of imprisoning and raping his daughter, fathering two children with her while holding her captive for 6 years ( MSNBC 2008 ) . In the state of New Jersey a man was accused of beating and raping his fi ve daughters for years, impreg- nating three of them. Much of this abuse took place even when the family was under scrutiny by the state welfare agency (Porter 2010 ) . And a man in Montreal, Canada received a 5 year sentence for sexually assaulting a 10 year-old girl he claimed to be his wife ( MSNBC 2009 ) . A second form of direct victimization involves the use of underage individuals in the production of pornography. Such depictions may be produced for one’s own consumption, or to be shared with or sold to others. Young people depicted in pornographic photos and fi lms are sexually victimized by simply being involved in sexual or sexually arousing poses, conduct, or acts. It is irrelevant whether or not their participation in the production of this material is forced, enticed, or voluntarily. Similarly it is immaterial whether or not they knowingly or unwittingly engage in what are considered inappropriate behaviors. And irrespective of whether or not the material is produced for “private” consumption or for commercial gain, the production of such material in and of itself involves victimization. In some cases, usually involving both adults and children, the pornographic depictions are horrifi c. As reported by Hodge and Lietz (2007 : 168) “Videotapes depict children being raped, tortured, and even murdered on fi lm.” And in cyberspace this victimization can last virtually forever. It is this apparently booming market in child pornography that has raised most concern among authorities and child protection activists. Hughes (2000 ) describes a Cambodian website called the “rape camp” that depicted “sex slaves” – some of whom were clearly children – being gagged, bound and blindfolded while being forced to engage in various sex acts. Viewers could actually submit torture requests that would then be fulfi lled in real time. Other web sites advertise such “lovely” procedures as “needle torture,” “hanging bondage,” “tits nailed to board,” “drunk from the toilet,” or allow viewers to “command” whatever forms of torture and degradation they wish (see Hughes 2002 ) . The internet has facilitated the direct sexual victimization of children in a variety of ways (Carr 2003 ; Hughes 2002 ) . First, and most worrisome, the reach and anonymity of the internet increases the opportunities of sexual predators to locate, contact, and gain access to victims ( Chase and Statham 2004 ; The Coalition Against Traffi cking in Women 1999 ) . Chat rooms, facebook, and other interpersonal sites made possible by the internet, along with the large number of young people seemingly addicted to these vehicles of interpersonal exchange, have given sexual predators opportunities older generations of pedophiles could never have imagined. 190 6 Child Pornography and Pedophelia

Sexual predators with the knowledge of how to exploit these avenues of communication have unprecedented opportunities to locate, target, and groom potential victims with seeming anonymity. This enables them to lure guidable youngsters to personal meetings that could result in sexual abuse and the victim’s possible death, as with the “facebook” predator of County Devon. A far cry from hanging round school yards, or befriending neighborhood kids, as a way of accessing victims, interpersonal communications over the internet has come to provide the predator a vastly greater pool of potential victims. Indeed, in some known instances sexual predators in countries far removed from the victim have been able to gain access to and, in some cases actually entice, victims to travel to meet with them (Davidson and Martellozzo 2008 ) . Yet, recent research in the United States casts some doubt on how serious the actual threat posed by the sexual solicitation of children online may be (The Internet Safety Task Force 2008 ) . According to this analysis, in fact, it was concluded that rather than adult sexual predators, being victimized by on-line bulling by other children is by far the greatest problem that young people face from social networking web sites. A second, and no less worrisome issue, is the immense availability and ready access potential predators have to a wide range of child pornography made possible by the internet. Beyond anything imaginable with print media or celluloid fi lm, the internet makes available to those who desire to access anything from photos of young persons in seductive poses or various stages of genital exposure to live performance of sex acts on demand (Arnaldo 2001 ; Hughes 2002 ) . Offensive and illegal in it self, a secondary concern with the widespread and easy availability of this material is the possibility that child pornography on the web could lead to the direct physical victimization of children other than those portrayed in the media itself. Although it is diffi cult to document empirically given that little research actually exists, experts and those seeking to protect children from sexual victimization are concerned that viewing child pornography can lead to direct-predatory sexual victimization. Concerning the recent apparent explosion in child pornography made possible by the internet, John Carr (2003 : 7) argues that the: increase in looking, collecting and possession is leading to more children being abused than otherwise would have been the case, because (i) it is very likely to cause a proportion of this enlarged population of ‘lookers, collectors and possessors’ to go on to abuse children (ii) it also creates a demand for new child abuse images to be produced, and in order to produce these new images more new children will be recruited to be abused. A number of experts feel that viewing this material can act as a stimulus for child-sexual victimization by those who would otherwise never engage in such activity. In a kind of causal sequence, it is felt that some people who inadvertently or purposively view child pornography could be encouraged to become sexual predators as a consequence of their having viewed the material, or for those who are already so inclined toward or engaged in this conduct to do so more frequently. There is no scientifi c evidence to show that viewing pornography of any kind causes people to engage in sexual activity they otherwise would never have thought What is the Problem? 191 of doing. Indeed, Stanley ( 2001 : 7) points out that research “… to date has not determined whether child sex offenders are more, or less, likely to offend if they view and/or collect child pornography.” However, the prospect that child-porn could lead to child-sexual victimization remains a troubling one and, even if not demonstrated scientifi cally, many people feel that the prospect alone is reason enough to combat the availability of such material to anyone. Aside from the use of children in the production of this material and its possible stimulating effects on would be predators, citizen groups and authorities are concerned that the widespread availability of child pornography can increase the likely hood of direct sexual victimization of young people in other ways as well. For one, it is felt that the seeming commonality of child pornography can help validate pedophiles’ deviance to themselves, thereby increasing the likelihood that they will actively seek to carry out predatory acts. In addition, by sharing pornographic images and the like among persons of similar orientation, pedophiles gain a sense of community that allows the individual to rationalize that he (she) is not alone. After all, if it is on the web it must not be “abnormal.” “I’m not a pervert; lots of people feel the same way I do.” These and similar rationalizations are believed to allow offenders to justify their behavior. Such validation could be translated into further action on their part resulting in their victimizing more children, or doing so in more harmful ways. Indeed, pornographic depictions may expose some people to forms of sexual abuse they may never even have imagined (see Chase and Statham 2004a ) .

Indirect Victimization

While the threat that young people will be used in the production of sexual material or subjected to sexual acts is the major reason people are concerned with the impact of the internet on child sex-victimization, children are also victimized indirectly in a number of ways relating to the activities of sexual predators and child pornographers. This victimization has also been greatly facilitated by the advent of the internet. Indirect victimization takes a number of forms. One obvious form is the continued victimizing the viewers of pornographic material inﬂ ict on the child each time the victim’s images are accessed. Youths used in the production of pornographic material are essentially “revictimized” each time a person views their image, even if that victimization is not a direct form of physical contact. Referred to by some as “cyber sex,” this “revictimization” can continue for decades. A second form of “indirect victimization” is “cyberstalking” where sex predators use the internet as a way of harassing young victims who may once have been involved in sexually explicit exchanges with the stalker or youths who have resisted such exchanges, eliciting the wrath of the predator (Bocij and McFarlane 2002 ) . Related to this is the possibility that victims can be blackmailed by predators. Pornography can also be used to control victims by photographing the victims in such a way that they are clearly identiﬁ able and then threatening them that particularly degrading photographs will be made available to family members or the public. According to Carr (2003 : 3). 192 6 Child Pornography and Pedophelia

… children have been persuaded to perform and photograph or take videos of sexual acts that they have undertaken either alone or with friends, and these images have been sent to the abuser. Such images might later be published on the internet and become part of the stock of child abuse images that are traded between collectors or sold commercially. They can also give the abuser a greater hold over the child because they can be used to blackmail the child into performing other sexual acts and into keeping the relationship a secret. A recent and apparently growing problem, related to this is a practice called “sextexting” or “sexting” where youths send sexually explicit images of themselves to one another, assuming such images will be kept private only to fi nd that they are spread to a wide audience, or even wind up on the internet for anyone to access. In some cases, juveniles producing and sending such images have been prosecuted as sex offenders and have to register as such, even though the behavior was more akin to a form of youthful mischief as opposed to criminal sexual offending to which the law in question was really directed (see Kovac 2009 ) . The desire to protect young people from being exposed to sexuality of any kind has been rendered almost impossible by the ready available of sexually explicit material by the click of a computer or cell phone key. In the past, generations of Western children may have gained access to “racy” magazines, books, or even fi lms. But moral activists became quite successful in keeping such things out of the reach of, at least, the very young. And concerned parents who may have possessed such material may have been skillful in hiding it or restricting their children’s access to it. Without constant monitoring and blocking, however, the internet offers anyone logged on to the web ample, even if unwanted or unintended, exposure to graphic sexual material, and adult and child pornography. Young people can easily access, or inadvertently access, such material almost anyplace in the world. Such direct exposure (even if in a virtual world) to explicit sexual activity has greatly distressed many, and all manner of efforts – even if largely unsuccessful or unrealistic – have been attempted or proposed to curb the harm people feel may come from such exposure. But, as much as adults fear the “corruption” of young people by their exposure to sexually explicit material, The Internet Safety Task Force (2008 : 5) found that: The Internet increases the availability of harmful, problematic and illegal content, but does not always increase minors’ exposure. Unwanted exposure to pornography does occur online, but those most likely to be exposed are those seeking it out, such as older male minors. As undesirable as it may be to many adults for young people to be exposed to sexually explicit material, just how harmful, if at all, such exposure may be is an unsettled question. Thus, as John Carr (2003 : 4) suggests, “ Some argue, …, the impact is nil to very little, others argue that it can be positively benefi cial whereas a third group, …, seem to believe it can either be harmful or very harmful”. As noted by Stanley ( 2001: 9) some commentators “… believe that extreme concern about the impact on children of exposure to sexually explicit material on the Internet does not appear to be warranted.” Whatever the case, as Carr ( 2003 : 5) notes “Never before has such a large volume of such a wide range of pornographic images been so readily available to minors.” And, even if the actual or potential harm such availability of images may be minimal, protecting the world’s children from that actual or potential harm has become a major challenge to concerned people across the globe. Extent of the Problem 193

Extent of the Problem

The involvement of children in sexually explicit acts and/or their exposure to such conduct is by no means unusual in the modern world, even if it is considered by many to be repugnant, condemned and illegal. Although this, in it self, is of concern to some people, curbing the most blatant forms of such conduct and exposure has gained the most attention from authorities and concerned citizens. But just how extensive is the problem? No one knows how many people engage in the sexual victimization of minors. No one knows how many people are engaged in the production distribution or consumption of child pornography. No one knows how many young people are directly or indirectly sexually victimized. No one knows how frequently any of these forms of victimization actually take place in any one country, much less across the globe. Given the fi gures from the limited data we have, it could be concluded that sex involving underage individuals today is as commonplace as it may have ever been at any time in human history. Indeed, especially in Western societies, both children and adults are bombarded with an almost constant fl ow of sexually explicit advertisement as well as portrayals on television and movies. So, in some respects virtually everyone in the modern (at least Western) world is constantly exposed to sexuality on a daily basis. What concerns most people, of course, is how extensive the problem of direct physical sexual “abuse” might be, or how pervasive the exposure of young people to unwanted and undesirable pornography actually is. At best, any answers to these questions would be unsubstantiated and probably unsustainable guesses (see Helweg-Larsen and Larsen 2005 ; Hopper 2007 ; Renold and Creighton 2003 ) . Reports of “mass” arrests resulting from “crackdowns” on child pornography rings would lead one to conclude that the problem is both extensive and worldwide. For example, in 2008 Spanish police arrested 121 people and seized discs containing millions of videos and photos that were distributed to 75 different countries ( MSNBC 2008a ). Another 19 men affi liated with this ring were arrested in Australia ( BBC 2008a ) . And, in a major case, Austrian authorities uncovered an international child pornography ring ultimately leading to the arrests of 2,360 suspects in countries around the world ( MSNBC 2007 ) . Like data for many forms of victimization involving young people, no central systematic data source exists that provides counts of the relative prevalence and incidence of the various forms of sexual victimization young people experience. Indeed, most countries throughout the world do not even compile such information at all. And even where information may exist in some archive or government fi le, its availability may actually be suppressed. In some countries reports of abuse (suspected and/or substantiated) made to authorities (usually social service agencies of some kind) offer some information on the extent and nature of abuse in those countries. Law enforcement arrest and court information – or media reports of these activities – also allow us to gauge various aspects of the problem. A variety of governmental and non-governmental organizations exist that collect statistics of various kinds for specifi c countries and, to a very limited extent, the world. And retrospective self-reported victimization surveys carried out by national 194 6 Child Pornography and Pedophelia

governments or individual researchers can be helpful in gaining an understanding of the characteristics of victimized individuals and the circumstances of their victimization. But all these data sources only provide fragmented information of uneven quality and validity so that anyone wishing to draw conclusions from what is “known” about child-sex victimization must be cautious. However, the lack of reliable international data does not mean we can not reach some understanding of the scope and nature of the problem from the information at hand. Based on the piecemeal data we have, at minimum a number of reasonable conclusions can be drawn about the dimensions of child sexual victimization.

Scope

The sexual victimization of young people is universal. No society, no matter how strict, religious, or protective of its children is free of child sex-victimization in virtually all of its forms. Thus, children are at risk everywhere in the world. According to research conducted for the United Nations in 2002, over 150 million under-aged girls and 73 million under aged boys were subjected to forced sexual intercourse or some other form of sexual violence. In 2000 it was estimated that close to two million children were forced into prostitution and/or pornography (Pinheiro 2006 ) . A survey of research conducted in 21 countries around the world revealed that sexual abuse is an international problem. As shown by the fi gures in Table 6.1 , sexual abuse rates ranged form a low of 3% for males and 7% for females to highs of 29% for males and 36% for females. And these rates suggest that actual sexual abuse rates are far greater than offi cial data would suggest (Finkelhor 1994 : 411). Most of the available data by which we can make some determination of the extent of sexual victimization in various societies is derived from offi cial records of cases reported to or detected by authorities. Since it is believed that few such cases actually receive any offi cial attention and, therefore most go uncounted, a second source of information is based on retrospective self-report victimization surveys. Table 6.2 reports summary fi ndings from this kind of research carried out in seven Western countries. While the proportions reported in Tables 6.1 and 6.2 can not be directly compared, they exemplify the relative extent and nature of the sexual victimization experienced by young people in countries around the world. As indicated by Tables 6.1 and 6.2, sexual victimization can occur in virtually any kind of society. While most of the information we have concerns Western nations, Third World or traditional societies are by no means immune to this kind of victimization. For example, a study of women in a “conservative and traditional Bedouin-Arab” community in southern Israel found that 69% reported that they had never experienced sexual abuse as a child, 16% reported they had one or two experiences, 11% three or four, and 4% more than four. In contrast to sexual abuse, far greater proportions reported that they had been physically and/or psychologically abused by a member of their family (Elbedour et al. 2006 ) . Essentially none of this Extent of the Problem 195

Table 6.1 Sexual abuse rates for twenty countries Prevalence per 100 % Intrafamily Country Women Men Women Men Australia 28 9 35 17 Austria 36 19 26 9 Belgium 19 – 34 – Canada 18 8 44 6 Costa Rica 32 13 43 19 Denmark 14 7 42 25 Dominican Republic 33% 39 Finland 7 4 ? ? France 8 5 23 6 Germany 10 4 50 Greece 16 6 33 23 Great Britain 12 8 14 13 Ireland 7 5 37 Netherlands 33 – 46 – Norway 19 9 24 New Zealand 32 – 38 – South Africa 34 29 30 17 Spain 23 15 16 4 Sweden 9 3 18 0 Switzerland 11 3 56 0 U.S. 27 16 29 11 Source: Based on Finckelhor (1994 : 412). Note, since data for each country are for different years and based on different data sources, proportions are not directly comparable and should be treated as relative

Table 6.2 Prevalence rates of child sexual abuse, by country % Any Abuse % Contact Abuse Country Males Females Males Females Canada 4.3 12.8 3.9 11.1 Finland 3.0 8.0 – – Ireland 23.6 30.4 16.2 20.4 New Zealand 3.4 17.3 3.0 13.0 Switzerland 10.9 33.8 3.3 20.4 United Kingdom 11.0 21.0 7.0 16.0 United States 5.9 15.3 1.0 6.9 Source: Based on Table 6.1 in Creighton ( 2004 : 3). Note, since data for each country are for different years and based on different data sources, proportions are not directly comparable and should be treated as relative abuse was ever reported to authorities. Research in Estonia on abuse referrals to a Child Support Center produced similar ﬁ ndings. Of the cases, only 7.4% were for “sexual” abuse. Most victims knew the offender and practically none of the cases actually reached the courts for prosecution (Rommeldi 2004 ) . 196 6 Child Pornography and Pedophelia

Prevalence

Literally millions, perhaps tens of millions, of children are subjected to direct physical sexual victimization across the world every year. And this direct sexual victimization by predators as diverse as a parent, clergy (man or women), neighbor, sibling, teacher or coach, stranger, or essentially anyone with access to young people, can occur anywhere in any country. In the United States, for example, the Department of Justice reports that over 105,000 substantiated or indicated cases of child sexual abuse occur each year (Estes and Weiner 2001 : 15). Since it is believed that the vast majority of such cases never come to the attention of authorities, this number undoubtedly grossly under-counts the actual number of cases. According to an organization called ECPAT (an international organization dedicated to ending child sexual victimization of all types), since the establishment of a “hotline” called CyberTipline to help combat the sexual exploitation of children in the United States, a picture of just how extensive the child pornography industry may be is becoming clear. For example, more than fi ve million images of sexually exploited children have been reported to the hotline by internet service providers (ECPAT 2008 ) . An American organization called Darkness to Light ( 2008 ) provides a summary of statistics largely based on United States information that paints a telling picture of the extent to which young people are sexually victimized. According to this information, one of every four girls, and one in six boys are abused in some way before age 18. One out of fi ve are solicited on the internet. Of the abused children, 30–40% are abused by a family member, while only 10% are abused by strangers. More than 20% of the abused children were below age 8 at the time and about 50% of those subjected to forced sodomy, sexual assault with an object, or forced fondling were younger than age 12. To what extent these proportions apply to young people elsewhere can be gleaned from the bits and pieces of research that have been conducted in countries around the world. One study employing nationally representative data from samples of female respondents in El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras casts some light on the question. According to this study the experience of some form of child sexual abuse was highest in Honduras with 7.8%, followed by El Salvador at 6.4%, and Guatemala at 4.7%. Based on a survey of a representative sample of adolescents in Geneva, Switzerland researchers report that 20.4% of girls experienced sexual abuse involving some kind of physical contact while only 3.3% of the boys reported this experience. Experience involving some form of penetration was far less prevalent in that 5.6% of girls and 1.1% of boys reported this kind of abuse. About one half of the respondents who reported some sexual victimization said the fi rst experience occurred before they were age 12 (Halperin et al. 1996 ) . A large study of different forms of abuse in India produced results that were both similar to and in some cases surprisingly different from other studies (Kacker et al. 2007 ) . Among a sample of 12,447 children, more than 53% reported that they had experienced one or more forms of sexual abuse. Surprisingly, more than one-half of those who experienced abuse were boys. Sexual abuse of any kind began as early as age 5 increasing in frequency up to about age 15. Signifi cantly, almost 21% of the respondents had Extent of the Problem 197 been the victims of “severe” forms of sexual abuse including sexual assault, making the child fondle or exhibit private parts, or be photographed in the nude. The genders of children experiencing severe sexual abuse varied in that rates for girls were higher in some states while higher for boys in others. Sexual assault was defi ned as penetration of the anus, vagina or oral sex. Overall, close to 6% of the respondents reported having experienced this form of victimization. Departing from research in other countries, a majority of the victims of such sexual assault were boys. In all cases of sexual victimization the overwhelming majority (70% or more) of the victims did not report the event to anyone. And, as in other countries, relatives, associates, classmates, or authority fi gures were the most frequent offenders. Indirect victimization is diffi cult to document since much of it is never reported to anyone, and there are very few data sources that even record incidents of this kind of victimization. One national survey of youths who were “regular” internet users in the United States gives an indication of just how prevalent online abuse may be (Finkelhor et al. 2000 ) . According to this study one out of every fi ve users received sexual solicitation over the internet the previous year. One in 33 experienced “aggressive sexual solicitation.” Against their will, one out of every four users was exposed to pictures of naked people or people having sex in the past year. And one in 17 were harassed or threatened in some way. The vast majority of these episodes were not reported, either to parents or authorities. An organization called Internet Filter Review that monitors websites for pornographic material and related matters compiles statistics that reveal the extent to which child pornography has become a staple of the world wide web. According to their report (Repelato 2010 ) , 12% of all websites are dedicated to pornographic depictions of some kind. Some 25% of all daily search engine requests are to such sites, and almost 43% of internet users view pornography at some time. A child- porn website called “Gnutella” received 116,000 requests, and over 100,000 such websites can be found on the internet. One in seven youths received sexual solicitations via the internet, an apparent decline since 2003.

Trends

It is impossible to empirically document, but there is reason to fear that all manner of child sexual victimization is becoming more frequent and prevalent, and is doing so worldwide. The Internet Watch Foundation (IWF 2006 ) reported a 24% increase in suspected websites providing illegal content to viewers in the fi rst 6 months of 2005. It is not known if this is a result of an actual increase in the number of sites showing child pornography or a result of increased reporting of such sights by concerned citizens. Of these sites some 5000 clearly contained images of child pornography. More than half of these originated from the United States, and about 15% could be traced to Russia. A more recent report by the UN Human Rights Council ( 2009) concluded that in 2004 more than 480,000 web sites exist worldwide showing images of sexually exploited children. This number was double that of 2001. It has also been estimated that at least 750,000 child sex-predators were connected 198 6 Child Pornography and Pedophelia to the internet at any one time. The number of sites showing “serious exploitation” quadrupled between 2003 and 2007. According to this report: Thousands of new photographs and videos are uploaded on to the Internet every week and hundreds of thousands of searches for images of sexual exploitation of children are carried out every day. Offenders may possess collections of over a million images of sexually exploited children. It is estimated that 200 new images are put into circulation every day (UN Human Rights Council 2009 : 9). An analysis by the Internet Watch Foundation also reveals that the actual number of abusive images and the frequency of extreme levels of abuse have dramatically increased between 2004 and 2006 so that more and more violent forms of sexual victimization are becoming available on the web (Quayle et al. 2008 ). According to fi gures published by the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children in the United States, reports to CyberTipline regarding child pornography in 2007 had increased overall by 23%. Even worse, there was a 66% increase in online enticement reports, a 58% increase in child prostitution reports, a 10% increase in child-sex tourism, and a 9% increase in reports of child molestation (ECPAT 2008 ) . Efforts to combat child sexual victimization might be having some impact. This is indicated by the fi nding that “unwanted” sexual solicitations declined between 2000 and 2005 in the United States. This decline, however, was not evenly distributed according to the race or income of victims. And, while solicitations declined, sexual harassment and exposure to pornography actually markedly increased among some demographic groups (Mitchell et al. 2007) . Law enforcement efforts may also have impacted the production and distribution of child pornography. A number of reports indicate that between the 1970s and 1990s a shift took place from “professional commercial” to “amateur” production and distribution. However, the fear is that a commercial “for-profi t” industry has begun to reemerge due to the growing demand for pornography in recent years and the improved technological ability to bypass efforts by authorities to block access to such material involving children (see Renold and Creighton 2003 ) . And some law-enforcement agencies have reported a tremendous growth in cases involving child pornography. It is not clear whether or not this growth is a result of “crackdowns” on such activity or represents a real boom in the distribution of and access to child pornography. But, according to one report, not only has internet availability of child pornography “exploded,” but the “images increasingly seem to feature younger children – infants and toddlers – being molested for the cameras in more violent and egregious ways” ( MSNBC 2009a) . And, as reported by the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children ( 2009 ) , in spite of efforts to combat it, child pornography is among the fastest growing businesses on the internet.

Offenders

The individuals who sexually victimize young people are not a distinctive group ( Wortley and Smallbone 2006 ). In fact, they could be just about anyone – parent, priest, school teacher, neighbor, “best friend,” scout leader, total stranger. Although males appear to dominate the ranks of offenders, women are by no means immune Offenders 199 from sexually victimizing children. For example, older European women tourists vacationing in Kenya are reported to often seek sexual liaison with “big young boys,” some of whom are legally minors under international law ( MSNBC 2007a ) . More shocking are reports of abuse by child caretakers as occurred in a case in the United Kingdom where two female and one male worker allegedly abused nursery school children ( BBC 2009a, 2009c ) . Media reports only depict a fraction of the offenses and offenders that actually may exist, but these reports exemplify the wide range of child sex-offenders and their behaviors found throughout the world. Of contemporary reports, perhaps the most contentious is the worldwide scandal involving members of the Roman Catholic clergy whose abuse of parishioners’ children (mostly boys) was known and covered up by Catholic Church authorities for decades (see, e.g., Bennhold et al. 2010; BBC 2009b; MSNBC 2009b) . Even such venerated institutions as the Boy Scouts are not immune to charges of sex abuse by scout leaders and an organized “cover up” of their activity by Scout ofﬁ cials ( MSNBC 2010a ) . And even United Nations “peace keepers” have been reported to have abused youngsters under their protection in various countries (see, e.g., BBC 2005 ; 2008b ; Lyall 2006 ) . Contrary to popular media images of the sexual predator cruising neighborhoods in search of victims to snatch from the streets, most child-sex offenders are actually known to their victims. For example, a study of sexual assaults of young people reported to law-enforcement agencies in the United States reveals that more than a third of the persons assaulting juveniles in America were members of their own family. Almost 60% were acquaintances of the victims and only 7% were strangers (Snyder 2000: 10). In one extreme case, ﬁ ve men in rural Missouri were arrested for allegedly sexually abusing female relatives over a period of 20 years. Charges included crimes against children, using a child in sexual performance, forcible sodomy and forcible rape ( MSNBC 2009c ) . And in Poland a man held his daughter captive for 6 years, raping her and forcing her to give up for adoption the two boys he fathered with her ( MSNBC 2008b ) .

Types of Offenders

What is clear is that sex offenders are by no means all of a kind. In a rather simple categorization we can distinguish between people for whom children are sexual objects and those who use children in sexual ways for other purposes. In this case, people who can be diagnosed as “pedophiles” directly and/or indirectly seeking to victimize underage individuals due to their sexual proclivity (for discussions see: Davidson 2005 : 85–106; Linz and Imrich 2001 ; Taylor and Quayle 2003 : 12–14). They are sexually stimulated by children or adolescents and, unless inhibited in some way, may actively seek them out for sexual gratiﬁ cation. Often referred to as “perverts” and viewed as “sexual predators,” such individuals are often felt to be responsible for much of the direct or indirect victimization of young people that occurs across the globe. However, that conclusion remains empirically questionable and there is good reason to believe that many of the people who sexually victimize children would not be diagnosed as pedophiles. 200 6 Child Pornography and Pedophelia

Sexual “profi teers,” for example, may, or may not, have any sexual orientation toward young people, but victimize children sexually for economic gain by, for example, in the production of pornographic material or pimping them as prostitutes. Similarly, “exploiters” may not seek economic gain by their activities but victimize young people sexually for ego gratifi cation, assertions of power, or any of a multitude of personal motivations. They may do so through direct contact with the victims by engaging in sexual-communication in chat rooms or contacting minors in other ways. More commonly, they engage in indirect victimization by viewing pornographic material, in effect, exploiting the children depicted in such material. Efforts to understand child-sex offenders have produced in a number of typologies that are usually designed to help in the treatment of such individuals or to facilitate law-enforcement efforts to combat the various forms of child-sex victimization (see: Lowenstein 2005 ) . For example, a study of persons arrested for child pornography in Quebec, Canada identifi ed three distinct types similar to the categorization described above: “the explorer,” “the pervert” (who might be isolated or organized), and “the polymorph.” These three types differed primarily in terms of age, the technology involved in their crimes, and their prior criminal histories (Fortin and Roy 2006 ) . In an analysis prepared for the Australian Institute of Criminology Tony Krone ( 2004 ) offers a much more extensive categorization. Krone categorized internet pornography offenders into a wide variety of types: “browser,” “private fantasy,” “trawler,” “non-secure collector,” “secure collector,” “groomer,” “physical abuser,” “producer,” and “distributor.” “Browsers” accidentally come across pornographic material and decide to download and keep it on their computers. “Private fantasy” seekers consciously locate such material by typing in online text to search for it. “Trawlers” are similar to “private fantasy” types but are more motivated and purposive seekers of images depicting children. “Collectors” (sub-divided into “non- secure” or “secure”) seek out and compile large fi les of child pornography for personal pleasure and/or sharing with others. “Non-secure collectors” do so over open networks with considerable risk of detection, while “secure collectors” seek this material via “secure” networks often consisting of groups of individuals who share material among themselves. All these offenders are “indirect” victimizers insofar as they do not (and usually do not intend to) have physical contact with children for sexual purposes. However, by virtue of their accessing and downloading child pornography these individuals are engaging in acts defi ned as criminal under international law and the laws of many countries. “Groomers” and “physical abusers,” on the other hand, are the prototypical sex- predators who actively cultivate and sexually (and often physically) victimize young people they contact on the internet. The difference between the two is one of “success” in that “groomers” attempt to gain access to victims but may be unsuccessful in doing so while “physical abusers” actually do make physical contact with victims. “Producers” and “distributors” may, or may not, be pedophiles or actual physical abusers. They, however, are the individuals who record their own abuse behavior, or that of others, or make such images available to others, either through networks that share such images among members or commercially for profi t. Depending on their physical involvement with the youths being depicted in the images produced Offenders 201 and distributed, these individuals either directly or indirectly engage in child-sex victimization. Irrespective of their direct or indirect involvement in sexual victimization, these are the individuals who feed the booming international business in internet child pornography.

Offender Characteristics

Considerable research has been conducted on individuals identifi ed in some way as being child-sex offenders – both direct and indirect victimizers. Much of that research suggests that these individuals have personality profi les that not only distinguish them from non-offenders but probably also from other kinds of sex offenders. For example, a study of male adolescents in treatment facilities in the United States contrasted those convicted of offenses against pre-pubescent children with those who victimized pubescent and post-pubescent females (Hunter et al. 2003 ) . Those individuals who victimized pre-pubescent children had greater defi cits in psychological functioning and exhibited a number of characteristics and background experiences that differentiated them from the other offenders. In the United Kingdom, a study of clergymen attending a residential treatment center for male child abusers reported that clergy child-sex offenders were similar to other child-sex offenders in that they held extensive cognitive distortions that facilitated their offense behavior. In addition, their religious beliefs actually enabled offenders to overcome inhibitions and minimize any negative emotional effects their behavior may have produced (Saradijan and Nobus 2003 ) . Finally, numerous studies of sex-offenders engaged in various kinds of such behavior have revealed that a number of cognitive variables are important both to the etiology of such activity as well as to maintaining their predation over time. As stated by Ward et al. (1998 : 153) “The ways in which offenders interpret, explain, and evaluate both victims’ and their own actions can function to precipitate and entrench offending behavior.” It is doubtful, however, that initial sexual offending of any kind could be prevented if we were able to identify such cognitive distortions unless entire populations were screened before any offenses took place. But, such knowledge could play a signifi cant part in treating known offenders and helping to reduce such conduct in the future. Thus, given the extreme diversity, both in behaviors, orientations, intentions, and characteristics that have been found among known child-sex offenders it is impossible to identify “child-sex offender” as any specifi c type of individual. Indeed, many seem to be, and would claim that they are, perfectly “normal” individuals and would also claim that what they did may be “wrong” but “Gee, everyone does it!” As such, combating this kind of behavior becomes even more complicated. And, even after offenders are identifi ed, preventing them from reoffending remains an elusive challenge. Protecting young people from encountering this kind of victimization therefore requires constant vigilance on the parts of those who care. 202 6 Child Pornography and Pedophelia

Victims

Virtually any child anywhere could be the object of sexual victimization. Indeed, for children everywhere the youth’s home is probably the most dangerous place and one’s own family members are probably the most likely assailants. In that regard, no child is totally safe anywhere.

Characteristics of Victims

Although virtually any child, regardless of the child’s age, gender, or situation in life, can be sexually-victimized in some way, some children appear to be more “at risk” than others. As summarized by Stanley (2001 : 4) Sexual offenders often target children with particular characteristics. These may be children in the care of the state; children who have experienced prior maltreatment; emotionally immature children with learning or social diffi culties and problems with peer friendships; love or attention deprived children; children with strong respect for adult status; children from single parent families; children who will co-operate for a desired reward (such as money, computer games); and, children with low self-esteem. Studies of offenders and internet watch organizations report that pornographic material involving children depict children of virtually all ages, even infants being subjected to brutal sexual acts that undoubtedly caused serious internal injuries and possibly even the death of the victims. According to the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children, children who appear in pornography tend to be (Klain et al. 2001 : 8): • Older children who are involved in prostitution and photographed or fi lmed by their customers or become involved in commercial pornography • Younger children, usually prepubescent, who are coerced or manipulated into posing for pornographic videotapes or photographs often in conjunction with actual molestation • Children of any age who are molested by acquaintance or family members and are photographed or videotaped Sexual victimization everywhere is gender-neutral. Both boys and girls are subject to this form of victimization. As far as child pornography is concerned, it appears that girls are favored subjects. The Internet Watch Foundation, for example, reports that of the internet sites showing such images, 80% of children involved in abusive images were female and some 91% appeared to be under age twelve (IWF 2006) . A study in Israel that involved 26,446 children investigated for suspected physical and sexual abuse between 1998 and 2002 found that two-thirds of the sexual abuse victims were female while boys were a consistent majority for the those cases involving physical abuse ( Hershkowitz et al. 2005 ) . And in Zimbabwe a retrospective study of reported child sexual abuse cases found that 98% of those Victims 203 victimized by their teachers were females with penetrative sex being the most frequent form of abuse. Girls between the ages of 11 and 13 made up 69% of such victims (Nhundu and Shumba 2001 ) . Similar results were found from a review of medical certifi cates in Cameroun (Menick 2001 ) . All victims were girls with almost 60% being between age 10 and 14 at the time of their victimization. Girls are the “typical” victims of child sexual victimization but boys are also victimized. Hopper ( 2007) estimated that one out of every six boys are sexually abused by someone before age 16. Self-report research on male college students indicates that from about 5% to 28% report that they had been “abused” in some way as juveniles. Community samples report ranges from about 3% to 16%. Information compiled by the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children in the United States, provides demographic profi les of children depicted in online child pornography (see Quayle et al. 2008 : 39–43). Of the 1,660 individual children identifi ed, 73% were female and 27% male. More than one-half of the “serious” cases involved prepubescent children. In some cases toddlers or infants were depicted. The vast majority involved “white” children. Where victimized child and offender could be identifi ed, at least 50% of the offenders were either the parent of the victims or a family friend or acquaintance. In 2003 the Internet Filter Review ( 2003) reported that the child pornography business generated $3 billion in annual revenue. Almost 90% of 8–16 year old youths viewed online porn and 12–17 year olds were the largest consumers of internet pornography.

Impact on Victims

Besides the fact of being subjected or exposed to acts or material most adults would ﬁ nd objectionable and in some way harmful for children, the main concern people have with children and sex is the possible physical and/or psychosocial effects their victimization may have on the children. The victims of direct physical sexual abuse often exhibit a number of physical injuries as a consequence of being molested. These include genital bruising, lacerations and sexually transmitted diseases. Indeed, the physical signs of sexual abuse are what often bring such cases to the attention of authorities. It is unclear if children are or are not “sexual” in that they experience and recognize sexual stimulation in the same way that adults do (see Davidson 2005 ) . Regardless of their “sexuality,” physi- ologically prepubescent youth are not physically “ready” for sex no matter what sexual predators or exploiters may believe. Consequently vaginal or anal penetration can cause serious physical damage to the victims of direct sexual victimization, regardless of the victim’s “willingness” to partake of such activity. Moreover, victims can be infected with all manner of sexually transmitted disease with lasting impact on their wellbeing. And, in many cases, beatings and other forms of physical abuse may be part and parcel of the sexual victimization to which young people are subjected. In extreme cases, victims of sex-predators may be killed. No one knows how many “missing” children are actually the victims of murder by individuals who 204 6 Child Pornography and Pedophelia lured or kidnapped them for sexual purposes, but examples of such cases are reported by the media in countries around the world. In the United Kingdom a convicted sex offender admitted kidnapping, raping, and murdering a 17 year old girl by befriending her while posing as a teenager on Facebook (BBC 2010 ) . That same year, in the United States a man who had previously been arrested on numerous counts of child pornography was charged in the murder of a 7 year old girl snatched from the streets near her home. The man had sexually assaulted the girl, killed her, and dumped her body (Detman et al. 2010) . In France a repeat child sex offender was sentenced to 30 years in prison for kidnapping and raping a 5 year old boy (France 24 2009 ) . And in Dubai a man was executed for raping and murdering a 4-year-old boy in a local mosque ( MSNBC 2010b ) Besides the physical injury they may receive, victims may also face a number of negative psychological and social consequences as a result of their abuse (Barriere 2005 ; Hopper 2010 ; Klain et al. 2001 ). For example, a meta analysis of 37 studies of individuals who had experienced child sexual abuse reveals that posttraumatic stress disorder, depression, suicide, sexual promiscuity, victim-perpetrator cycle, and poor academic performance could all be the long-term effects of their victimization. According to the authors, this analysis provided clear evidence that being sexually victimized as a child had both long- and short-term, often multiple, negative consequences for victims (Paolucci et al. 2001 ) . A review of research published between 1987 and 2005 on sexually abused subjects – including both those abused as adults or as children – revealed a number of lingering psychosocial problems among adult “survivors of child sexual abuse.” Among these problems were poorer functioning in social and interpersonal relationship, greater sexual dissatisfaction, high-risk sexual behavior, and a tendency toward “revictimization” (see Polusny and Follette 2005 ) . Out of fear, self doubt, or a belief that by doing nothing it will “just go away,” victims of abuse often simply don’t know what to do or how to feel about the victimization. The case of a girl abuse by her swim coach is typical (Goldston 2010 : 1). The normally outgoing girl found herself becoming more quiet and withdrawn by the day. King, 61, never discussed what he was doing to her at a time he was supposed to be massaging a shoulder she had injured. Neither did she. “I didn’t know what to do,” Julia said. When it started, “I felt shock and horror.” As the agonizing months of almost daily molesta- tions passed, “I thought to myself, ‘I’ll just put up with it until I’m 18’ and go away to college.” “But then I thought, ‘what if he does it to someone else?’ It is assumed that children depicted in pornographic displays would have the same emotional and psychological reactions exhibited by child sex-victims generally (Klain et al. 2001 ). Even though little is know about children exploited in the production of child pornography, there is reason to believe that young people depicted in these productions can harbor intense feelings of powerlessness and concern over how others may view their participation in the production. And, being aware that this material can remain available indeﬁ nitely, they suffer knowing its potential consequences on their life chances (see Renold and Creighton 2003 ) . As suggested by Klain et al. (2001 : 11). Victims 205

Child victims of pornography face the possibility of a lifetime of victimization because the pornography can be distributed indefi nitely. Physical, psychological, and emotional effects of child sexual abuse are coupled with the possibility of pornography resurfacing. Being photographed during sexual abuse intensifi es the child’s shame, humiliation, and powerlessness. In addition children tend to blame themselves for their involvement in pornography, and this makes the experience that much more painful. Clearly sexual abuse and use in pornography can frequently hinder a child’s healthy, normal development. But, while the possible physical damage child sex-abuse victims often experience is reasonably clear, the psychosocial impact of child sexual-abuse on victims is far from clear, or clearly detectable in many cases. In one analysis of the literature, Tharinger ( 1990 ) concluded that sexually abused children were not affected equally and that a number of factors may operate to buffer or mediate the trauma such abuse assumingly infl icts on young people. Also in an evaluation of the empirical studies of child sex abuse victims Beitchman et al. (1991 ) contend that it would not be possible to postulate any “post-sexual-abuse-syndrome” for individuals who had experienced such abuse. Indeed, while the clinical research on victims reveals that they suffer from a number of psychosocial problems, such problems characterize child clinical samples generally, whether or not they have been abused at all. Moreover, it was often diffi cult to determine if any symptoms child sex-abuse victims exhibited were a result of the abuse or due to the disturbed home environments from which many of them came. For example, in a review of studies of victims of sex abuse and their families in Canada (Bagley and Thomlison 1991 ) found many of the same negative outcomes reported in research on sexually abused youths generally. But he also found that the prevalence of abuse was particularly high in dysfunctional families so that the clinical signs of abuse could just as well be a function of family situation as much as the fact of sexual abuse. And, a study of women who had suffered emotional, sexual, or physical abuse in New Zealand found that all forms of abuse in childhood were associated with various problems in adulthood so that abuse of any kind (not only sexual) can have long- term negative effects on people. In addition, the researchers found that the various “background” factors involving disturbed or disrupted family situations associated with the abuse were themselves equally associated with the later-life negative outcomes. They speculate that the apparent association between abuse and adult problems is partially a result of the disadvantaged childhoods that victims had experienced. These disadvantaged childhoods could also have been responsible for the abuse itself (Mullen et al. 1996 ) . In short, given the general revulsion people feel when they learn of cases of child sexual abuse, it is reasonable to suppose that being sexually victimized, especially in severe cases of rape, incest, and multiple episodes of abuse, negatively affect victims in a variety of ways. And the clinical evidence, as well as the testimony of adults making claims of such abuse during their childhood, appears to bear this out. However, given that the vast majority of such cases never come to the attention of authorities and few are ever investigated empirically, what specifi c impact, if any, child sex-abuse actually has on its victims remains an open question. 206 6 Child Pornography and Pedophelia

Law

A standard approach to combating any social problem just about anywhere in the world is to “pass a law” to “stop” or “prevent” it from happening. Child sexual victimization is no exception. Laws against statutory rape and similar direct-victimizing activities have been “on the books” in virtually all countries since the modern era. Prior to the age of the internet, most western societies have enacted laws designed to prevent the distribution of child pornography and prevent children from gaining access to pornographic material. With the advent of the internet legally regulating the production, distribution, or possession of pornographic material involving children remains a contentious issue, as does combating sexual predators who use the net to gain access to victims.

International Law

A signifi cant body of international law exists designed to combat child sex- victimization in its varied forms. Although, at present, lacking the coercive power of criminal law, these laws and agreements, signed by almost all the worlds’ nations, provide a moral and legal framework for countries to enact their own provisions to protect children from being sexually victimized and to punish offenders. The Convention on the Rights of the Child, or CRC, (UN 1989 ) established age 18 as a universal age distinguishing the status of child versus adult. In so doing, the agreement provided nations with a common benchmark to enact their own legislation regarding children. In addition, several provisions of this agreement specifi - cally concern the sexual victimization of children. Article 34 exhorts signatory states to “…undertake to protect the child from all forms of sexual exploitation and sexual abuse.” This includes taking action to prevent: “(a) The inducement or coercion of a child to engage in any unlawful sexual activity;” “(b) The exploitative use of children in prostitution or other unlawful sexual practices;” and “(c) The exploitative use of children in pornographic performances and materials.” The Convention does not mention protecting underage individuals from being exposed to pornographic images involving either adults or children. A “world congress” meeting was held by the organization ECPAT (End Child Prostitution and Traffi cking) in an attempt to implement the ideals of the CRC and other United Nations agreements. At its fi rst such meeting in 2007, over 100 governments from across the world committed themselves to eliminating child prostitution, child pornography and the sexual traffi cking of children. In addition, extensively promoted by UNESCO, a host of “action ventures” designed to promote implementing the provisions of the CRC have also been initiated around the world (see Stanley 2001 ). To add teeth to the requirements of the CRC, the UN ( 2000 ) adopted two “optional” protocols one of which explicitly requires states to prohibit the sale of children, child prostitution, and child pornography. Over 150 member states have ratifi ed or signed the protocols. Signifi cantly, these agreements seek to criminalize Law 207 activities relating to violations of children’s rights as outlined in the CRC and specifi cally defi ne the offenses for which criminal penalties are to be applied. But, like all UN agreements, it is up to the individual nations that have ratifi ed or signed the protocol to actually put its provisions into effect. Adding force to the CRC and protocols, in Article 3 (b) of its 1999 Convention the International Labor Organization (ILO 1999 ) also included “the use, procuring or offering of a child for prostitution, for the production of pornography or for pornographic performances” to its list of “worst forms of child labor.” At this Convention, the ILO required its members to take appropriate action to implement measures to eliminate or regulate these forms of child labor and to monitor their progress in so doing. But, as well-intended as the ILO instrument may be in protecting children from sexual victimization, Professor Kadriye Bakirci ( 2007 ) raises the disquieting prospect that listing child pornography or prostitution as forms of “child labor” might “legitimize” this activity in some countries, actually causing more trauma for children. Instead, Bakirci argues that regardless of what role children may have when participating in such activities, the children should be viewed as victims and witnesses to crimes, rather than participants in undesirable “labor.” In addition to these agreements other regional efforts have been undertaken to combat child sex-victimization in one fashion or another. Signifi cant among these are the Council of Europe’s Convention on Cybercrime (Council of Europe 2001 ) and the Convention on the Protection of Children against Sexual Exploitation and Sexual Abuse (Council of Europe 2007 ) . The cybercrime agreement urges the 45 countries signing the agreement to criminalize all aspects of child pornography on the internet. Broader in intent, the convention on protecting children offers an explicit defi nition of child pornography to be adopted by member states and, rather than urging, requires states that sign the agreement to criminalize all aspects of internet child pornography. As of 2010, 33 states had signed this agreement, but only fi ve had ratifi ed it. As with many other forms of child victimization, since the mid-1990s international and regional organizations have come to recognize that the sexual victimization of children is an international, not a local or limited, problem. In addition, there is growing recognition that this problem is becoming more acute with the spread of the international traffi cking of children for sexual purposes, growth of sex tourism, the worldwide expansion of internet pornography, and the increased use of cyberspace for solicitation by predators. Although lacking much in enforcement potential, international and regional agreements provide moral force for individual nations to take action that they otherwise would not and provide universal standards to defi ne and combat the sexual victimization of young people around the world. But, in the end, it is up to individual nations to transform these ideals in to reality.

National and Local Legislation

To the extent that distinctions by age are contained in their laws, virtually all nation states appear to have some kind of legislation prohibiting various forms of child sexual victimization – at least with regard to rape and incest and to a lesser extent 208 6 Child Pornography and Pedophelia prostitution. In countries that have specifi c legal protections and procedures regarding “juveniles,” legislation to protect minors from sexual victimization is often extensive and relatively well enforced. Other countries may have laws that, if actually applied, can be used to protect the young from sexual victimization. How well such laws may actually be enforced, however, appears to vary greatly across the globe. And, in many societies what, if any, legal protections actually apply to young people is unclear (e.g., see: Hartjen 2008 ; INTERPOL 2010 ) . Zambia is an example of the kind of situation likely to be found in many third- world societies. According to Kiremire (2002 : 40–41) the Zambian Constitution “prohibits virtually all the abuses relating to sexual violence.” In addition sections 87/105 of the Penal Code enumerate rights and protections, some of which explicitly apply to young people. For example, sexual abuse/defi lement is defi ned as having sex with a girl under age 16. Rape applies to both women and girls as does “indecent assault.” The law is silent on child prostitution as such, but children under age 16 are apparently protected by the law. It is unclear if prostitution by girls is actually illegal, yet it is a crime to use “girls” for purposes of prostitution, to own premises where girls are engaged in prostitution, or to make a living earning money through prostitution. And, even though child pornography is not explicitly mentioned, possessing or using any pornographic material is outlawed. As suggested by Kiremire, however, both because of its vagueness and limitations, at present, the law in Zambia is inadequate to deal with child sex-victimization. One glaring problem is the lack of a clear defi nition of who is a child or young person. Another is the lack of any specifi c “criminal charge” that can be applied in cases of prostitution or sexual traffi cking. In addition, no real penalty for sex offenders is found in the legislation, local courts have no jurisdiction to try the more serious cases, and no specialized child sex-crime unit exists in the police service. And while Zambia has ratifi ed both international and regional agreements, for all intents, none of these have actually been implemented. In contrast, the government of the Philippines has taken signifi cant steps, at least legally, to protect children from all manner of victimization. Like many other countries a number of laws collectively seek to protect young people from sexual victimization (see Trinidad 2005 : 101–113). The main Philippine statute in this regard is the Child and Youth Welfare Code. Although not explicitly referring to pornography, prostitution, rape or similar offenses, the code makes it a crime for parents to directly or indirectly exploit children or encourage them to lead an “immoral” or “dissolute” life. This code however makes no mention of sexual abuse or exploitation of children. On the other hand, it does contain a provision designed to shield young people from being exposed to pornography. Article 201 of the revised Penal Code criminalizes pornography but does not distinguish between child and adult pornography nor does it provide a concise defi nition of what constitutes pornography. Although sexual abuse is only one of the varied forms of “abuse” covered by the statute, the Child Abuse Law of 1991 is perhaps the clearest example of legislation that can serve to protect young people in the Philippines against sexual victimization. This law allows the imprisonment of offenders while also addressing the needs of victimized children. Other laws, such as the Anti-Traffi cking in Persons Act and the law on Eliminating the Worst Forms of Child Labor, both passed in 2003, further Law 209 criminalize the use of children for pornography or the production of pornography. As of 2005 several other bills were pending in the legislature further increasing protections against child pornography and prostitution. Thus, while recognizing a need to explicitly enact legislation designed to protect young people from varied forms of sexual victimization, the Philippines has so far done this in a piecemeal fashion, making it diffi cult to determine specifi c offenses and to prosecute offenders. Exemplifying a country that has recognized a need for explicit child sex-victimization legislation designed to achieve just that purpose the Parliament of Papua New Guinea in 2002 enacted a special law called the Sexual Offenses and Crimes Against Children Act (DCD 2004 ). In an extensive analysis of this law Luluaki ( 2003) notes that the “law is wide-ranging and deals with a whole host of sexual abuses that may be committed against children” (Luluaki 2003 : 277). Focusing on protecting children form “physical sexual abuse,” prostitution, and rape and incest involving children, this law represents one of the most extensive modifi cations of a country’s traditional legislation to be found in most countries. However, seeking, as it does, to refl ect the protections envisioned by the CRC, this law only concerns individuals below age 16 (not age 18 as per the CRC defi nition of a child). Moreover, while the law was passed in March of 2002, a year after its passage the Papua New Guinea Parliament had not, as yet, ratifi ed the law. A United Nations review conducted in 2005 found that little real movement had taken place to actually put the law in to force (UN 2005) . And other reports suggest that young people, especially girls, probably are no more protected since the law was enacted than before (ChartsBin 2010 ; DCD 2004 ) . Thus, while ideal in tone, in practice the ideals of the Papua New Guinea legislation remain unrealized. The United Kingdom has been especially active in both passing legislation against practically every possible kind of child sex victimization as well as increasing penalties for persons convicted of such offenses (see Darlington 2009 ; West 2000) . Several laws explicitly pertain to children. Others include young people as a mater of course under their provisions. Among the more signifi cant of these are the Obscene Publications Act of 1959 and 1964. This law prohibits the publication of anything that would “deprave and corrupt” anyone exposed to it and subjects offenders to 3 years in prison and an unlimited fi ne as well as forfeiture of the objectionable material. More specifi cally the Protection of Children Act of 1978 is designed to protect children from sexual abuse, including being used in any kind of pornographic material. In 1988 The Criminal Justice Act included the possession of child pornography as a criminal act. The Criminal Justice and Public Order Act of 1994 essentially updated the provisions to more clearly cover internet pornography as well as “pseudo-photograph” images depicting children. Later laws increased penalties for virtually all forms of child sexual victimization. Probably the most extensive legislation concerning child sexual victimization in the UK is the Sexual Offences Act 2003 (OPSI 2003 ) . Besides explicitly focusing on rape and other offenses against children under age 13, the many provisions of this law cover a host of “child sex offenses,” such as “grooming” minors for sexual contact; “abuse of position of trust” offenses (such as causing a child to watch a sex act), “familial child sex offenses” (such as sexual activity with a child’s family member), as well as offenses listed as “indecent photographs of children,” “abuse of 210 6 Child Pornography and Pedophelia children through prostitution and pornography,” and committing sexual “offenses outside the United Kingdom.” The United States appears to be more active than any other country in enacting all manner of legislation designed to combat child sexual victimization in all its forms (see: Cox 1999 ; Thornburgh and Lin 2002 ) . Both Federal legislation and the laws of all 50 states have long criminalized various offenses involving children – such as statutory rape, prostitution, distribution of child pornography, and contributing to the delinquency of a minor. But since the mid-1970s both Federal and State laws have proliferated, and the various ways to deal with known or potential child sex offenders have increased greatly (see: Mears et al. 2008 ). In addition, numerous legislative efforts have sought to combat child pornography and impose restrictions on convicted sex offenders to deter anticipated further offending (see: Cox 1999 ; HRW 2007 ; USDOJ 2010 ) . Provisions contained in a number of Federal laws enacted by the U.S. Congress in the mid-1990s concerning child pornography were subsequently struck down by the United States Supreme Court rulings and, as of 2009, at least seven states had not enacted laws prohibiting the possession of child pornography (see Darlington 2009 ). However, in spite of some legal challenges, Federal anti-child pornography laws in the United States, supported by case law stemming from specifi c cases, are among the most stringent such law to be found anywhere. Essentially, existing United States law makes it illegal to knowingly transport or ship, receive or distribute, sell or possess to sell, or possess child pornography. The original law required that the images produced must have actually involved a minor engaged in sexually explicit activity. Later legislation modifi ed these provisions to include “virtual” images or images involving non-minors that were modifi ed to depict them as being children (see: Cox 1999 ) . In effect, Federal law in the United States, as with that of most states, criminalizes any and all aspects of child pornography regardless of form, source, intent, or medium. And, as diffi cult as it is to do so, efforts to put this legislation into effect have likewise become major aspects of law-enforcement agencies across the country. Efforts to combat child pornography in the United States (and other countries) have focused on combating the use of children in the production of this material as well as impeding the possible stimulative effects the material is believed to have on sexual predators by criminalizing its distribution and possession. In addition considerable legal effort has also been directed to preventing known sex offenders from engaging in this conduct again (Cohen and Jeglic 2007 ) . Two basic strategies have been followed: (1) longer periods of incarceration for convicted sex offenders, and (2) various strategies designed to increase the post-release incapacitation of individuals thought to be a continued danger to young people. Prompted by the empirically questionable assumption that sex offenders have a proclivity to reoffend and contending that this would serve to protect potential victims for longer periods of time, from the 1980s onward most states in the United States enacted laws that increased the length of prison sentences for convicted sex offenders of almost all kinds. In addition, jurisdictions have allowed, or even mandated, the post-release civil commitment of certain offenders, effectively removing them from society – possibly for life – once they have served their maximum possible prison sentences. Dealing with the Problem 211

But unless sex offenders are to be kept locked up for life, the vast majority will one day be released to the community. Based on the fear that released child-sex offenders will recidivate, states and the Federal government also have passed versions of “community notifi cation laws” requiring that sex offenders register with local law-enforcement authorities and, under Federal law, this information must be made available to the general public. Recent research, however, has found that released offenders who fail to register under these laws are no more likely to reoffend than those who comply with the registration requirement. And, in fact, compared to other criminal offenders, released sex offenders have relatively low rates of reoffending in any case (Levenson et al. 2010 ) . As reasoned by Cohen and Jeglic ( 2007 : 374): Community notifi cation legislation was originally intended to protect children from predatory sex offenders… However, as the legislation is currently being implemented, sex offenders are required to register regardless of the specifi c circumstances or their crime(s) or whether they received treatment. … the purpose of this legislation is to protect children against assaults by strangers. However, the majority of assaults … are committed by acquaintances or people known to the victims, and such legislation does little to protect them… Even then, the majority of sex offenders, even if actually registering, are not monitored or supervised so that registration does little, in itself, to protect children from possible attack. To increase the effectiveness of post-release tracking of known child sex-offenders, some jurisdictions have implemented “monitoring” laws requiring offenders to wear such devises as global positioning systems. Some states have introduced “life time supervision” programs, effectively placing the released offender on parole for abnormally long periods, even up to life. An analysis of sex offender laws in the United States by Human Rights Watch (HRW 2007 : 10) led to the observation that: Sexual violence and abuse against children are, unfortunately, a worldwide problem. Yet the United States in the only country in the world that has such a panoply of measures governing the lives of former sex offenders. It is the only country Human Rights Watch knows of with blanket laws prohibiting people with prior convictions for sex crimes from living within designated areas. To our knowledge, six other countries (Australia, Canada, France, Ireland, Japan, and the United Kingdom) have sex offender registration laws, but the period required for registration is usually short and the information remains with the police. South Korea is the only country other than the United States that has community notifi cation laws. But, as argued by a number of experts in the fi eld, it remains unclear and largely unknown to what extent any of the existing or potential legislatively mandated efforts to combat child sex victimization actually do, or will do, what law makers intend in enacting such laws (see: Cohen and Jeglic 2007 ; Cox 1999; Davidson and Martellozzo 2008 ; Gillespie 2005 ; Thornburgh and Lin 2002 ; Wright 2009 ) .

Dealing with the Problem

It is generally accepted that the direct sexual victimization of children should be prohibited and punished as criminal behavior. And, in some fashion, virtually all societies prohibit this conduct in criminal statutes. It is, of course, necessary to use the law to try to protect children from being either directly or indirectly sexually 212 6 Child Pornography and Pedophelia victimized. And, to some extent criminalizing child pornography and sexual assaults against children can serve to deter would-be sexual predators. But, experts agree that law, in itself, is inadequate to protect children from being sexually victimized, even in those countries that have gone to considerable lengths to criminalize all forms of child sexual victimization. Criminologists have long pondered whether, or to what extent, the threat of severe sanctions, or even the experience of being punished, acts as a deterrent to criminal behavior and, if so, for how long. Especially when it comes to “compulsive” behavior, such as sexual predation, it is doubtful if the prospect of legal sanction does anything beyond making the predator more careful in carrying out his or her crimes (Agnew 2005 : Kennedy 2009) . Thus, while laws against child sexual victimization may be necessary, they alone are of little value in preventing or substantially reducing this kind of child victimization. This point is clearly demonstrated by the problems authorities face combating sexual predators and child pornography on the internet.

Legislating Morality

Both international law and the laws of many countries seek to criminalize the production, distribution and possession of child pornography. As suggested by Taylor and Quayle (2003 : 4): At its worst, child pornography is a picture of a child being in some sense sexually abused. That is to say, at its worst, it is the portrayal of a sexual assault and as such it is therefore the picture of a serious crime in progress. In most Western countries not only the production but also the possession of that photograph (or video or cine fi lm) is itself an offense. Generally, but not exclusively, an adult (often a man) commits the assault portrayed against a younger girl or boy. The person holding the camera is also generally an adult, who in some way directs the abusive content of the photograph. But a picture might as readily involve two or more children of either the same or different sexes. However we construe this, of course, what follows is that such a picture is also the picture of a crime scene. It would be diffi cult indeed to disagree with this sentiment. However, it appears this sentiment collides head-on with harsh reality when resorting to the law as a way to combat the production, distribution or possession of child pornography, especially as it pertains to the internet (see Quayle et al. 2008 ). In the fi rst place, most of the world’s countries have no laws of any kind, or totally inconsequential and insub- stantial laws prohibiting child pornography. In 2008 The International Centre for Missing and Exploited Children released its fi fth evaluation of the existing child pornography legislation in the 187 Interpol member countries. The Centre employed the following fi ve criteria that, in its opinion, would be legislatively adequate to help combat the production, distribution and possession of child pornography, particularly as it pertains to the internet (ICMEC 2008 ) : 1. Exists with specifi c regard to child pornography; 2. Provides a defi nition of child pornography; 3. Criminalizes computer-facilitated offenses; Dealing with the Problem 213

4. Criminalizes possession of child pornography, regardless of the intent to distribute; and 5. Requires Internet Service Providers (ISPs) to report suspected child pornography to law-enforcement or to some other mandated agency. Among the 187 countries investigated, only fi ve meet all fi ve criteria – Australia, Belgium, France, South Africa, and the United States. Twenty-four meet the fi rst four criteria but did not require reporting by ISPs, although several have voluntary policies. Amazingly, 93 countries had no legislation of any kind that specifi cally concerned child pornography, although this form of pornography might possibly be subsumed under some general prohibitions against pornography as such. Even then, of the 94 countries that had some kind of legislation regarding child (or general) pornography, 54 did not specifi cally defi ne the activity, 24 did not included computer-facilitated offenses, and 36 did not criminalize this conduct at all. Even if legislation existed in a specifi c country that, in some way, prohibited child pornography, of the 187 countries less than 15% were deemed to be in “substantial” compliance with the criteria recommended by the Center,. But the issue of combating child pornography on the internet legislatively goes far beyond the lack of laws in countries across the globe. The fundamental problem faced in stopping porn on the net is the limited ability (and in some ways the total inability) authorities have to enforce whatever laws that do exist while, at the same time, keeping the internet open and also protecting the rights to privacy and freedom of speech. These fundamental considerations aside, combating child pornography in the age of the internet is also hampered by a number of “technical” problems generic to the world-wide distribution that this medium affords. According to Calcetas-Santos (2001 ) even where it exists much of the anti-pornography legislation found in countries around the world is simply obsolete since it is based on print as the medium with an actual child as a model. Given technological developments in imaging, much of this legislation has become ineffective. Wortley and Smallbone (2006 ) identify seven technically-related aspects of internet child pornography that pose “challenges” to its control: (1) the structure of the internet, (2) uncertainties of jurisdiction, (3) lack of regulation of the internet, (4) differences in legislation across jurisdictions, (5) the expertise of offenders, (6) advances in internet technology, and (7) the sheer volume of internet activity. Most signifi cantly, pornography found on the internet can be produced anywhere and distributed globally. And many governments have failed to put adequate response mechanisms into place. In spite of international agreements, there is no internationally established and recognized defi nition of child pornography. And, what is considered acceptable in one country may not be so in another. As quoted by Calcetas-Santos ( 2001 : 105) “As one German police offi cer put it, ‘When it comes to hard core pornography, the diffi culty for us is that much of what’s illegal here in Germany is legal and normal in Scandinavia’.” Further, most law-enforcement agencies lack both the equipment and trained personnel to effectively enforce the laws they do have. Indeed, according to Fournier de Saint Maur (2001 ), the diffi culty in taking legal action against the people who physically victimize children in 214 6 Child Pornography and Pedophelia the production of child pornography is determining the country in which the crime occurred, even assuming authorities in that country are even interested or able to take action. Other considerations can be just as daunting for law-enforcement offi - cials. For example, even within a specifi c jurisdiction that has clear and unambiguous laws against child pornography, law offi cers are challenged by such seemingly obvious things as determining if specifi c images fi t within the legal defi nition of “child pornography,” or determining the age of the individual(s) depicted (Wells et al. 2007 ) . To some extent the sheer diffi culty of enforcing laws designed to protect young people from sexual victimization may explain why both the scope and extent of this kind of victimization seems to be little affected – this in spite of some well publicized examples and concerted effort by some law-enforcement offi cials. It is, of course, impossible to determine how many children would have been victimized if these laws did not exist or if enforcement efforts were minimal. Data reported by the United States Bureau of Justice Statistics provide an indication of the minimal threat of being punished offenders face for even direct forms of sex victimization in a country that has made a concerted effort to deal with this problem as a criminal matter. According to this report, between 1991 and 1996 an arrest was made in only 27% of the over 60,000 cases that had been reported to offi cials (Snyder 2000 ) . Arrests were least likely for the youngest victims. This is telling since juvenile victims comprise the majority of sex- offense cases actually handled by law-enforcement agencies. Given that this report only deals with the, probably few, cases that actually come to the attention of law-enforcement agencies, no legal action of any kind likely occurred in the vast majority of sexual assaults on young people in the United States. Like the United States, the United Kingdom has been exceptionally diligent in cracking down on child sexual victimization of all kinds. However, in spite of “get tough” legislation directed toward child pornography, some observers suggest that, in practice, people who posses and share child pornography have little to fear from criminal penalties. In an analysis of child pornography trials in the Crown Court of England and Wales Susan Edwards (2000 ) reports that few cases actually were ever prosecuted and most of the cases charged involved the taking of photographs as opposed to possession or distribution. Even then, the persons charged with an offense were rarely also charged with other offenses such as rape that must have legally occurred in order for the photograph to have been taken. According to Edwards (2000 ) between 1995 and 1997 the number of cases brought to court had increased. However, for the more serious offenses of taking and possession with intent to distribute, prison sentences seem to have remained much the same as in 1995, and case law demonstrates that there are some judges who continue to assume that the “child pornographer” is less dangerous than the child abuser and continue to fail to make a connection between the two. In countries that devote far less attention to sexual assault, the probability that anything at all will be done to people sexually victimizing young people is probably close to zero. For example, a report for Frontline by the journalist Najibullah Quaraishi reveals how powerful men in Afghanistan (war lords, tribal headmen, Taliban leaders, etc.) routinely own (enslave) “dancing boys” (bacha bazi) who are Dealing with the Problem 215 dressed as women and trained to dance for them and other men (Frontline 2010 ) . These boys are routinely also sexually abused by their owners, or whomever the owner wants to share them with. Although illegal, as Quaraishi found when interviewing law-enforcement offi cers, nothing, in fact, is actually done to the offenders. Indeed, while told that men who participate in the practice would be arrested and punished – no matter who they were – Quaraishi’s team fi lmed police offi cers he interviewed actually participating in an illegal “bacha bazi” party. Similar abuses occur in Quetta, Pakistan. According to Qazi and Grisanti ( 2009 ) it is common practice in Pakistan for impoverished girls to be sexually abused by men from whom they “beg.” For example: The 11-year-old girl blushed as she walked into the car dealer’s showroom on Quetta’s Adalat Road in southwest Pakistan. Her 17-year-old cousin, eyes fi xed to the ground, followed her. When the younger girl asked the owner for fi ve rupees (6 cents), he pointed to the back room and told both girls to follow him. A stocky man in his mid-1940s with sallow skin and puffy eyes, he told the girls to lift their shirts – he wanted to see. ‘Very nice,’ the owner said. ‘They are getting bigger,’ he told the 17-year-old as he touched her (Qazi and Grisanti 2009 : 1). The police lament that they can do little to stop the activity since “loopholes” in the law make it virtually impossible to actually legally arrest and prosecute the men responsible for the abuse. It is questionable if present strategies of law and law-enforcement – in countries that at least attempt to enforce legislation – actually do much of anything to combat child sex victimization of any kind. For example, in an insightful analysis of sexual- predator laws in the United States, professor Eric Janus ( 2006 ) argues that existing laws are actually counter productive because, rather than reducing sexual victimization of children, their enforcement defl ects resources and attention away from deep- seated societal problems that allow such behavior to fl ourish in modern societies. A similar sentiment is voiced by Taylor and Quayle ( 2003 ) in their assessment of the effectiveness of law-enforcement efforts to signifi cantly impact the availability of child pornography on the internet. For example, they state: Despite very high expectations (and very considerable resource commitment) associated with high-profi le cases such as Operation Cathedral, the actual effect of the amount of child pornography available, or the degree and extent of distribution and collection, is minimal. Even more important, however, operations designed to disrupt networks involved in the exchange of photographs give a false sense of achievement related to the apprehension of producers of child pornography (Taylor and Quayle 2003 : 204). And, in some cases, the dictates of legislation border on the absurd. For example, in the United States, and many other countries, individuals convicted of sex offenses are restricted in where they are allowed to live. As reasonable as these restrictions may seem, in some cases it becomes almost virtually impossible for non-institutionalized offenders to live anywhere. In the state of Florida, for instance, residency restrictions forced child-sex offenders to camp out under a causeway spanning Miami’s Biscayne Bay in unsanitary and squalid conditions (Skipp and Campo-Flores 2009 ) . And, in the digital age, innocent photographs of children shred with friends or family can somehow be found all over the web for any pedophile to lust over. 216 6 Child Pornography and Pedophelia

And, given the ambiguity of laws defi ning what constitutes “child pornography” even when a parent shares a picture of a bare-bottomed infant with others could get the “pornographer” into trouble with the law (Alexander 2010 ) . In an assessment of law in the United Kingdom, the legal scholar Donald West (2000 ) contends that the widespread public and political attention child sexual victimization received in the United Kingdom may, or may not, have had any serious impact on either the frequency or seriousness of such conduct. It did, however, lead to a more punitive atmosphere of how convicted, or even suspected, sex offenders were treated in some cases causing grossly unjust accusations and punitive sentences. This punitive approach, West argues, may have made members of the public feel safer (or actually may have had the reverse effect) and was good for political purposes, but it also diverted resources and attention away form potentially more benefi cial approaches, such as treatment of compulsive offenders. West (2000 : 527) concludes: Whether well-intentioned recent legislation proves benefi cial will depend on the new powers and responsibilities given to police, probation, social services and sentencers being used with discretion and without attention to popular clamor. The public needs educating to prevent such labels as ‘paedophile’, ‘predator’ and ‘incurable’ being used indiscriminately. Existing possibilities of diversion from criminal justice to effective treatment and welfare should be utilized fully, particularly for sexual problems arising within families. For the minority of offenders who are dangerously deviant and uncontrolled, hospitalization remains a more constructive response than imprisonment. Besides passing laws prohibiting it, the question is what more can be done to protect children from being sexually victimized?

What More to do?

Given the ubiquity of the problem both in form and space, it is clear that no single solution or type of solution could possibly resolve the question of how best to protect children form being directly or indirectly sexually victimized. Indeed, the kind of efforts we might employ to “protect” young people from viewing pornography on their computers would likely be quite different from the measures needed to end the child-sex tourism industry. And combating sex-tourism would not involve the same strategy as catching an online predator intent on grooming young victims. Dealing with internet sex-predators is fundamentally different from preventing a parent or sibling from sexually abusing their child or younger sibling at home. And forcing organizations to effectively police members who victimize children in their charge is not the same as taking action against individuals sharing pornographic photos of children over the internet. Criminal laws and their actual enforcement are, of course, needed in addressing all aspects of child sexual victimization. However, other means are also needed to help in this effort. Concern over actual and possible threats to young people from sexual predators and the possible exposure of young people to pornography have spawned a virtual world-wide child sex-protection industry. Besides local and international efforts to criminalize and punish sex offenders, numerous organizations exist exclusively Dealing with the Problem 217 dedicated to this issue, or include it in their lists of concerns. Many dozens (if not hundreds) of websites and publications offering advise, guidance, programs, counseling, expertise, or resources to combat the problem of child sex victimization are available to anyone or any organization desiring to deal with the problem, or anyone who feels they need “help” for virtually any aspect of child sexual victimization (see e.g., Child Welfare Information Gateway no date; Council of Europe 2010 ; ERIC Digest 1990 ; Prevent Child Abuse America no date; Stop It Now no date ; Smallbone et al. 2008 ) . These organizations and numerous experts from diverse fi elds have suggested a variety of strategies that might be reasonably employed to combat one or another aspect of child sex victimization. Essentially four major approaches have been suggested: technology, economic, education, and treatment of offenders (see Wortley and Smallbone 2006 ) . As with the world-wide drug problem, the law may not be either the best or most effective way of dealing with many forms of child sexual victimization. But, given that the technology associated with the internet is considered to be largely responsible for facilitating, if not fostering, the apparent worldwide explosion in child sex victimization, a number of people have proposed a variety of technological solutions to aid law-enforcement agencies in identifying actual, or potential, sex offenders and capturing them before or after they have committed some offense. Two aspects of child sex victimization have received the most attention. On the one hand, many law-enforcement agencies have created specialized units devoted to intercepting and apprehending predators who use the internet to locate, groom, and gain access to victims. Posing as juveniles in chat rooms and other communication programs favored by young people, some police departments have become quite adept at identifying and apprehending offenders before they can actually cause harm to victims. Other than making some would-be predators more careful in soliciting victims, it is unknown how successful this approach is in substantially reducing online solicitations. The tactic is expensive to maintain and operate and probably only detects a fraction of those who are engaged in such behavior. And, the vast majority of law-enforcement agencies in the world have neither the means nor competent staff to operate such units. For example, in the Netherlands an analysis of efforts to police internet child pornography found that the Dutch police had very limited computer knowledge and lacked the inter-agency collaborations needed to effectively police the internet (Stol 2002 ) . Moreover, the tactic does virtually nothing to counter the majority of sex victimization cases occurring in the home by family members or acquaintances of the victims. However, technological advances in policing sex offenders have gained wide publicity. One case that received considerable media attention in 2007 involved digitally recreating scrambled images of an offender who had fi lmed himself engaged in sexual acts with children in various countries. Computer specialists at the federal police agency in Germany in association with Interpol’s human traffi cking team were able to unscramble the pictures, and ultimately identify and capture the offender ( BBC 2007 ; MSNBC 2007b ) . According to the BBC report, nearly 600 victims of child sex victimization from 31 countries have been rescued using sophisticated computer technology. And coordinated policing efforts in countries around 218 6 Child Pornography and Pedophelia the world have led to some dramatic, and well publicized, apprehensions of hundreds of offenders in numerous countries ( BBC 2005a, 2009d, e) . In one raid, a reported 700 suspects were apprehended worldwide and some 31 children were rescued ( MSNBC 2007c ) . A second technology based approach is for internet “watch” organizations to monitor the internet for sites containing child pornography and alert authorities for appropriate action. In some cases such sites are then either shut down or actually removed from the net. One organization called the Internet Watch Foundation in the United Kingdom (see http://www.iwf.org.uk/ ) is dedicated to reporting “illegal” internet content to authorities, and has been especially effective in identifying sites containing child pornography. A similar organization in the United States, the Association of Sites Advocating Child Protection (ASACP) advertises itself as a non-profi t organization dedicated to online child protection that battles child pornography through its “CP Reporting Hotline” and helps parents prevent children from viewing age-restricted material online with the “Restricted To Adults – RTA Website Label.” However, since most countries have neither laws requiring or allowing sites containing child pornography to be taken off the web, or, even if so, no apparent enforcement mechanisms to do so, child pornography distributors have little to fear from such detection. On the other hand, identifying these sites can help law-enforcement agencies monitor the internet activity of known or suspected sex predators, and to prosecute apprehended offenders who have visited such sites in the past. As indicated by international mass arrests, this monitoring activity can facilitate the enforcement of anti-child pornography laws in those countries concerned enough about this activity to take action. Other technological fi xes are aimed at helping parents protect young people from being exposed to pornography or coming into contact with predators online (Aftab 2001) . Thus, a variety of internet tools to block a child’s access to certain sites or to help parents monitor internet activity are commercially available. The most common such devices appear to be “fi lters” that prevent young internet users from locating pornography, should they seek it out. Other approaches seek to require internet service providers (ISPs) to verify the ages of individuals who want to open accounts. How effective these tools may be is unknown. Indeed, it is virtually impossible to determine how many young people have purposively or inadvertently visited any kind of pornographic web sites, or how many have not done so due to some kind of technological protection associated with their internet access. Similarly it is impossible to determine how many young people have not been subjected to unwanted (or wanted) encounters with child sex-victimizers on the internet due to technological devices that “protect” them from such encounters. Indeed, perhaps, as many experts have suggested, the best way to protect young people from pornography or sex victimization grooming on the web is through parental monitoring – something that has become increasingly more and more diffi cult as web based technologies have proliferated and changed throughout the world (see ITFCR 1999 ; Quayle et al. 2008 ; Wortley and Smallbone 2006 ) . As with many social issues, perhaps one of the more effective ways of combating child sex victimization, at least those forms facilitated by the internet, is to take the Dealing with the Problem 219 profi t out of it wherever possible. Pornography has become a multi-billion dollar money-maker for internet service providers. Given the competition among such providers, convincing them to close down sites that offer child pornography posed a major economic obstacle. Unless all, or a signifi cant number of, major providers agreed to do so, it is not in any individual provider’s economic interest to take the initiative. After considerable lobbying and public attention, as well as the possibility of criminal prosecution stemming from new child pornography laws in many countries, this situation began to turn around by the early 2000s when major ISPs collectively agreed to take action to ban child pornography sites from their servers once such sights were identifi ed and authenticated. In New York State, for example, ISPs were pressured into agreeing to purge child pornography sites (Albanesius 2008 ) . Subsequently nationwide the majority of ISPs signed a pact to ban child pornography (Thomson 2008 ) . And in 2009 the European Union proposed steps to be taken by member nations to block access to sits containing child pornography (Williams 2009) . Such legislation, however, is not without controversy. For example, an attempt to reintroduce an ISP child pornography bill in Canada had met with considerable resistance (Bode 2010 ) . And in Pennsylvania the strict law to ban child pornography on the internet has came under attack by civil liberties groups (Hall 2009 ) . One possible consequence of these various measures has been to make it more diffi cult to locate child pornography on the web, at least, for casual searchers or those not knowledgeable of search techniques. And, distributors have had to change and reestablish closed sites with different internet addresses, reducing their easy availability to searchers. It is not know to what extent, if at all, this has ended the use of children in the production of pornographic material. Nor is known to what extent they have reduced the relative amount of such material available on the web. Like putting a better lock on one’s door, making crime more diffi cult to commit may be a deterrent, but certainly not prohibitive to any determined criminal. A similar approach is for credit card companies (and credit reporting companies) to tag cards used to purchase pornography, especially child pornography and make such information available to the police. Since most purchases of pornography on the web are handled via credit cards, this approach, where legal, can put an economic dent in the sale and availability of child pornography while also helping to identify individuals who access such material for possible legal action. An organization called “Financial Coalition Against Child Pornography” (FCACP) is dedicated to doing just that. The goal of the FCACP is to “eradicate the profi tability of commercial child pornography by following the fl ow of funds and shutting down the payments accounts that are being used for these illegal enterprises” (ECPAT 2008 ) . However, economic incentives are of little consequence except for the commercial pornography trade since the distribution of much child pornography is not of a commercial nature, and is rather shared by individuals who network to distribute and receive such material, or simply put it on the web for the producers own ego gratifi cation. Thus, the impact of economic counter-measures is probably minimal. But this does not necessarily mean that all economic measures are of no value in combating child sexual victimization. One creative approach is indicated by the lawsuit brought by a woman whose uncle used her when she was a child to “star” in a series of pornographic photographs and fi lms that were made available to people 220 6 Child Pornography and Pedophelia collecting such material (Schwartz 2010 ) . The lawsuit demanded that everyone convicted of possessing even one image of her pay her damages. Similarly, in what is reported to be the fi rst criminal case of its kind, a Connecticut judge ordered a British man who was convicted of possessing child pornography to pay the victim close to $200,000 in restitution ( MSNBC 2009d ) . But, even though the payment of damages from the producers of child pornography is considered quite within the bounds of law, some legal scholar have questioned whether demanding payment from those who simply posses images will survive on appeal. The late 1990s and early 2000s saw the creation of a number of efforts intended to deal with the threat to children from online predators and internet child pornography similar to the “Just Say No” “DARE” other “education” efforts to “deal” with the epidemic of drugs believed to be plaguing young people in American and other western nations. A plethora of guides, manuals, pamphlets, and full-fl edged courses to teach young people and others about the dangers of porn and sex predators on the net became available, as did various “educational” programs to help children ward off predators. If offenders could not be stopped by the law, an educated public could serve as a bulwark against victimization. Typically referred to as “child-focused sexual abuse prevention programs,” these efforts have been directed to communities, parents, teachers, organizations, or children. Most are carried out in school settings. It is essentially believed that “naivety increases children’s vulnerability to sexual victimization, these programs seek to counter children’s ignorance about sexual abuse” (Sanderson 2004 : 1). As Sanderson ( 2004 ) concluded, the basic idea behind these programs is to teach children what sexual abuse actually consists of, teach them how to resist overtures, and, importantly, teach children to tell parents or other trusted adults about such instances. Sanderson observes, most of these programs have not been subjected to rigorous testing regarding their effects on children and are typically implemented on faith alone. However, the evaluations that have been carried out do suggest that well conducted educational programs can increase children’s knowledge about sexual advances and encourages them to tell responsible adults when they do occur. This could possibly help to ward off successful attacks to prevent greater harm. A similar assessment is offered by Finkelhor (2009 ) who further suggests that educational approaches should actually be expanded to include all types of sexual abuse and sex crimes against children, such as “peer sexual assault” and consensual (if still illegal) sex between teens and any adults. It is an open question if educating people has done much more than increased public awareness of the threat, simply heightened public concern or, in fact, has had a real impact on reducing child sexual victimization. Little evaluation of the “crime- reducing” impact of these efforts is to be found in the literature. However, some educational efforts may have had at least some benefi t on helping young people guard against predators intent on victimizing them. One evaluation of the victimization-reducing impact of these programs is suggestive. Based on a sample of women in a North American colleges, this research found that while 14% of the respondents who had never taken a prevention program in school were subsequently sexually abused, only 8% of those who did participate in such a program suffered this form Dealing with the Problem 221 of victimization. Of course, for those youths who seek out such contacts education, as with other forms of prevention, probably has little impact at all. Contrary to popular belief largely fostered by media coverage of extreme cases usually involving individuals with records of sex offending, sex offenders generally do not have higher recidivism rates than other offenders, and in many cases their rates are lower. Indeed, “the vast majority of new sexual assaults are not committed by RSOs {repeat sexual offenders}, but by fi rst-time sex offenders” (Levenson et al. 2010 : 307, brackets added). In part, this is an artifact of post-release restrictions on incest offenders making it close to impossible for them to commit the same crimes again. And, in part, it is probably due to the closer monitoring many offenders released from prison receive as a consequence of laws and tighter parole conditions. Yet, overall, the belief that “once a sex offender always a sex offender” is simply wrong (Hanson et al. 2002 ) . What is believed to be a small group of offenders who suffer from severe mental abnormalities do appear to be at very high-risk of reoffending. Identifying these individuals, and taking appropriate preventive action, remains a diffi cult problem for law-enforcement and corrections agencies. Many simply may have to be incarcerated for the rest of their lives, as allowed by civil commitment laws and other recent legislation in some countries that allow the continued confi nement of high risk offenders once sentences have been served. In 2010 the Supreme Court of the United States, for example, ruled that Congress has the authority under civil law to allow the continued commitment of sex offenders even after they have completed their criminal sentences (Liptak 2010 ) . But, experts believe that the vast majority of sex offenders (known or not) are not of this kind, and the behavior of most could be held in check if they are subjected to appropriate treatment intervention programs. Jurisdictions in almost all Western nations have such programs in operation. The question is: “Do they work?” A large body of evaluation research has been conducted on sex offender treatment programs. Conclusive statements regarding the effectiveness of treatment, or any particular type of treatment, can not be made. Available research does suggest that it is probable that treatment interventions can be effective ways of reducing recidivism and, for many sex offenders, treatment can even totally prevent reoffending behavior (see, e.g., Donato et al. 1999 ; Oliver et al. 2009 ; Przybylski 2008 ; Roberts et al. 2008 ) . We still have a lot to learn in this regard, and until various programs have been shown to “work” people would probably be quite reluctant to use treatment as the alternative to incarceration. However, research also shows that the public is much more favorable to treatment approaches than lawmakers seem to think they are and would welcome such strategies over simple incarceration if provided the option (Roberts and Hough 2002 ; Travis et al. 2006 ) . Thus, expanding treatment both within institutional and in post-release settings to reduce recidivism is probably a realistic and potentially benefi cial way of dealing with known sex offenders. The problem in most cases, of course, is that until one becomes a “known” (caught, convicted) offender requiring someone to undergo treatment is problematic, and the behavior we hope to prevent has already taken place. Thus, treatment may 222 6 Child Pornography and Pedophelia help to reduce reoffending but does little to prevent such behavior in the fi rst place. And, since most offenses, and probably most offenders, are never “known,” treatment applies to a potentially small number of actual offenders and, therefore, does little to help a large number of actual or potential child victims. This realization has led some experts to argue that more aggressive pre-offense measures are needed before any real reduction in child sexual victimization will occur (Petersen et al. 2005 ; Sanderson 2004 ) . Ideally these “preventive” programs would be implemented when, and wherever, conditions conducive to child sexual victimization are present ( Wortley and Smallbone 2006a ) . One such effort was initiated in Germany in 2005 ( Beier nd ) . Referred to as the Child Sexual Abuse-Prevention Project Dunkelfeld (CSA/PPD) this program is designed to invite individuals likely to commit or recommit child sex victimization acts to come to centers for “help.” Each month, an average of 15–20 individuals contacted the offi ce. Of the contacts about half traveled to the outpatient clinic for assessment and 50% of these were invited to participate in a treatment program. As a pilot program, the undertaking was deemed successful in locating “undetected” pedophiles and hebephiles in the community. In reality, we as yet know too little about the nature of the conditions that lead individuals to commit sexual attacks or increase the probability that a young person will be victimized. And, even if we did, actually implementing effective protective measures would very likely run afoul of civil-liberty issues and feelings about the sanctity of the family and home to be of much signifi cance, except in the most blatant abuse-likely cases. But, this approach would require a total shift in the public’s image of the nature of child sex victimization and the persons most often responsible for it and would shift the burden of preventing child sexual victimization from law-enforcement agencies to social service agencies (see e.g., Wokak et al. 2004 ) .

Conclusion

Young people have been objects of sexuality and exploitation throughout history and everywhere in the world. Until the modern era, in many, if not necessarily most, societies sex with and among children and young people does not appear to have been considered either abnormal or repulsive, certainly not something for concerted public action. By the twentieth century, beginning in Western societies, people around the world began to recognize that the involvement of children in sex was a form of victimization – something to be stopped and dealt with. Both international organization and individual countries began to initiate a host of efforts to deal with the “child sex victimization problem.” As discussed in Chapter 5, considerable effort has been devoted by some organizations and governments to put a halt to the traffi cking of children for sexual exploitation in the commercial sex industry as well as preventing “sex tourism” targeting child victims. These efforts dove-tail with other efforts of governments and NGOs to curtail the worldwide distribution of child pornography, and the detection and apprehension of individuals using the internet to locate and sexually-victimize children, as well as more adequately taking action to Conclusion 223 prevent child sexual victimization generally (Carr 2003 ; Mukasey et al. 2007 ) . Protecting children from sexual victimization of all types has become a major international concern. Numerous diverse countries have apparently come to recognize that there is a problem requiring that something be done about it. What to do remains the issue. Australia, for example, has attempted to block internet child pornography through “industry self-regulation” and “a voluntary code of practice.” Following two inquiries and government review, Australia further sought to establish a complaints hotline, develop a code of practices for the internet industry, and foster community education programs. Strong Australian legislative action to actually ban child pornography from internet sites, however, does not appear to be in the works (Stanley 2001) . In France, following a scandal involving a released sex offender, the government vowed to take new measures to deal with repeat sex offenders, primarily by detaining them in a secure hospital until doctors decided they are no longer dangerous ( BBC 2007a ) . And in Thailand the authors of a survey of internet use by Thai children recommended that abuse be prevented through guidelines in schools and internet cafes, establish mechanisms to report abuse, and recommending that children and parents have constant dialogue about their use of the internet (Michelet 2003) . In Saudi Arabia the establishment of child abuse and neglect centers appears to be a success by helping, at least, a small number of abused children (Al Eissa and Almuneef 2010 ) . Similar progress seems to have begun in a number of Eastern European countries (Lewis et al. 2004 ) . But in more than 20 years of efforts to implement the Convention on the Rights of the Child in sub-Saharan Africa little progress seems to have been made (Mulinge 2009 ) . Over the past few decades there are some indications that sexual victimization rates in some countries may have actually declined somewhat (Finkelhor 2009 ) . But, in most countries no comparable data exists even to make judgments. So it is impossible to say that children in the world today are safer form sex victimization than they were at some other point in recent history. Awareness of all kinds has risen. Whether safety has also increased is impossible to know. In some parts of the world, especially North American and Western European countries, government agencies devote considerable energy to at least going after and stopping sexual predators. For example, the European Commission, in conjunction with credit card companies and several major ISPs, agreed to fi nance the European Financial Coalition to fi ght child pornography on the internet in member countries (EUROPA 2009 ) . More could probably be done. However, child sex victimization is not limited to Western nations. And, as with virtually all other forms of child victimization, even where they are aware of the problem’s existence, governments in many parts of the world have chosen to do essentially nothing about it. If they are pressed, agents of these governments may voice “a lack of resources,” “more pressing problems,” “cultural values” or other rationalization to justify their inaction. Governments voicing such arguments are, in effect, complacent in the victimization of their own children. They are, therefore, as guilty of child sexual victimization as the possessor of child pornography, the internet groomer, or the uncle who rapes his nephew. 224 6 Child Pornography and Pedophelia

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Each day, literally hundreds of millions of children are under the care of persons other than their parents. In most cases they are collected together in institutions called schools, orphanages, medial or rehabilitation centers, or correctional institutions. Acting as substitute guardians, these institutions are delegated the responsibility of caring for, protecting, and to some extent nurturing the children and juveniles in their charge, in addition to whatever other objective they are expected to fulfi ll (e.g., education, rehabilitation). Usually the treatment children receive from the people staffi ng these institutions is, if not always kind and neutering, reasonable and appropriate. Probably the vast majority of the people working in these organizations take their responsibility seriously, going to considerable lengths to protect and foster the wellbeing of the youths in their charge. However in many cases, youths placed in the care of some institution are subjected to abuse that covers the spectrum of forms of victimization – death (purposively or by wanton neglect or indifference), physical and sexual injury of all kinds (beatings, rapes, and malnutrition), emotional and psychological attack and degradation, and exploitation as virtual slave laborers. Usually this victimization is individual – directed at specifi c children and carried out by one or a handful of aberrant staff members, as when a teacher physically assaults an unruly student or an orderly in a mental hospital sexually abuses a patient. In other cases such victimization is systematic to the institution – both common and chronic – such as when the staff of an orphanage collectively brutalizes, neglects, and exploits the children under their care, or the offi cers in a correctional institution systematically use excessive force to control or punish their wards. In some cases, an entire system of care is abusive, as are orphanages in some countries or the treatment routinely given to juveniles apprehended by the police in others (see Gil 1982 ; Penhale 1999 ) . Little real research or data exists to document the full extent and nature of the abusive practices found in juvenile institutions across the world. However, case studies and information from diverse sources suggests that various forms of institutional child victimization are not limited to any kind of society or restricted to any single type of organization. As with other kinds of child victimization, institutional

C.A. Hartjen and S. Priyadarsini, The Global Victimization of Children: 233 Problems and Solutions, DOI 10.1007/978-1-4614-2179-5_7, © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012 234 7 Institutional Victimization victimization is global in scope and pervasive in nature. Often it goes undiscovered for years. And, even when documented, it is often covered up or played down by authorities. The children victimized by such activity typically receive neither compensation nor justice.

What is “Institutional” Victimization?

Clifford Dorne (1989 : 15) provides a simple defi nition of institutional victimization as “…victimization of a child by an adult employed by a public or private agency who has been entrusted with the care of that child.” A much quoted and somewhat broader defi nition is offered by Eliana Gil ( 1982 : 9) who describes the activity as “…any system, programme, policy, procedure or individual interaction with a child in placement that abuses, neglects, or is detrimental to the child’s health, safety, or emotional and physical well-being, or in any way exploits or violates the child’s basic rights.” The National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children (NSPCC) suggests that institutional victimization consists of three distinct form of abuse (Smith 2004 : 5): 1. Overt or direct abuse, consisting of any sexual, physical or emotional abuse of a child by a worker, very similar to familial abuse. 2. Programme abuse consisting of an institution’s regime or treatment programme which, although accepted by staff, to an external observer would be viewed as abusive. 3. Abuse which is perpetrated not by a single person or program, but by the immense and complicated child care system, stretched beyond its limits and incapable of guaranteeing safety to all children in care. To this, we can add passive and active neglect on the part of care givers, programs, or societal support to care-giving organizations that leads to actual harm or situations that could result in harm to children and young people under institutional care. Whether individually initiated or an organizational culture of abuse, institutional victimization is often hidden, frequently uncorrected, and particularly heinous given that children subjected to this abuse are typically unable to escape from it, and the individuals and organizations guilty of such activity do so in blatant violation of the trust they have been given to care for the very victims of their abuse. In the case of individual victimization, authorities have failed in their responsibility to properly screen and monitor staff and are, therefore, equally guilty of the victimization as is the individual offender. Systematic abuse may be considered “appropriate” disciplinary behavior by authorities and the society in general. Such conduct, however, violates international law and often the very laws of the society in which this behavior occurs. As such, institution and government offi cials who encourage or tolerate such conduct as canning, spanking, verbal humiliation, and the like of young people in their care are in fact criminally culpable themselves. And while Schools 235 it may be considered normal and appropriate in some cultures to systematically subject some or all children in orphanages, correctional, or detention facilities, and other institutions to abusive behaviors, no society actually allows this in law or, if so, government authorities are themselves in direct violation of international standards to which their nation supposedly subscribes.

Schools

For the millions of young people attending schools throughout the world every day the experience, if not always pleasant and enlightening, is at least safe and secure. And most teachers and administrators, if not always adoring their pupils, are kind, caring and dedicated. Thus, for the vast majority of the world’s students the school provides a safe and generally nurturing environment with the prospect of not performing well on some test being the only thing a child need fear. However, for many youths in many schools or other day-care facilities, besides the fear of being victimized in various ways by their peers, the very adults imbued with the responsibility to care and nurture them are the source of victimization and fear. Victimization of children in schools may be perpetrated by teachers and other school staff as well as by other children. According to an exhaustive United Nations study, violence perpetrated by staff includes corporal punishment and various forms of cruel and humiliating punishments or treatment as well as sexual and gender- based violence and bullying (see Benbenishty and Astor 2005; Denmark et al. 2005 ) . Offenses committed by children against other children are addressed in the chapter on peer victimization (Chap. 9) in this volume. These include bullying, sexual and gender-based violence, schoolyard fi ghting, gang violence, as well as assaults with weapons. More recently “cyber-bullying” has been added to the list of offenses. (Pinheiro 2005 ) . In this chapter we focus on harm infl icted on young people by teachers and staff. Occasional media stories report instances wherein a teacher or other school employee physically or sexually assaults a student or is revealed to have done so on several occasions. Such reports are typically of a sensational variety, as when a female teacher has sex with an underage student, or a student is physically injured when struck by a school employee. Sometimes criminal charges are levied against the offender and media coverage may extend for some time. Usually the story is a one- day event and what, if anything, is done regarding the case is lost in media oblivion (see Clarke et al. 1982; MSNBC 2007) . Undoubtedly such stories refl ect only a proportion of the various victimizations children experience in the world’s schools, although to what extent children suffer physically, emotionally, or psychologically as a consequence of unwarranted abuse by teachers and staff in schools around the world can never really be know (see e.g., Galtonde 2007 ) . Studies by international and local government agencies, as well as a handful of scholarly inquiries, suggest that various forms of staff-student victimization occur in schools around the world. 236 7 Institutional Victimization

Sexual Abuse

Perhaps the most upsetting form of victimization found in institutional settings is the sexual abuse of students and wards. The United Nations provides a far reaching deﬁ - nition of this form of abuse including any kind of sexual activity inﬂ icted on young people by a person who has authority over them and whom they should be able to trust (United Nations 2006 ) . How frequently such activity actually occurs in institutional settings is virtually impossible to determine. However, as with other forms of child-victimization, it appears to be both common and universal ( Plan 2008 ) . In South Africa the Department of Education ( 2002 ) submitted a report indicating that sexual abuse of students in that country’s schools was a chronic problem and outlined a number of initiatives to address the issue (also see HRW 2001 ) . Research by the Mkombozi Centre for Street Children ( 2006 ) in Tanzania led to the conclusion that “… a leading cause of primary school truancy and drop-outs is child abuse – physical, verbal and sexual abuse – occurring inside and outside the school environment.” The action agency Plan ( 2008) reports that Ugandan girls as young as age 10 are forced to have sex with teachers in order to receive a passing grade on exams. The World Health Organization (2002 ) has documented that such “school for sex” transactions are not uncommon in various parts of the world. But sexual abuse is by no means limited to third-world countries. An associate press study reported in 2007 that sexual abuse of students by some teachers and staff in American schools was widespread (reported by MSNBC 2007a ) . Indeed, in over 2,500 cases educators were punished for such actions. But the report notes that most abuse never gets reported and even when it is, no action is taken. Often one abuser victimizes several students and may do so over the course of years. A report by the U. S. Department of Education on educator sexual misconduct, for example, indicates that in the United States between 6% and 10% of public school students are sexually abused or harassed by school employees including teachers (Shakeshaft 2004 ) . And a survey in the United Kingdom of child sexual abuse in a variety of institutions reported that 44% of the cases taking place in community-based facilities (including, club building, religious building, etc.) took place in the child’s school and 29% of the abusers were a teacher or head teacher (Gallagher 2000 ) .

Corporal Punishment

Perhaps even more prevalent than sexual abuse, corporal punishment remains a disciplinary staple in schools through the world. In India the headmistress of a private school was arrested for severely beating two male students by caning them for bringing “disrespect to her school” (The Hindu 2007 ) . In another incident a teacher was arrested for allegedly beating up a girl student. The student was forced to kneel and was slapped by the teacher, as well has having her hair cut off, for not keeping her hair in the approved style ( The Hindu 2008) . In an even more severe case a student in Pakistan is reported to have died after being hung upside down from a ceiling fan Schools 237 by his teacher for not memorizing his Koran lessons ( BBC 2008 ) . And in Delhi, India an 11 year-old girl died after her teacher made her stand in the hot sun for hours because she had not recited the alphabet correctly ( BBC 2009 ) . In Minnesota two social-science teachers were accused by the Minnesota Department of Human Rights for verbally harassing a student they believed to be homosexual (although he was not) fostering further abuse from classmates (Dokoupil 2009 ). In a moving account Christopher Hitchens (2010 ) tells of the systematic harassment and abuse he and other students received in an English boarding school. And John Banville ( 2009 ) vividly refl ected on how the teacher constantly subjected a “slow” classmate of his in a Dublin school to verbal abuse and humiliation in front of other students. The victim was ultimately sent to one of the infamous “reformatories” later to be found to have engaged in all manner of abusive behavior toward wards. This form of victimization continues to occur in spite of the fact that any form of physical punishment is a clear violation of international agreements signed by most of the world’s countries. While forced or consensual sex with underage students is illegal in virtually all countries of the world, even when they have signed international agreements banning the practice, the use of corporal punishment by teachers and other school offi cials is not necessarily illegal under the laws of many jurisdictions. An organization called World Corporal Punishment Research (CORPUN 2008) details the regulations governing or “offenses” for which corporal punishments are deemed appropriate in schools in over sixteen countries ranging from Anguilla to the United States. The organization Plan (2008 : 12) reports that: The use of physical force to infl ict pain on children as a punishment is common in schools in many countries across the world. The UNVAC study called on all countries to ban corporal punishment by 2009. Yet 90 countries out of 197 monitored by the Global Initiative to End All Corporal Punishment of Children legally permit teachers to physically punish children in their care. Even in countries were corporal punishment is banned, such as China, the law is often not effectively enforced. Although it is indeed prohibited by law in most of the states within the United States, corporal punishment is legal in 21 states and is frequently used in at least 13 of these states (CORPUN 2008 ; Department of Education 2002 ; The Center for Effective Discipline 2008) . Between the years 2006–2007 over 223,000 American students were subjected to corporal punishment (CNN 2008 ; The Center for Effective Discipline 2008 ) . And it is estimated that corporal punishment in some form is administered to students in the United States between one and two million times each year (Committee on School Health 2000 ) . Most of the American schools allowing and using corporal punishment are in southern states. Evangelical and other religion-supported schools seem to be most inclined to use this form of “discipline” as standard practice (see Maurer 1982 ; CORPUN 2008 ) . An extreme, but not unique case was reported by Human Rights Watch ( HRW 2008 : 5): … Tim L., started the fi fth grade at his public elementary school in rural east Texas. On the fourth day of school, Tim refused to run in gym class because he did not have his asthma medication. When the gym coach confronted him, Tim said, ‘coach sucks.’ The coach then took a wooden paddle and beat Tim severely on the buttocks. Faye L., Tim’s mother, reported, ‘There was blood in his underpants…. I had to pull the underwear off his behind from the dried blood.’ 238 7 Institutional Victimization

Subsequently Tim was hit again by a teacher for playing with a pen during his band class, resulting in bruised and swollen genitals. Tim wound up being home schooled by his mother. This form of punishment is disproportionately infl icted on minority (particularly African-American) and special-needs students. A 2009 report by Human Rights Watch issued a scathing report on the way children with special needs have been treated in some American schools (HRW 2009 ) . While special needs students make up fourteen percent of public school students, they constituted nineteen percent of the 223,190 students reported to have been paddled during 2006–2007. As an example, in one case: … a 15-year-old boy with autism, was repeatedly subjected to corporal punishment at his Florida school. … for example, he was picked up by a male staff member and thrown ‘into the tile fl oor, face-fi rst,’ after screaming in the cafeteria and running away from a staff member. Staff members dragged him to a meeting room, where the male staff member ‘put him in a chokehold. Other staff members [came] running. Three or four of them tackle[d] him, and he [was] thrown to the fl oor again.’ The staff members used their strength and body weight to pin Jonathan, face-down, to the fl oor. (HRW 2009 : 4) While corporal punishment in American schools appears to be on the decline, both in overall use and the number of schools allowing the practice, in other parts of the world it is standard practice and, in some cases, may actually be on the increase. A study of documented cases of corporal punishment carried out in Zimbabwe between 1990 and 1997 found this to be the case (Shumba 2001 ) . According to this study, under law the school head is permitted to use corporal punishment on pupils. But, if a teacher wants to use corporal punishment on a student, permission must fi rst be obtained from the head of the school and then the teacher must follow certain restrictions in its use. Boys can be beaten on the buttocks with a light cane while girls can only be hit on the palm of the hand. By implication, students can not be slapped, pinched, kicked, or otherwise struck by teachers. However, teachers who violate these regulations have little to fear from the law because most offenders appear to be merely occasionally reprimanded or fi ned with few actually being discharged. According to Human Rights Watch ( HRW 1999 ) violent physical punishment, infl icted at the hands of teachers, is a regular part of the school experience for children in Kenya. The use of corporal punishment is described as routine, arbitrary, and often brutal. Severe injury is not uncommon as a consequence. Children are caned, slapped and whipped both for discipline purposes as well as poor academic performance. This practice violates both Kenyan law and international law. In 1996 corporal punishment was banned in Kenyan schools by the Director of Education. However, Human Rights Watch ( HRW 1999) found that the ban had never been enforced and the Education Regulations governing school discipline still authorized the practice. A similar situation exists in India where the government has recently acknowledged that physical abuse by teachers is a leading cause for students to drop out of school early. Although corporal punishment in Indian schools was deemed inappropriate in 1986 in the National Policy on Education, in 2006 it was found that two out of three students were the victims of physical abuse in that country (Kasturi 2008) . And an investigation by The Times (Kerbaj 2008 ) in Britain reported that it Schools 239 was routine for students in some British Madrassas (Islamic religious schools) to be slapped, punched, have their ears twisted, kicked, and caned by teachers in strict violation of British law.

Other Abuse

But sexual and physical abuse is not the only kinds of victimization young people may suffer globally in schools. Besides the innumerable humiliations some (gay, minority, handicapped, “slow,” or otherwise stigmatized) students may suffer almost daily at the hands of educators and fellow students (often bluntly and directly, more usually subtle and covert), other kinds of physical abuse are sometimes used in schools around the world. One fairly common technique, perhaps to replace more blatant physical practices, is to force students into “seclusion rooms,” often called “time out” rooms or some other euphemism for isolation. In other cases, various forms of physical restraints may be employed. These techniques, while apparently physically less damaging than striking or spanking, can have very traumatizing and injurious effects on those subjected to them, especially mentally disabled or autistic children against whom they seem to be used most often (see Fantz 2008 ) . In other cases blatant discrimination (usually against some ethnic or racial minorities) victimizes young people for life by denying them the same quality education others receive and they which need to succeed in a competitive world. Human Rights Watch reported that in Israel, for example, Israeli citizens of Palestinian Arab origin are educated in a school system wholly separate from and vastly inferior to the schools attended by Jewish Israeli youth (HRW 2001 ) . In some extreme cases, religious fanatics victimize some categories of young people by denying them the very possibility of going to school. The Taliban in Afghanistan, for example, have killed or thrown acid on girls attending schools and continue to threaten the very lives of those who seek an education (BBC 2008a ; Coursen-Neff 2006 ; Filkins 2008 ) . An unusual, but abusive form of victimization has recently appeared in China. One of the largest economies in the world, China systematically fails to provide suffi cient funding for the public schools in poor, remote areas. Consequently the schools have found innovative ways to replenish their coffers. According to Human Rights Watch: Schools in impoverished areas are encouraged to set up income-generating activities to make-up for budgetary shortfalls. According to offi cial statistical material from the Ministry of Education seen by Human Rights Watch, more than 400,000 middle and junior high schools, which are for children 12 to 16, nationwide are running agricultural and manufacturing schemes. In 2004, proceeds from Work and Study programs generated over 10 billion Yuan (US$1.25 billion), the statistics show. ( HRW 2007 : 1) To run these economic enterprises students are exploited as “voluntary” labor. French ( 2007 ) reports that in Dayin, China, Sichuanese students complained of having to put-in 14-hour shifts under the “work-study” program or risk their wages 240 7 Institutional Victimization being held back. To their credit, most of these schools limit such employment to seasonal growing and harvesting times in agriculture, school-facility improvement, or production of small handicrafts during school recess. However, instances of summer employment in far-away places, often under unhygienic circumstances and unsafe conditions, abound. The vague rules and regulations under which these programs are administered appear to have led to widespread abuse in that the labor of students is exploited to meet the economic needs of the local schools. A similar situation is reported by Human Rights Watch to exist in Senegal where: At least 50,000 children attending hundreds of residential Quranic schools, or daaras, in Senegal are subjected to conditions akin to slavery and forced to endure often extreme forms of abuse, neglect, and exploitation by the teachers, or marabouts, who serve as their de facto guardians. By no means do all Quranic schools run such regimes, but many marabouts force the children, known as talibés, to beg on the streets for long hours … and subject them to often brutal physical and psychological abuse. The marabouts are also grossly negligent in fulfi lling the children’s basic needs, including food, shelter, and healthcare, despite adequate resources in most urban daaras, brought in primarily by the children themselves. (HRW 2010 : 5) According to one 12-year-old student of such a school: “I have to bring money, rice, and sugar each day. When I can’t bring everything, the marabout beats me. He beats me other times too, even when I do bring the sum…. I want to stop this, but I can’t. I can’t leave, I have nowhere to go (quoted in HRW 2010 : 5). Perhaps the most systematic national victimization certain children experienced in the name of educational betterment occurred in countries such as the United States and Canada in their misguided efforts to turn native children into ideal versions of white people by forcibly taking them from their parents and placing them in largely church-run boarding schools. Besides the physical, sexual, emotional, and psychological victimization many of them faced in such schools, the long-term impact of “acculturation” efforts only became apparent years later. Similar in purpose to the commissions that were created to address the abuses experienced by children in certain Canadian orphanages, Canada launched a “Truth and Reconciliation Commission” to help “heal the scars” of children subjected to its residential school system. Even this Commission, however, seems to have generated more controversy than positive results (Mallinder 2009 ) . No such national commission has been established in the United States concerning the impact forced placement in boarding schools had on Native Americans.

Orphanages and Residential Care

An exhaustive United Nations report on violence against children in care and judicial institutions notes: Around the world, millions of girls and boys grow up for substantial periods not in their own or alternative families, but under the control and supervision of care authorities or Orphanages and Residential Care 241

justice systems. The institutions they live in have many names, including orphanages, children’s homes, care homes, prisons, juvenile detention facilities, reform schools, etc. They may be open or closed (i.e., where children are locked in), and may be run by Governments, private companies or individuals, or by non-governmental or faith-based organizations. Many are large-scale, and children who enter them can live prolonged periods of their lives inside. Whatever their name, these institutions govern the day-to-day lives, personal development and future life chances of a very large number of children. (Pinheiro 2005 : 175) Institutional victimization can and does occur in all manner of residential-care facility. But, children in orphanages appear to be particularly vulnerable. The number of children that may be affected are staggering (UNICEF 2004 ) . Orphanages have never been happy places. Children placed in them have already been victimized, often in several ways. At minimum they have lost their parents through death or abandonment, frequently they have also been physically and sexually abused, many suffer from neglect and malnutrition; often they are the victims of various physical or psychological aliments. Modern orphanages in most cases probably provide these young people with adequate physical, nutritional, and educational care, if not the level of love and affection one would expect from a family environment. And, in many cases the “home” is the only option available to care for these individuals. But, regardless of how a child may wind up in one of these institutions the United Nations report on violence against children notes that: Although these institutions are established to provide care, guidance, support and protection to children, the boys and girls who live in them may be at heightened risk of violence compared to children whose care and protection is governed by parents and teachers, at home and at schools. Reports from many countries in all regions show that institutionalized children are often subjected to violence from staff and offi cials responsible for their wellbeing. This can include torture, beatings, isolation, restraints, rape, harassment, and humiliation. (Pinheiro 2005 : 175) Probably one of the most appalling cases of systematic and widespread institutional victimization that took place for almost a century, involving literally hundreds of thousands of young people from Ireland, the United Kingdom and other European countries was the practice of sending “poor children” to various colonies for their own benefi t. For most that “betterment” meant being institutionalized and literally turned into abused slave laborers. In many cases offi cials lied to the children, some as young as 3, were told that their parents had died and they were being sent to Australia or other colonies for a better life. Often also parents were never informed that their children were being shipped away. Although contemporary governments of the countries involved in this horrifi c fraud have set about apologizing to the victimized individuals and providing compensation, most of the people who suffered under this program are long dead or too elderly to benefi t much, save for the satisfac- tion of receiving a public apology (BBC 2009a, 2009b ; House of Commons 1998 ) . Thus, while the residential child-care facilities like orphanages may be a necessary alternative to simply abandoning children to the streets, reports from around the world suggest that in many cases children placed in orphanages or other residential-care facilities are doubly victimized in so far as the treatment they receive by their institutional care-givers is itself abusive and neglectful, in addition to whatever 242 7 Institutional Victimization other victimizations they may experience that brought them to this sad fate. The victimization of young people in residential care is especially troublesome since those subjected to it are normally unable to escape their tormentor(s) and, unless properly monitored, this activity can go on night and day over long periods of time and involve many or all of the children under care.

Children Are to Suffer

Today’s residential care facilities are usually far from the brutal institutions of the nineteenth century portrayed in Dickens’ novels. Nor are orphans still legally used as guinea pigs for medial experiments as had occurred in Australia well into the twentieth century (see Murray 2007 ) . But, not infrequently, cases materialize of rampant abuse in residential care facilities in diverse parts of the world. In 2006, for example, in the United States the Sisters of Charity of Nazareth settled a law suit by plaintiffs who claimed they were physically and sexually abused in orphanages and schools supervised by the order of nuns between 1930 and 1970 (Smith 2006) . Six former residents of the Iowa Soldiers’ Orphan’s Home in the state of Iowa won a suit alleging that in 1939 they had been subjected to stuttering research that left them psychologically and emotionally scared (BBC 2007 ) . In Queensland, Australia a report from a government commissioned inquiry details, decades spanning most of the twentieth century, of abuse in government and church residential- care facilities (Forde 1999 ) . As late as 1967 Britain continued to carry out a program of “child migrants” that had begun in 1618 when British orphans were shipped off to orphanages run by Christian organizations in other countries (Raftery and O’Sullivan 2001 ) . A report for the Health Committee of the British House of Commons provided an authoritative indictment of the child-care institutions run by two orders of the Roman Catholic Church – the Christian Brothers and Sisters of Mercy – in which wards were systematically subjected to physical, sexual and psychological abuse as well as being economically exploited in the Brother’s orphanages (Select Committee on Health 1998 ) . This report also reveals that, although aware of the blatant criminal abuse inﬂ icted on children in these institutions, politicians, social workers, and others stood by and turned a blind eye to the behavior . An in depth investigation lasting nine years covering a 60-year period released by the Commission to Inquire Into Child Abuse (2002 ) in Irish Catholic institutions for boys reported that church leaders knew that sexual abuse was “endemic” in these facilities. These institutions included reformatories, industrial schools, and work- houses and involved more than 35,000 boys. Besides physical, sexual, and emotional abuse and neglect, Church ofﬁ cials actually encouraged ritual beatings and shielded pedophiles from being subjected to criminal action. As noted by the com- missioners, the harsh regime was systemic to the institutions themselves and not a function of aberrant staff. Indeed, it was a basic feature of the culture of these institutions and passed on to generation after generation of staff. Orphanages and Residential Care 243

In the present century cases of abuse still occur in what are thought to be charitable, care giving, institutions. For example, a British charity worker who set up a home for street children in Albania was arrested in 2006 and subsequently sentences to 20 years in prison and his orphanage shut down following allegations that he had sexually abused children in his care, and had failed to stop others from doing so also (Squires 2008) . In Sofi a, Bulgaria a former employee of an orphanage who had been fi red for “heavy violations” (a euphemism for sexual abuse of female wards) committed suicide after shooting several, and killing one, of the orphanage’s residents slated to testify against him (MSNBC 2008b ) . In India the Social Welfare department launched an investigation of the unusual number of deaths of mentally challenged people (not all children) cared for in an institution run by a charitable organization. Inmates are looked after by untrained, underpaid, staff (Sobhana 2010 ) . Although orphanages are culturally foreign to Zambian society, with the advent of the HIV/AIDs epidemic in that country since the early 1980s the number of “orphaned” children in Zambia has grown signifi cantly and improvised child-care centers have become over-crowded and staffed with administrators who have poor management skills and care-staff who are untrained and poorly supervised. Abuse and neglect in these institutions is reported to be rampant (Siame 2007 ) . A lay pastor of a congregation in Zambia was under indictment for “defi lement of minors” for sexually molesting children in an orphanage that he ran in association with his church. And in India a number of children died in the orphanage Asaram Bapu Gurukul in the town of Chhindwara, Madhya Pradesh, apparently of neglect and abuse (The Hindu 2008a ) . In another instance in India, a man running an orphanage-cum-home for special children was arrested for sexually assaulting a 12 year- old girl under his care (The Hindu 2008b ) .

National Cruelty

In most cases, the list of abuses found in orphanages and residential-care institutions of specifi c countries is isolated or limited to particular institutions. In some cases, however, a country’s entire system of residential care is abusive, either because of a dearth of facilities, the lack of funding, or outright neglect by authorities who fail to even try to abide by international standards, much less local law. Often, in times of crises when large numbers of children are displaced, homeless, or have lost their families a country’s ability to provide even adequate care is strained. In 2007, for example, after news media broadcast the abuse and neglect children were receiving in a Baghdad, Iraqi orphanage, UNICEF ( 2007 ) expressed concern about the fate of such children in Iraq generally. The government promised to “look into” the problem. In another instance, in the summer of 2008, a scandal stemming from allegations of organized sexual and physical abuse of children in state-run orphanages stretching back over 30 years linked politicians, TV stars, and others in Portugal (Crawford 2008 ) . In 2010 six people were convicted on charges of sexual 244 7 Institutional Victimization abuse following a six year trail relating to the abuse of more than 32 children in this home. In addition to the convictions, the Portuguese government was ordered to pay victims over $2.5 million in compensation for the state’s failure to protect them while under its care (Minder 2010 ) . Besides the direct victimization of children, in some instances the orphanage itself can be a criminal enterprise. In post World War II Germany, well in to the 1980s, more than 3,000, apparently orphaned but most simply poor, children quietly disappeared behind the walls of institutions run by religious orders that rather than “care” facilities were essentially prisons for children in which they were mistreated and tormented by staff (Gazelle 2004 ). As described by one former inmate: If some of us were ill or too disgusted to consume the non-edible food and threw up, were forced to re-eat the vomit. At times we were served stew which contained rind with bristles still attached. Refusal to empty a plate was met by severe beatings. We were forced to maintain silence all day. The showing of emotions was prohibited: no crying, no laughing, no sign of friendship was allowed. Small active children were bound to their chairs during daytime and bound to their beds at night. Children who soiled their pants were dunked into cold bath water several times and held under until they almost suffocated. They were given sedatives in the morning so that they would stay quite during the day. (Gazelle 2010: 1) It was not until the late 2000s that the German government acknowledged this abuse, although corrective action for former victims remains illusive. Another extreme example concerns recent developments in Nepal where, with the best of humanitarian intentions, hundreds of orphanages sponsored by various NGO’s have been opened in recent years. But investigations of these facilities have found that not all the children placed in such homes are really orphans, nor do they necessarily receive the kind of care sponsors of these homes envisioned in fi nancing them. Besides defrauding the fi nancial backers of some of these homes, Verbakel and van Klaveren (2008 : 2) report that: Some people trade street children between orphanages. For a few thousand rupees children are taken from their families or homes and sold at higher rates to an ‘orphanage.’ Since foreign donors will pay on average NRs 5,000 per month for a child the management readily invests in the ‘procurement’ of another student. Illegal adoption is another profi table form of trade. Foreigners have been found paying thousands of Euros to children’s homes to adopt an ‘orphan.’ Some orphanages are even cover-ups for even worse practices. Last year, a Dutch director of an orphanage was jailed after it was found that he sexually abused almost all children from his home. … Furthermore, there are stories of orphanages that sell children to the Indian sex industry or circuses. Children in need of care and nurturing are turned into commodities for sale, or exploitation of the good will of others. The worst case of youth victimization in child-care facilities probably occurs when a country’s entire system of care for orphaned or abandoned children is corrupt by its very nature. Even if not purposively intended to cause abuse and suffering, offi cial indifference, incompetence, or corruption, can cause tremendous harm to large numbers of children. Probably the most horrifi c such instance in the twentieth century occurred in Romanian orphanages where general neglect, abuse, and simple disregard of the needs of children placed in state orphanages were the order of the day (see Morrison 2004 ; Perlez 1996 ) . After the fall of the Ceauşescu regime, Orphanages and Residential Care 245 documentation emerged of the blatant abusive treatment (or lack of care) children in state orphanages received. Morrsion’s (2004 : 168–169) summary description of the conditions in these orphanages can only hint at the appalling neglect experienced by children placed in these facilities. As a direct outcome of socioeconomic policies imposed by the regime that infringed upon reproductive rights and limited the availability of medical and social services, approximately 100,000 children were placed either temporarily or permanently in the orphanage system by their destitute parents. Severely limited staff in these orphanages could not offer treatment, therapy, or education to the children. Together with unsanitary and crowded conditions, the results were unacceptably high rates of developmental disabilities, infectious diseases such as HIV, and high mortality rates. Once the terrible situation came to light, and a new government of Romania took control, the situation of orphans appears to have been addressed (McNeil 2001 ; McGeown 2005 ) . However, although greatly improved since the 1990s, residential child-care in this and other Baltic countries is far from meeting international standards of the term “adequate” (Kubilius 2007 ; Pinheiro 2005 ; UNICEF 1997 ) . A similar situation has characterized child-care of young people in Russian orphanages. According to Human Rights watch “… children in Russian orphanages are exposed to appalling levels of cruelty and neglect. They may be beaten, locked in freezing rooms for days at a time, or sexually abused, and are often subjected to degrading treatment by staff” ( HRW 1998: 1). An assessment of the treatment of orphans in that country released in 1998 details the horrifi c abuse experienced by abandoned children in state orphanages. In the opening words of the report: It is seven years since the declining Soviet Union released the last of its most renowned political dissidents, and closed a chapter of notorious human rights abuse in psychiatric hospitals and GULAG prisons. Yet today, in another archipelago of grim state institutions, the authorities of the Russian Federation are violating the fundamental rights of tens of thousands of innocent citizens: children abandoned to state orphanages. (HRW 1998a ) The treatment (outright neglect) of children – many of whom actually are not orphaned – placed in these facilities defi es the imagination. In spite of passing a raft of legislation in the late 1990s regarding the rights of children, criticism of state orphanages did not elicit encouraging results even after the end of that decade. Instead of actual improvement “…the reaction of the Russian authorities to the cri- tique of their orphanages has been to block access to the institutions; punish or threaten to fi re workers if they speak about abuses; and, in some instances, pardon those who are responsible for the wrongdoing” (HRW 1998a : 5). Thus, although the need for “improvement” has been recognized by the Russian government and measures have been taken to mandate change, as late as 2007: Observers and adoptive parents have accused Russian orphanages of neglect and abuse. The reality is, these orphanages are underfunded, understaffed and over populated with children. Roughly 230,000 children are residents of the state orphanage system with over 650,000 in some form of state care. Itar-Tass has reported that some 90% of children in orphanages are not true orphans as they do have living parents. Due to poor conditions, inadequate nutrition and insuffi cient emotional care, many of these children are underdeveloped mentally and physically. The older the child and the longer he/she is in the system, the greater the emotional and, often, 246 7 Institutional Victimization

physical problems become. Disease passed on by the birth mother is frequent. In one orphanage in central Russia, all but one out of a group of 30 children had syphilis. In most orphanages, children are bathed together with no hot water available. They dine on porridge and bits of chicken with no fresh fruits, vegetables or red meat available. They sleep in wards of typically 12 children on old mattresses with ragged blankets. Many of these facilities are under heated and toys or other tools to stimulate a child’s mind are scarce. Many of these orphans suffer from weakened immune systems and, thus, all manner of illness. Their mental, emotional and physical development often seriously stunted. (DeLaine 2007 : 1) The care of abandoned children in China is another glaring example of governmental neglect and indifference. Although denied by the Chinese government, state orphanages in China have been anything but “caring” institutions (Thurston 1996 ) . The children placed in them are typically girls or handicapped boys. A shocking documentary by Kate Blewtt and Brian Woods (1995 ) revealed the horror of these facilities. Depicted in the video were babies left to lie in cots all day long. According to the narrator they are often cold, smelly, unwashed and very wet. Up to fi ve babies could be found in a crib. Usually the babies were crying but others didn’t appear to even have the strength to cry. Individual toddlers were tied to small chairs above a potty all day. The fi lm shows them rocking back and forth bored, and in discomfort. Due to the bindings, rocking back and forth was the only movement they could make. Groups of children were tied to potty benches – long wooden benches with holes cut into them for the children to use the potty. Children were strapped to these “potties” all day with no stimulation or care. A report by Human Rights Watch/Asia (HRW/Asia 1996 ) also documents the pattern of “cruelty, abuse, and malign neglect” that permeated China’s government-run orphanages since the 1950s. Some of these facilities appeared to be nothing more than “assembly lines” to dispose of unwanted – female, handicapped – children with appallingly high death rates that far exceed any normally expected in child-care institutions of any kind. Given the wide and embarrassing media attention this situation received, as China was becoming more internationally open, it appears that efforts to “clean up” the problem were undertaken. Although it is still not known what conditions are like in most of China’s state-run orphanages, at least in those visited by Western media conditions appear to have improved considerably (Chun 2007 ; Russell 2007 ) . Russia and China are no longer poor countries so lack of funds can not be used as a justifi cation for the cruelty and neglect that characterize their state orphanages. However, even if such an argument may have more relevance for other countries, poverty is often more an excuse rather than an explanation of why young people are victimized. A case in point is Liberia in West Africa. The long years of war destroyed Liberia’s social fabric, ripping apart hundreds of thousands of families. Today there are nearly 5,000 children living in the country’s orphanages, a fi g- ure that has more than doubled since the end of the civil war in 2003. But not all are without parents. Some estimates suggest as many as 70% of the children have been abandoned by families unable to cope with another mouth to feed. (Brown 2008 : 1) An investigation of Liberia’s orphanages by a coalition of NGO’s under the umbrella name of the National Child Rights Observation Group found that many children in orphanages were living in sub-standard conditions. Orphanages were Detention and Correctional Institutions 247 being used to sell children for adoption as well as for soliciting donations from concerned individuals and organizations overseas, while the donations often never translated into child-care. Although the administrators of many orphanages sincerely attempt to provide adequate care, the post-confl ict boon in orphaned children as well as parents simply abandoning children they are unable to support has placed a tremendous strain on Liberia’s already meager resources. On the other hand, young people have become commodities, sold for adoption, forced into prostitution, used as bonded laborers, or simply left to languish in institutions lacking in basic facilities, hygiene, or nourishment (Brown 2008 ; IRIN 2006 ; UNMIL 2007 ) . Summarizing several studies of the condition of orphans in Liberia, the UNMIL ( 2007 : 7) concluded that: …conditions in orphanages fell below acceptable standards, and that the situation in orphanages frequently failed to protect the best interests of the child. The reports also confi rmed that the motivations of many orphanage directors were not social and humanitarian, but based on personal gain at the expense of the children.

A Worrisome Future

According to UNICEF more than 143 million orphaned and abandoned children – 8.3% of all children in the world – were found in 93 developing countries in 2004. These numbers are expected to increase by 15 to 20 million children per year by 2015 (FICE 2006 ; UNICEF 2004 ) . Due to HIV/AIDs, war, spreading poverty, and bigotry of all kinds, a minimum of 10% of the world’s children will simply be unwanted, abandoned, or left to fl ounder. Most of these children will be found in failed states, or countries unequipped, or disinclined to adequately care for them. Many will simply die. Others will become the dependent population of the future. Some will join rebel forces or criminal gangs and contribute to the next generation of throwaway children. Without meaningful regulation and oversight; without adequate fi nancial resources, without world-wide commitment, for a sizable segment of the world’s orphans the horrors of a nineteenth century Dickensonian existence will be common reality during the course of the twenty-fi rst century.

Detention and Correctional Institutions

The detention and residential correction or “treatment” of young people as criminal offenders and/or youths in need of “help” has grown into a business of global proportions. Throughout the world a host of facilities exist variously called detention centers, jails, training schools, industrial schools, prisons, and residential treatment programs usually referred to as boot camps, wilderness treatment programs, boarding or military schools, and other names. Most of these facilities are government owned and operated, but many are private for-proﬁ t entities, some being owned and operated by corporations outside the country in which the “treated” youth reside. 248 7 Institutional Victimization

Many facilities are secular, but some are faith-based organizations. In some jurisdictions explicit rules and standards supposedly govern the operation of these facilities and the treatment of the wards in them. In others, few if any rules even exist or, if they do, are never enforced. In addition to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UN 1989 ) explicit guidelines to protect juveniles, persons under age 18, deprived of their liberty have been detailed in December of 1990 in Resolution 45/113 of the United Nations Rules for the Protection of Juveniles Deprived of their Liberty (UN 1990 ) . Most of the world’s countries are signatories of these resolutions. Among the numerous provisions of these rules it is speciﬁ ed that: • Detention before trial is to be avoided and limited to exceptional circumstances. • Facilities holding juveniles must provide for all the requirements of health and human dignity of wards. • Educational and vocational training suited to detainees’ needs and appropriate to preparing them for return to society must be provided. • Detainees must be provided suitable time and facilities for exercise and recre- ational activities. • Adequate medical care must be provided detainees. • Instruments of restraint and force are prohibited except in exceptional cases. • All disciplinary measures that constitute “cruel, inhuman or degrading” treatment are prohibited. Given that the young people sent, or are voluntarily committed, to these facilities have already been deemed in need of “correction” in one way or another – and given that what is done to them in these facilities is both hidden and deemed “necessary” for their own good, or the protection of others, and given that no one believes these children if they complain about their treatment – lacking transparency and accountability, the potential for abuse in residential detention and correctional facilities is considerable. And international reports of youths being victimized in these facilities attests to the reality of this potential. As with other kinds of institutions, this victimization is probably most often a result of individual acts committed against one or several youths. In others, the victimization is facility-wide. The mistreatment of wards is sanctioned practice, even if probably illegal. And in the most heinous cases, the entire system of residential correctional care in a country is abusive by its very nature.

Police Abuse

Although the possibility of both juveniles and adults being “roughed up” by the police exists in every country, the systematic brutality of the police in dealing with young offenders and suspects is practically unheard of in most of the world. In some countries, however, the least that juveniles who falls into the hands of the police have to fear are being “arrested” and prosecuted. As recently as 2009 police in Nigeria appear to have engaged in the wanton murder of anyone, children included, they suspect of criminality, or, according to some, simply want to be rid of. According to Detention and Correctional Institutions 249 the father of one 13-year-old boy, “He was playing with his fellow children… . Suddenly policemen, three of them, came in. They shot and killed the boy. Murdered him in cold blood” (Duffi eld 2009 : 2). The police claimed he was a robber. The youth’s body was never recovered by his father. The treatment they receive at the hand of the police can be brutal, and in some cases, life-threatening in and of it self. This is especially true if the child occupies an “undesirable” status, such as abandoned, foreign, or belongs to some ethnic minority. For such children, their simple existence is cause enough for apprehension and abuse while in police detention. Investigations of police mistreatment of the youths they encounter, especially those thought to be homeless, are by no means of recent vintage. For instance, an investigation in Bulgaria by Human Rights Watch (HRW 1996 ) found that Roma (Gypsy) juveniles were frequently subjected to physical abuse and mistreatment by police on the street and while in police lockups. In 1997, Human Rights Watch reported that during a fact-fi nding mission in Kenya in 1996 it was observed that street youths were rounded up and held days or weeks in police lockups. Conditions in these facilities were described as deplorable. Youths were mingled with adults, beaten and sexually abused and subjected to extortion. Other violations of their rights permeated the system ( HRW 1997 ) . A similar investigation in Guatemala found similar mistreatment of defenseless youth. At the hands of police and private security guards, these children were routinely subjected to beatings, thefts, and sexual assaults. The assassination and torture of apprehended youths by Guatemalan police appears to have declined in frequency, but instances still apparently occur ( HRW 1997a ) Egypt is one glaring example of how “undesirable” children are treated by legal authorities. An inquiry by Human Rights Watch reports that Egyptian police routinely arrest, and detain, children they consider “vulnerable to delinquency” or “vulnerable to danger.” These children have not committed any criminal offense and, in many cases, the very basis for their arrest – that they are begging, homeless, truants, or mentally ill – shows that they are in need of protection and assistance rather than punishment. In place of care they are subjected to police beatings and sexual abuse and violence; detained in unsanitary and dangerous conditions for days or weeks, often with adult criminal detainees who abuse them; and denied adequate food, water, bedding, and medical care. ( HRW 2003 : 1) According the report, under Egypt’s Child Law, the legal categories “vulnerable to delinquency” or “vulnerable to danger” are similar in intent to the JINS or PINS (Juveniles or Persons in Need of Service) laws designed to protect vulnerable children common to Western countries. However, in practice, the Egyptian laws are used to clear the streets of unsightly and troublesome children, or to coerce information or confessions from children when evidence of their criminal wrongdoing is lacking. These charges of being vulnerable to danger and delinquency account for an unlikely quarter of all arrests of children in Egypt. In Saudi Arabia the use of “protective” legislation to arrest and detain young people who are not suspected of any explicit criminality, but who are deemed worthy of action, in any case is also common practice. According to Human Rights Watch (HRW 2008a : 1): For children who come into confl ict with the law, Saudi Arabia has juvenile courts and detention facilities, but no comprehensive legislation or framework to address how these 250 7 Institutional Victimization

children should be treated. This means they suffer under a system that ultimately fails to uphold the rights of all children to protection from abuse and ill-treatment and to due process, and discriminates against girls and foreign children. Children are especially at a disadvantage in a criminal justice system that takes little account of their special needs. Especially troublesome are the vague regulations regarding improper public behavior. Under these regulations Police and agents from the Commission for the Promotion of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice (CPVPV) have broad discretionary powers to stop and detain anyone, including children, for such minor offenses as exchanging phone numbers with members of the opposite sex, or especially for girls, such crimes as “mingling” or “seclusion.” Similarly, the Ministry of Social Affairs has the power to indefi nitely detain youths who have neither been charged nor convicted of any offense. All that is necessary is a decision that the youth needs “guidance.” This power is not subject to judicial review when it comes to girls. ( HRW 2008 : 2–3). A similar situation appears to exist in Papua New Guinea where children make up almost one-half of the nation’s population. According to another study by Human Rights Watch, police brutality, especially against children, is the solution to that nation’s serious crime problem. According to the report ( HRW 2005: 3), “Brutal beatings, rape, and torture of children, as well as confi nement in sordid police lockup, are widespread police practices. Although even high level government offi - cials acknowledge this, almost nothing has been done to stop it.” Based on accounts from victimized children and eyewitnesses, the report offers a graphic picture of unrelenting and horrifi c abuse. The vast majority of the children who are arrested are severely beaten and often tortured by members of the police…. Children reported being kicked and beaten by gun butts, crowbars (‘pins bars’), wooden batons, fi sts, rubber hoses, and chairs. Boys described being shot and knifed while in custody. Girls told us that they had been forced to chew and swallow con- doms. Many of those we interviewed showed us fresh wounds and scars on their heads, faces arms, legs, and torsos that they said were from police. Serious injuries to the face, particularly around the eyes, were common. ( HRW 2005 : 3) These assaults are so common, and generalized, they take place virtually everywhere – the street, while arrestees are being transported, and most generally in police stations. Rape and sexual assault of both sexes, but especially of girls, is routine. Gang rape (“pack rape” or “lineup sex”) is common and occurs in all manner of location. Sometimes multiple forms of penetration take place, often involving objects such as batons or beer bottles. In some cases arrestees or detainees are forced to engage in sex for the amusement of police voyeurs. Techniques of torture involving physical and mental pain are employed as “punishment,” or to obtain information and confessions. In response to international pressure from UNICEF and other concerned organizations, the report notes that Papua New Guinea has taken steps to implement a true juvenile justice system. In addition, volunteer monitoring procedures in police stations were initiated. However, actual change in how children are treated by the police, or any real accountability of police abuse, appears to remain illusionary. Indeed, a follow up investigation by Human Rights Watch (HRW 2006 : 1) found “…that police continue to routinely use excessive force, sexual violence, and torture against individuals in custody, including children. Most police who commit abuses face little or no penalty, either administratively or in a court of law.” Detention and Correctional Institutions 251

Probably one of the most abusive countries in the world regard to complementing the near inhuman conditions faced by children held in detention and confi nement facilities the treatment of juveniles in contact with the law is Brazil. The treatment children in that country receive by the police upon being apprehended is reminiscent of that which children experience in Egypt and Papua New Guinea. Adhering to the 1989 United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, Brazilian law is quite adequate to provide children in confl ict with the law the legal protection and rights specifi ed by international law. In practice, however, Human Rights Watch investigations suggest that the ideals of the national and international law are far from being met. Youths picked up by the police are commonly beaten or hit by them. Sexual favor is sometimes solicited from girls in exchange for promises of early release. The outright murder of street children by death squads, often made up of “rogue” police offi cers, that occurred in the 1990s has not received adequate media attention of late (see Brookes 1991 ; Scheper-Hughes and Hoffman 1994 ) . But, as elsewhere, the ideology that the kinds of children coming to the attention of the police are somehow open to abuse by authorities seems to remain an engrained part of Brazil’s treatment of young miscreants. That this mistreatment has continued is suggested by media reports in 2009 that police “death squads” still operate engaging in “summary executions” of individuals, many under age 18, they deem worthy of such treatment for one reason or another. Prompted by the unavoidably large number of deaths resulting from police confrontations with “criminals,” legal authorities examined 20 such cases. The victims were teenagers or men ranging in age from 14 to 29 years and only two had any police record (Duffy 2009 ) . In Nepal police are also apparently immune from punishment, or any serious disciplinary action, for their abusive treatment of children. As reported by the BBC ( 2008b ) , Human Rights Watch has alleged that police in Nepal torture and abuse children they take into custody. In more than 200 cases known to the organization, children had sharp objects stuck under their toenails, and beaten on the soles of their feet. Others were beaten with bamboo sticks or plastic pipes. Sometimes this was done to extract confessions. At other times it appears to have occurred simply for the amusement of offi cers. Offi cers found “guilty” of these actions could suffer a fi ne and one year in prison. No offi cer or offi cial has ever been punished. Similarly, although India has strict legislation to protect children, these laws are not necessarily always applied or applied evenly. In one case, for example, a youth arrested for stealing mobile phones was allegedly beaten and subjected to electric shocks by police. In this case, however, judicial action against the police was initiated by local authorities (Bageshree 2006 ) . How many such cases go unprosecuted is unknown.

Detention

As with other forms of institutional victimization, the victimization of young people incarcerated in detention or correctional/treatment facilities can result when 252 7 Institutional Victimization individual employees within such facilities violate laws and institutional rules, and harm those in their charge. In other cases, specifi c institutions may engage in victimizing activity as a matter of institutional policy – offi cial or otherwise. And due to a variety of reasons the confi nement facilities of entire countries may be fundamentally abusive as such. In facilities that otherwise take proper care to live up to local and international standards of proper treatment, victimization by individual employee probably occurs in all confi nement facilities. How frequently this may take place is unknown and probably unknowable. In rare instances, usually when some bizarre or extreme case becomes known, reports of abuse are formally investigated by authorities and receive media attention. Most usually, offenders are simply dismissed, disciplined by administrators, or occasionally charged with offenses but little public information ever surfaces. Although occasional governmental concern is expressed and investigations of the abuse of juveniles in detention or correctional facilities take place, hard data is practically non-existent on the extent and scope of this kind of victimization across the globe. Some research in the United States suggests the extent to which young people may be subjected to various forms of victimization at the hands of correctional or treatment authorities. In the U.S.A Government Accountability Offi ce (2007 ) report on allegations of abuse, some of which involved the death of residents, in private and public residential treatment found thousands of such allegations between 1990 and 2007. During the year 2005, statistics show that 1,619 staff members were involved in incidents of abuse in 33 institutions. Three main factors were found to have played a signifi cant role in the deaths of residents that took place in the institutions investigated. Major among these were untrained staff who were ill-equipped to recognize and respond to medical emergencies. In some cases wards suffered, and some died, from lack of adequate nourishment since the denial of adequate food was based, apparently, on program philosophy rather than economic considerations. In a few cases “reckless” or “negligent” operating practices led to the death of wards. A government-mandated investigation of allegations of sexual abuse in adult and juvenile confi nement facilities in the United States found that more than 2,000 allegations were reported during 2006 in American juvenile institutions (Beck et al. 2008 ) . Of these, 32% involved staff sexual misconduct toward juveniles, and 11% staff sexual harassment of juveniles. Only about 18% of the allegations were substantiated, although another 35% were unsubstantiated due to insuffi cient evidence. About 46% were deemed to be unfounded, or were still under investigation. A subsequent survey of over 26,000 youths held in various facilities for adjudicated youths throughout the United States found that 12% of the wards had experienced one or more incidents of sexual victimization either by another youth or a staff member during the preceding year (Beck et al. 2010 ) An Associated Press ( MSNBC 2008) inquiry of abuse in American juvenile correctional agencies revealed that over 13,000 claims of abuse took place between 2004 and 2007. Although only a small fraction of these claims were confi rmed by authorities, the report points out that many instances go unreported, and even if they are, the claims of correctional wards are often simply not believed or offi cially recorded by staff. Detention and Correctional Institutions 253

National surveys such as these for the United States are rarely found for other parts of the world. Where they are available, conclusions of their fi ndings resemble those to be drawn from surveys in the United States. For example, the results of a survey of children and staff in prisons and “place of safety” institutions in South Africa refl ect what would be found in most such facilities across the globe (Kiessl and Würger 2002 ) . More than one-half of the juvenile respondents surveyed in South Africa witnessed assaults on other juveniles by staff. In addition, according to both staff and inmates, illegal forms of discipline were used – including corporal punishment and isolation. Indeed, it was a widely held belief by staff that corporal punishment is justifi ed for educational purposes. Even if other wards, not staff, are the more likely threat confi ned youths may face just about anywhere; staff victimization of juveniles in confi nement facilities of various kinds is not uncommon in societies throughout the world. In some places, however, the abuse of wards appears to be endemic to the management of some institutions. Private correctional corporations (typically boot camps) for juveniles in the United States exemplify what can go wrong when fi nances trump professionalism in residential child-care. Indeed, probably one of the most bizarre cases of judicial child victimization, involving private correctional facilities occurred in the state of Pennsylvania. In 2009, two Pennsylvania judges pleaded guilty to taking millions of dollars in kickbacks for sending youths to privately run detention centers in that state. One of the two judges had actually shut down a county-owned center so they could send youths to the private facility in exchange for payment. Compared to the normal 10% of offenders sent to detention, one of the convicted judges sent over a quarter of those who appeared in his court to detention (Urbina and Hamill 2009 ). Ironically, youths victimized by these offi cials could fi nd it diffi cult to seek compensation for the harm they received. In a legal twist, to guarantee the privacy of the injured juveniles their records would have to be expunged. But doing this would destroy the evidence needed in court in lawsuits against the offenders, making it impossible for plaintiffs to press their cases (Urbina 2009 ) . During the latter half of the twentieth century, the American proclivity to institutionalize massive numbers of juveniles in private and public “treatment” facilities almost made abuse inevitable. Wards in some of these facilities suffer often extreme victimization at the hands of staff and some of these facilities depart markedly from recognized standards of care. In a “residential center” for girls in New York state, a 14-year-old inmate who had not moved fast enough to satisfy an offi cer was “pinned beneath him.” The offi cer weighed 300 lb. I told him two times, ‘I can’t breathe, I can’t breathe,’ recalled the young woman, now a reed-thin-16-year-old … It was only after a female co-worker warned the staff member that he was violating the rules – that too much of his body was covering the girl – that he hauled himself off, the young woman said. By then, her bones and back ached, and she had the tell-tale red welts of rug burn across the side of her face that was rubbing against the fl oor. (Dominus 2009 : 1) The American proclivity to incarcerate juveniles as adults and hold them in prisons with adults also has had dire consequences in some cases. For example, a 16-year-old boy convicted of arson was sent to a men’s prison. Weighing 125 lb at 5 ft 2 in. he was raped within a week of arriving at the prison. When his request to 254 7 Institutional Victimization be placed in “protective custody” was denied, he was subsequently beaten, raped, and robbed for the next several months. He hanged himself. As early as the late 1990s Human Rights Watch reported violations of international standards and abuse of young people in American custodial facilities in diverse localities. For instance, one investigation reported that four correctional facilities in the State of Louisiana were guilty of such violations as well as breaking local laws in the process (HRW 1995 ) . A similar inquiry found that detention and correctional institutions in Colorado also violated U.S. Constitutional standards and those set forth in the U.N. Convention on the Rights of the Child as well as U.N. Rules for the Protection of Juveniles Deprived of Their Liberty (HRW 1997b ) . Both a United States Department of Justice investigation and a subsequent study ordered by then New York State Governor David Paterson revealed that excessive force was used by staff throughout the entire New York juvenile corrections system. Such force not infrequently resulted in serious physical injury to inmates, and was in clear violation of both federal and state law and acceptable standards for the treatment of juvenile inmates (reported by Confessore 2009, 2009a) . A lawsuit was subsequently fi eld on behalf of some 500 inmates relating to this abuse ( Confessore 2009b ) The state of Texas where large numbers of youths – deemed criminal and/or in need of rehabilitation – are confi ned in numerous facilities has had an especially troubling history. An audit in 2007 of the Cook County Juvenile Justice Center under contract with a prison management corporation, GEO, found numerous defi ciencies in almost all areas covered by the audit. Especially troublesome were issues regarding the operation and safety procedures practiced by the institution. In addition, violations of the civil rights of wards were common place and state-mandated educational programs were largely ignored or the standards were not met (Pope and Martinez 2007) . The center was ultimately closed by the Texas Youth Commission (Salazar 2007; Ward 2007 ) . Although the Texas Youth Commission launched a major effort to “clean up” its troubled youth detention/correction system, troubles continued to plague the State’s confi nement facilities. In 2008, for example, the American Civil Liberties Union fi led a lawsuit against the Texas Youth Commission for the mistreatment of girls in another facility under its jurisdiction. The suit claimed that girls: … have been regularly placed in solitary confi nement as punishment for days, weeks or months. Strip searches were conducted even when the girls had not left the Brownwood facility, and guards used force, such as pepper spray, handcuffs and leather straps, when they resisted…. (Vertuno 2008 : 1 ) Private for-profi t enterprises operating residential treatment corporations often seem to let the profi t motive override of care and treatment. Indeed, a federal investigation of youth boot camps and referral services found that they often used “decep- tive marketing practices” to convince parents to send troubled children to their programs (Government Accountability Offi ce 2007 ; MSNBC 2008a ) . The GEO Group, formerly Wackenhut Corporation, appears to have had an especially troubling history of mismanagement and abuse. Following a law suit in 2000, Wackenhut agreed to make sweeping changes in the operation of the facilities it ran in Louisiana. Detention and Correctional Institutions 255

Following allegations on inadequate care, 5 years later Michigan closed the facility run by GEO. Subsequent problems found in the GEO run facilities in Texas suggest an apparent unwillingness of GEO to make meaningful changes (Becka 2007 ) . Other privately-run facilities have encountered similar “management” problems in how they handle their charges. The death of a ward in a private boot camp in Florida, for example, ultimately led to the closure of all juvenile boot camps in that state and a multi-million dollar settlement was paid to the parents of the dead youth, although the staff members were acquitted of manslaughter charges (Dowd 2007 ) . In a later proceeding, federal prosecutors decided to not bring civil rights violations charges against the offi cers (Merzer 2010 ) . Similarly, after he was “restrained” by staff, a ward in a private boot camp for troubled youths in Nevada died by strangula- tion (Delvecchio and Hoover 1992 ) . A staff member apparently responded to the incident by stating: … Well, you can’t just let these punk kids ignore the rules, can you? You gotta put ‘em in their place, right? If they’re out of control, you restrain ‘em, right? When they don’t cooperate, you gotta make ‘em cooperate, right? And when they come lookin’ for trouble, you give ‘em trouble. They ain’t in boot camp to be mollycoddled, you know, but to learn respect for authority. And I’m not their goddam granny who’s gonna give ‘em hot coco when they need their butts kicked…. (quoted in Riak 2006 : 1, italics in original) As diffi cult as it may be to prevent, or address, individual and facility-wide institutional victimization, the matter becomes both more acute and diffi cult to deal with when a country’s entire system of confi nement of young people is abusive. Unfortunately, this is not a rare situation or one limited to specifi c countries or types of countries. Examples of what can only be called the “cruel confi nement” of children abound throughout the world. If abuse of young people encountering the police is commonplace in Brazil, those subjected to further detention and confi nement face a more bleak fate. Whether purposive or a consequence of administrative neglect and lack of oversight, the detention and correctional facilities holding juveniles in Brazil exhibited systematic and ongoing abuse in a series of investigations by Human Rights Watch, even when such abuse has been brought to the attention of authorities and “corrective” action was promised. In one investigation of fi ve detention centers in Rio de Janeiro in August of 2003, Human Rights Watch (HRW 2004 ) observed that detainees were subjected to frequent beatings and verbal abuse. For possession of contraband, or other offenses, that the centers considered to be sever infractions, youths would be locked in their cells for weeks at a time. This detention was solely at a guard’s discretion. Allegations of abuse were never investigated and no guards were ever disciplined for misconduct. In addition, in violation of International and Brazilian law, youths in these centers received no education or vocational training, much less rehabilitative services. The centers did not meet minimal physically standards of health and hygiene. Detainees had to wear the same unlaundered clothing for weeks, had to sleep on the fl oor, defecate and urinate in plastic jugs, could not bathe for weeks at a time, and were not provided basic necessities such as soap and toothpaste. Contagious diseases would 256 7 Institutional Victimization periodically breakout among the detainee population and little, if any, medical treatment was provided. A return visit by Human Rights Watch to these same facilities in 2005 found that little had changed in the ensuing years. Indeed, according to the report “…beatings and other physical abuse continue. Living conditions in several detention centers have worsened. Critical shortages in staffi ng, food, and clothing in these detention centers mean that youths are exposed to the risk of cruel and degrading treatment on a daily basis” ( HRW 2005a : 2) This situation is not unique to one location or a few facilities Brazil. A similar Human Rights Watch investigation of confi nement facilities in Northern Brazil in 2002 found conditions identical to those reported for Rio de Janeiro ( HRW 2003a ) . The investigator’s summary of the investigation’s fi ndings is telling. Children in northern Brazil are routinely subjected to beatings by police and detained in centers that fail to safeguard their basic human rights. Once placed in juvenile detention centers, children may suffer further violence from other youths. They are often confi ned to their cells for lengthy periods of time, with potentially serious consequences for their emotional well-being. Many detained youths do not receive an education and are not offered other opportunities to develop the skills they will need to lead satisfying and productive lives as adults. Girls often lack basic medical care and have fewer opportunities than boys for exercise, recreation, and other activities. Conditions of confi nement such as these violate international law and Brazil’s Statute of the Child and the Adolescente (Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente). ( HRW 2003a : 1) Elsewhere, an investigation by Human Rights Watch conducted in 1998 found numerous violations of both international and Pakistani law regarding the treatment children receive from the point of police contact to confi nement in correctional facilities in Pakistan. Numerous recommendations were made to the government regarding what needed to be done to correct these problems ( HRW 1999a ) . In order to comply with the standards set forth in the Convention on the Rights of the Child, in 2000 Pakistan enacted legislation regarding the treatment of juveniles in trouble with the law. However, in violation of law, Amnesty International ( 2003 ) found that children, while being transported and processed, were chained, often together, tried in adult criminal, rather than juvenile, courts, while in detention faced torture, and keep incarcerated for years only to be released without explanation. Those in confi nement are often housed with adults, crammed in stifl ing barracks and locked in for days under appalling sanitation. No separate confi nement facility exists for girls so they are housed with adult women. In tribal areas, many offi cials are unaware of the law, and typically fail to abide by it in any case. This investigation concluded that: …at each stage of arrest, trial and imprisonment there was wide-scale failure to implement the provisions of the JJSO. Children who were accused of petty crimes were often held for several months without trial, they had no real access to bail and were not provided with the legal representation to which they are entitled. When accused of more serious offences, such as murder, children may spend several years in prison awaiting the conclusion of their trial. Recent fi gures indicate that while 75% of the children in detention in Pakistan are under-trials, actual conviction rates are as low as 15-20%. During detention boys and girls are frequently held with adults and transported in chains in violation of domestic legal provisions. Girls are held in women’s cells in regular police stations, frequently overnight Detention and Correctional Institutions 257

and interrogated without a woman police offi cer or a male relative to prevent abuse. The situation in rural areas for girl detainees is worse than in the cities with virtually no female staff and no separate detention facilities in police and judicial lock-ups. Lack of knowledge of the law, impunity, corruption and lack of resources all contribute to the failure of the legal system to ensure children’s rights. (Amnesty International 2003 : 1). An almost identical situation was found in the island of Jamaica. Researchers for Human Rights Watch (HRW 1999b : 1) reported: In the island nation of Jamaica, many children – often as young as twelve or thirteen – are detained for long periods, sometimes six months or more, in fi lthy and overcrowded police lockups, in spite of international standards and Jamaican laws that forbid such treatment. The children are often held in the same cells as adults accused of serious crimes, vulnerable to victimization by their cellmates and to ill-treatment by abusive police; and virtually always, they are held in poor conditions, deprived of proper sanitary facilities, adequate ventilation, adequate food, exercise, education, and basic medical care. Some of these children have not been detained on suspicion of criminal activity but have been locked up only because they are deemed “in need of care and protection.” In addition to all the other negative consequences that war may infl ict on young people in any country, even after the cessation of hostilities, confl ict can lead to a boom in the numbers of orphaned and abandoned children. Many of these individuals are likely to fi nd themselves in confl ict with the law. In countries ill-equipped to deal with them, they become doubly victimized by the criminal justice system. A case in point is Burundi (HRW 2007a ) . Since the end of the war in Burundi the number of children incarcerated in prison increased by over 180%. Although not necessarily purposively abused by authorities, most of these children were awaiting trial and may do so for years, and cases of torture to obtain confessions have been reported. Many are held in lock-ups awaiting transfer to prison. Since there is no separate juvenile justice system in Burundi, there are no alternatives to incarceration for children awaiting trial or convicted of crimes. The facilities, in which they are held are overcrowded, provide little beyond basic, and insuffi cient, food. The daily life of inmates is under the rule of a “General” – an adult inmate appointed by the prison director. Juveniles housed with adults are frequently exploited, forced to pay for a bed in which to sleep and food adequate to meet nutritional needs, or sometimes are subjected to sexual abuse. The only education they receive is provided by adult inmates who may organize classes to teach such things as reading and math. Often, if not released outright after a long delay, the sentence a child receives is actually shorter than the time the spent in detention awaiting trial.

Justice Denied

The vast majority of the world’s societies have established standards for the just treatment of young people in trouble with the law (Hartjen 2008 ) . Indeed, over a quarter of a century ago, an international survey of children in adult prisons detailed existing international standards, the responsibilities of governments of carrying for 258 7 Institutional Victimization children in confi nement and suggested a number of alternatives to using confi nement to detain or punish young people (Tomasevski 1986 ) . International protocols governing the treatment of juveniles from apprehension through confi nement have been ratifi ed by almost every country in the world. In some cases authorities can plead ignorance of the “new” rules. Offi cials in all areas of the country have simply not yet been fully informed themselves of what is required and prohibited. In most instances such claims, while probably valid, are mere excuses for incompetent governmental administration rather than valid rationales for the continued mistreatment of young people. In other instances, claims of extreme poverty may explain, but not justify, the horrible physical conditions in which young people are held in confi nement. Others may argue that the system is simply overwhelmed by hordes of street thugs, displaced youth who engage in crime, and some unexplained increase in violent and juvenile crime. Such claims, however, can not account for or justify sexual assault of detainees by police, the physical beating of youths in confi nement, or the blatant disregard of any semblance of legal rights of young people. As numerous investigative reports have indicated, the mistreatment of young people by those who represent the legal authority of the state is neither explained nor justifi ed by “conditions.” Instead, it refl ects an attitudinal prejudice against youth who are deemed unworthy, not so much by their “criminal” behavior but by their very existence due to their ethnic identity, poverty, homelessness, or other condition. Such children, by defi nition, are deemed “defective,” “untrustworthy,” “wicked,” “foul,” “revolting” or some other term depicting “worthy of or needing of harsh treatment” (see Goldson 2006) . Police and correctional offi cials, themselves guilty of violating the law in the process of enforcing the law on young people presumed to be guilty of breaking it, only refl ect a wider social attitude. They, in effect, carry out society’s dirty work. Therefore, as long as young people who are apprehended by the police, placed in some correctional or treatment facility, or processed by the judicial apparatus are considered less deserving than others, effort to prevent their being abused by the authorities of law become mute. Disparaged children, it is assumed, justifi ably can be subjected to disparaging treatment – even if that treatment itself is against the law.

Stopping Institutional Victimization

Most cases of institutional victimization never receive public attention and most of its victims suffer in silence with nothing being done, and no hope of anything ever being done, about their abuse. Catholic religious orders in Ireland that were involved in the abuse of thousands of children under their care have successfully resisted paying meaningful compensation to victims. Although some orders have contributed small amounts to the compensation fund, what is considered a grossly inadequate sum by many, is being offered to victims from the Irish government instead. No individual responsible for the abuse of these children will ever face criminal prosecution (Hitchens 2010 ; MSNBC 2009, 2009a ) . Stopping Institutional Victimization 259

Unfortunately, where such victimization is chronic, as in the case of Irish orphans and children in many religiously-affi liated schools, efforts to stop such behavior only materialize once specifi c cases, or cases of systematic abuse, receive publicity for one reason or another. It takes the death of an inmate, or large numbers of victims fi nally succeeding in breaking the walls of silence that often protects their abusers, before someone fi nally takes notice. The thousands of youths who had been systematically victimized for years in Irish church-run reformatories is just one example (Otterman 2009 ). The case of the deaf boys who for years were systematically abused by a teacher in a church-affi liated school in Wisconsin is another (Goodstein and Callender 2010 ) . It took the toppling of a ruthless regime before the systemic and unconscionable mistreatment of orphans in Romania became known to the world. Even then little appears to have been done to fi nally stop their abuse and provide help to the victims (Rogers 2009 ) . It is probably unrealistic to believe that we can eradicate the sexual, physical and emotional victimization of young people in schools and other institutions in any society, much less in the entire world. Numerous people have offered concrete ways to deal with this problem, such as those referred to in a briefi ng presented to the Scottish Parliament to improve care in residential settings (Smith 2004 ). These include such things as enactment of protective legislation, policy, and procedures to govern the operation of care institutions. Also, it is suggested that measures be taken to increase awareness, establish procedures to prevent abusers from working with children, bring abusers to justice, provide adequate help and treatment for victims, and enhance regulations and increase inspections. Perhaps most basic is the need to train supervisors on how to actually supervise staff and to ensure that supervisors do provide effective and frequent supervision of staff (Erooga 2009 ) . And we might add to these suggestions the very basic idea that when young people complain of being abused they are actually taken seriously! Even with the most stringent screening procedures, aberrant individuals may fi nd employment in any institution. It is unknown how many individuals with the proclivity to mistreat young people actually seek employment in facilities that provide them a captive assemblage of potential victims. But this does not mean that the potential can not be greatly reduced. Doing so is neither complex nor necessarily diffi cult. In addition to rigorous screening procedures, it essentially requires establishing, and enforcing, policies that clearly specify that such activity is not tolerated and signals that violators will in fact, face severe consequences. Where such policies already exist, violators must face more than token enforcement, both as a warning to others and to prevent repeat behavior on the part of culprits. Where they do not already exist, either for individual institutions or countries, anti-abuse laws and regulations must be enacted and implemented. In cultures where physical punishment is considered necessary to the appropriate rearing of children, and/or where females are debased as sex objects to be exploited, even enacting such legislation may be diffi cult. But it is not impossible. In one such example, at the order of the High Court, the government of Bangladesh has taken steps to ban corporal punishment in all schools (Ethirajan 2010 ) . Corporal punishment has been a widespread tradition in that country’s schools so this action is a fundamental change in how 260 7 Institutional Victimization students are treated in the nation’s schools. But, like most such corrective actions, the High Court order only came about because a 10-year-old boy had committed suicide after being beaten by his teacher, and eight students in another school were sent to hospital after being caned for failing to bring colored pencils to school. A similar tragedy prompted authorities in India to take action by mandating that “child rights cells” be set up in all schools in the nation to deal with matters relating to discipline and punishment (Dhar 2010 ) . Efforts by international agencies and a number of concerned organizations appear to have had some impact in changing how children are treated in schools, orphanages, correctional facilities, and other institutions in many parts of the world. In the United States, for example, there has been a steady decline in both the number of schools authorizing corporal punishment as well as the number of pupils subjected to it (The Center for Effective Discipline 2008 ) . And a number of countries are taking the standards of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child seriously. With encouragement by activist organizations they are enacting, or have passed, laws to ban corporal punishment in schools and to protect children in care-institutions of various kinds. But, as is the case for many other areas of youth victimization, protecting children in institutional facilities requires political will and managerial dedication. The work, in this regard, has only just begun (United Nations 2006 ) . The efforts to protect children and prevent their being victimized in various ways in out-of-home-care settings are often worldwide in scope. They range from media attention and legal reaction to specifi c cases – as when a child is seriously injured by a teacher in school – to organized global efforts targeting a specifi c form of abuse – as in the case of organizations such as “Plan” that is working to establish safe learning environments for students in countries across the globe. Many of the efforts directed to fundamental change in a system or country are long-term and broad in scope. The UNICEF sponsored campaign in Malawi that is attempting to produce change at a policy level is just one example. In one event – marking the Day of the African Child in 2007 – some 200 children from rural schools staged a protest before government authorities against violence and exploitation of children (Kariuki 2007 ) . Seeking to achieve a much broader but targeted goal, in November of 2006 “Plan” launched “Learn Without Fear” initiatives across Africa. To date, the organization campaigning to end violence against children in schools has launched initiatives in over 25 countries and has more such efforts planned for coming years ( Plan 2008a ) . In the United States, a national movement to address the problem of rape in both juvenile and adult prisons received Congressional attention with passage in 2003 of the Prison Rape Elimination Act. Testifying before the National Prison Rape Elimination Commission, Barry Krisberg, the president of the National Council on Crime and Delinquency, set forth a number of recommendations the Council felt should be taken by the government to address this problem in the nation’s juvenile facilities (Krisberg 2006 ) . To some extent, it appears that the federal offi ce of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention has come to recognizance the problem and is working to address it. To curb sex abuse of students by school employees, in 1994 a somewhat more modest approach was taken by the City of New York when it established a special commission to look into the problem. In 2001, the Special Stopping Institutional Victimization 261

Commissioner of Investigation for the New York City School District testifi ed that signifi cant progress had been made in combating sex abuse in New York City’s schools but declared that more needed to be done and called on the City Council to pass a crime reporting bill to facilitate that effort (Stancik 2001 ) . Recognizing the problem of caring for the over 700,000 children in the nation’s orphanages, Russia is taking steps to at least improve their care, if not fi nd them permanent homes (Levy 2010) . And the Russian government has fi nally come to realize that Russian children in general are subjected to widespread violence, mostly at home, resulting in the children being taken from parents and placed in institutions (RIA Novosti 2010 ) . Numerous other examples of preventive or corrective efforts seek to address a specifi c situation or respond to a particular incident. In some cases this means fi nding alternatives to institutional care altogether. A case in point is Malawi, one of the poorest countries in the world. As noted by Dugger (2009 ) children placed in the few orphanages found in this country are often seen as the “lucky” ones. But, as benefi cial as these facilities may be for the few children they serve, many experts now feel that a far better approach is to subsidize families who take such children in. Recognizing this, an experimental program has been initiated in the country to keep orphaned children in a family, as opposed to institutional, setting. This approach, it is believed, will save both money and the negative effects institutionalization often has on children. In 2008, following considerable public uproar over school sex-abuse cases across the nation, offi cials in at least ten American States concluded that it was time to take decisive steps to prevent teacher sex-abuse in their schools (Tanner 2008 ) . Usually these efforts centered on passing “tougher” laws and increasing penalties for offenders or administrators who failed to report or take action in sex abuse cases. Some of these legislative efforts were successful. Others were not. The national commissions established in Canada, Ireland, Brittan, and Australia cited earlier in this chapter are examples of decisive post-incident efforts to recognize and reconcile the extreme victimization that wards sent to orphanages or residential schools experienced over the past two centuries. Unfortunately, these efforts actually do very little for even the survivors of this atrocity. Other measures consist of issuing bulletins, policy statements, or guidelines for administrators of various institutions to help them identify and take action in cases of sex and other forms of victimization (c.f.: Goorian 1999 ) . Seminars for educators covering various topics relating to school violence, safety, and victimization are held (c.f.: Goetcheus 2007 ) . And a host of social service agencies, such as Project Sister Family Services, offer help and guidance to victims, parents, and offi cials in dealing with individual instances of victimization. Perhaps most effective approach to force the people who administer institutions, or those who fi nance or oversee these facilities, to abide by law and ensure the safety of young people in their care is the threat of legal action, especially fi nancial action. Numerous law suits against governments, schools, and corporations are lodged each year in countries across the globe. Some of these produce notable results. In South Carolina, for example, an American jury awarded the family of a male student $105 million after fi nding a Charleston private school, and two former 262 7 Institutional Victimization administrators, responsible for the sexual abuse he experienced committed by one of the school’s teachers. The teacher was sentenced to 20 years in prison for the assaults (Bartelme 2000 ) . And in 2007 the Southern Poverty Law Center sued the state of Mississippi to stop what it claimed was “horrendous” physical and sexual abuse of female wards at the state’s correctional institution for girls. Experts on various forms of institutional victimization have detailed a variety of, often common, steps to be taken by any facility or institutions to prevent or respond to instances of victimization generally or in particular institutions (see: Denmark et al. 2005; Dorne 1989 ; Stanley et al. 1999) . The suggestions offered by Stanley ( 1999 ) refl ect the kinds of measures these experts feel should be taken to successfully address the mistreatment of young people in schools and residential facilities of various kinds. Stanley’s suggestions include measures to enhance staff qualifi cation and training, insure appropriate staffi ng, staff vetting, regulation and surveil- lance, the empowerment and consequent accountability of management, adherence to standards guaranteeing children rights, and securing adequate funding. As obvious as these basic steps might be, scrutiny of instances of victimization in institutional settings clearly indicated that at least one of these measures (and often more) were found to be wanting. In some cases, the victimization is the responsibility of a single individual and the organization quickly moves to take corrective action. All to often, however, the mistreatment, if not necessarily the outright abuse, of students and wards is ingrained in the very ethos of an institution, something that all staff may not condone or engage in but something they overlook and “put up with.” Invariably, the abuse is “blamed” on an aberrant person, not something the organization either condones or is responsible for. But, perhaps the suggestion made by Manthorpe and Stanley ( 1999 ) that in combating institutional abuse of any kind the emphasis should shift from looking to or screening out “bad apples” to enhancing the rights of young people in institutional care. Ferreting out the pedophile in a local school, or prosecuting the sadistic guard in a correctional facility, should, of course, continue. But in caring for children in any institutional setting quality, accountability, and regulation are essential goals to be pursued in preventing having to deal with “bad apples” in the fi rst place. Indeed, one of the objectives behind the United Nations agreements and other legislation that has been enacted around the world during the past century appears to be doing just that. The victimization of young people under institutional care is, at the same time, one of the easiest and most diffi cult forms of youth victimization to combat. Compared to things like eliminating the use of child soldiers, ridding the world of street children, or even seeing to it that every child in the world receives at least a basic education, preventing young people from being victimized in schools, orphanages, correctional facilities, and other institutional setting, or stopping such abuse once it occurs, is a relatively straight forward business. Prevention can be readily achieved if institutional offi cials expect and foster an institutional culture of care and respect for the rights and needs of the young people in their charge. In doing so, real (not symbolic) measures must be formulated and put into place to both reinforce this culture of care and to provide guidelines for employees and others to follow in dealing with students, Conclusion 263 clients, patients, and the like. And, these rules must be rigorously enforced. Where victimization has been rampant, either a culture of care is absent, as with the orphanages housing children in China, Russia, and Romania, or offi cials were more concerned with protecting the organization than the young people subjected to abuse, as happened with the sexual abuse of young people by catholic clergy of which Vatican offi cials were well aware. The task of preventing institutional abuse is that of fi nding ways to foster this culture of care. Unfortunately, even though many individuals and organizations are working to combat the victimization of young people in institutional settings, accomplishing that task is something that is yet to even be attempted in many of the institutions to which children are entrusted around the world.

Conclusion

It is often said that the home is the most dangerous location for children insofar as most of the harm they experience (emotional, psychological, physical, or sexual) takes place within the home committed by other members of the family. As this is true, it is also the case that the second most dangerous place for children is out-of- home care facility in which they spend much of their time or to which they may have been committed. Second in line to the parent or sibling infl icting harm on any child is the teacher, case worker, correctional offi cer, policeman, and “cottage” supervi- sor. While most children in most homes and indeed nurtured and sheltered as best their parents might manage, most children in schools, homes, facilities or other kinds of institutions are appropriately cared for. But millions are not. And it is to this population of victims that preventive and corrective efforts must be implemented. In spite of both proactive, and reactive, efforts to prevent or halt the mistreatment of young people in out-of-home-care settings, instances of children being victimized, and the routine mistreatment of children, in various facilities continues to periodically surface in countries across the globe. Often instances of institutional victimization are isolated events perpetrated by a single offender, as when a pedophile goes undetected until some school child or youth in a day-care facility is sexually abused and the assault comes to the attention of the media and authorities. Sometimes, even though laws and policies to prevent such activity have been enacted and put in place, the victimization permeates the very operation of some facility and nothing is done until the eruption of a major scandal literally forcing authorities to take action. And, occasionally an organization concerned with juvenile rights uncov- ers extreme cases of abuse refl ecting an entire society’s treatment of its orphaned or otherwise defenseless young. Whether or not any action ever is taken to correct the situation may depend on the extent to which the government in question has any regard for public, much less international, opinion or pressure. Specifi c individuals may be responsible for individual cases of abuse. But, a large number of historical and contemporary accounts of institution-specifi c, system-wide, and indeed even nation-wide cases of children being victimized in out-of-home care reveal that social ambivalence and government neglect are both 264 7 Institutional Victimization contributing and facilitating factors to such activity generally (c.f.: Corby et al. 2001; Raftery and O’Sullivan 2001 ; Wooden 2000 ) . Children are subjected to abuse in schools, orphanages, and the like not only because “bad” people are put in charge of caring for them in many of these places, but because the public in general and government offi cials purporting to oversee these facilities allow the victimization to take place. Thus, no matter what the specifi c form and extent of institutional victimization may be, it is another form of government crime against young people since children subjected to it are directly under the care of government or agencies licensed by and supposedly regulated by the government–schools, correctional facilities; medical/treatment facilities, orphanages. Even if higher authorities are unaware of, or fail to take action to correct the situation or when abuse is realized that victimization in or by the staff at child-care institutions is taking place, the fact that individual or systematic acts of victimization occur at all refl ects the failure of government and its agents to abide by both local and international law. Whether it is a result of incompetence or outright corruption, the agents of government who are legally charged with overseeing various institutions are equally guilty for neglecting to insure that children in such institutions are properly cared for as are the individuals committing the victimizing acts. Any effective measures to prevent or stop institutional victimization, therefore, must ultimately address the adequacy of governmental oversight in the management of child-care organizations.

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Thurston, Anne F. 1996. In a Chinese Orphanage. http://www.tdheatlantic.com/issues/96apr/ orphan.htm . Tomasevski, Katarina (ed.) 1986. Children in Adult Prisons: An International Perspective. New York: St. Martins Press. UNICEF. 1997. Children at Risk in Central and Eastern Europe: Perils and Promises, A Summary. http://www.unicef-irc.org/publications/pdf/monee4sume.pdf . UNICEF. 2004. Children on the Brink – 2004 Fact Sheet. http://www.unicef.org/aids/fi les/ COB_2004_fact_sheet.doc . UNICEF. 2007. UNICEF Concerned at Conditions for Orphans and Vulnerable Children in Iraq. http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/media_40071.html . United Nations. 1989. The Convention on the Rights of the Child. United Nations: New York. United Nations. 1990. United Nations Rules for the Protection of Juveniles Deprived of their Liberty. http://www.unhchr.ch.html/menu3/b/h_comp37.htm . United Nations. 2006. United Nations Secretary General’s Study on Violence Against Children: Painful Lessons Report. Geneva: United Nations. UNMIL. 2007. Human Rights in Liberia’s Orphanages. http://unmil.org/documents/humanrights_ approvedthematicreport2007.pdf . Urbina, Ian. 2009. Wronged Juveniles May Lose right to Sue. http://www.nytimes.com/2009/07/28/ us/28juvenile.html . Urbina, Ian & Hamill, Sean D. 2009. Judges Plead Guilty in Scheme to Jail Youths for Profi t. http://www.nytimes.com/2009/02/13/us/13judge.html . Verbakel, Wilko & van Klaveren, Susan. 2008. Mushrooming Orphanages: The Use(lessness) of Children’s Homes in Nepal. http://www.icfon.nl/2008-childrens-homes.htm . Vertuno, Jim. 2008. ACLU Sues Texas Youth Prison System Claiming Abuse. http://www.nospank. net/n-r85r.htm . Ward, Mike. 2007. West Texas Youth Lockup Closed for Safety, Program Defi ciencies. http:// www.statesman.com/news/content/region/legislature/stories/10/02/1002tyc.html . Wooden, Kenneth. 2000. Weeping in the Playtime of Others: America’s Incarcerated Children, (2nd . ed.). Columbus: Ohio University Press. World Health Organization. 2002. World Report on Violence and Health, Chapter 6: Sexual Violence. http://www.who.int/violence_injury_prevention/violence/global_campaign/en/chap6.pdf . Chapter 8 Denial of Education

Not all children are born in to societies that offer a wide array of opportunities, nor are all children born in privileged households with access to education offering expanded prospects. Despite the 2006 international declaration at Dakar that education remains a basic human right, whatever the circumstances, even during confl ict, all over the world today some children are condemned to lives without ever realizing their full potential ( UNESCO 2000 ) . With the enormous disparities in income and wealth between people within many countries, its corollary disparities in education persist. The question remains: Is education a right or a privilege of the select few? As expressed in the words of one Sierra Leone child “You see sir, in Sierra Leone education has become a matter of privilege, not of right” (Tomasevski 2006 :56). International organizations have concluded that access to education is a right. The problem is how to secure that right for all. In 1948, by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the various members of the United Nations included elementary and fundamental education as a means to achieve civil, economic, political and social rights essential for sound governance, strong institutions, and a stable civil society ( UNESCO 2000a ; UNICEF 2007 ) . In every human society the current generation of adults imparts to the next generation a ‘roadmap’ vital for navigating life for their survival and that of the group. Since the life of most youngsters is no longer confi ned to the family and community but is enveloped by nation-states, schooling outside the home and community has an increased importance. Besides providing basic literacy and numeracy as preludes to good citizenship, civic pride, and good governance, education opens new vistas of moral and ethical awareness while imparting knowledge, skills, and an ability to think, adapt, and invent. Mrs. Najiba Forough, herself an Afghan-escapee, teaching Afghan refugee children in the Taliban-dominated northwest Pakistan put it succinctly: “Education is the foundation of every society….If you close the doors of the school, you fi ll the cells of the prison (Bellamy 2004 :73).” Education, in short, is essential not only for the individual’s wellbeing, but also that of the society and modern world. To deny that basic right to anyone not only victimizes them, it harms us all.

C.A. Hartjen and S. Priyadarsini, The Global Victimization of Children: 271 Problems and Solutions, DOI 10.1007/978-1-4614-2179-5_8, © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012 272 8 Denial of Education

Education is Essential

Desiderius Erasmus Roterdamus (1466Ð1536), the Dutch Renaissance theologian, declared that “The main hope of a nation lies in the proper education of its youth.” Immanuel Kant went further: “The human being can only become human by education” (Prengel and Overwien 2007 :104). How well individual children succeed and how socio-economically developed their society is, are both dependent upon providing education to all children. Studies suggest that doubling primary-school enrollment in a poor country is positively correlated with the development of democracy, human rights, and political stability besides reduced risk of civil war and confl ict (Crawley 2008 ; Dolan and Perry 2007 ; Kristof 2010 ; Stewart 2002 ; Ohiorhenuan and Stewart 2008 ; UNESCO 2000a ; UNICEF 2005 ; UNGEI 2010 ; Winthrop and Graff 2010 ; The World Bank 2007 ) . Denying education can be likened to eating a society’s seed corn Ð and its future ( Krugman 2011) . It creates a cycle of poverty, trapping not only individuals and their families, but ultimately society as well. Failure to educate the current generation of young swells the ranks of the ignorant and superstitious. Lacking education, people are unable to read, write, or exercise their rights and fulfi ll their duties as citizens. Yet, according to Jane Adams of Hull House in Chicago, with all the efforts made by modern society to nurture and educate the young many children around the world (still) are expected to assume adult roles to supplement struggling, single parents due to the absence of public alternatives such as childcare, schools closer to home, or supplemental income to keep the family alive (Graham 2010 ) . Yet, millions of future workers can be educated at comparatively negligible long-term cost while endowing them with a sense that they too have a stake in the system, and a future. As suggested by Mexican entrepreneur Carlos Slim “… poverty cannot be eradicated with donations, charity, or even public spending, but that you fi ght it with health, education and jobs” ( BBC 2010 : 2). Educating the world’s young, he might have added, not only benefi ts them as individuals, it benefi ts humanity as a whole. “Education for All” is one of a number of worldwide goals that UNESCO seeks to achieve by the year 2015 (UNESCO 2008; UNICEF 2004, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2009 , UNGEI 2010 ) . In so doing, it sought to end the insidious and invidious exclusion of girls from educational opportunities in many countries. Included in its mandate are vulnerable and disadvantaged children and children in diffi cult circumstances Ð children of the poor, single mothers, the handicapped, children impacted by HIV/ AIDs, children with chronic health problems, street children, child soldiers, institutionalized children, migrant children, refugees, and internally displaced persons. Included also are the indigenous, ethnic, linguistic and religious minorities who for generations have been systemically excluded from education ( UNICEF 2009a ) . As Bono (2010 ) aptly stated, the Millennium Development Goals aren’t illusory promises but an obligation of rich nations to not just poor nations, but also to those in their own countries living in pockets of poverty. Education is Essential 273

Although cultural practices may vary, as Edwards ( 2008 : 1) notes: “Education is not oil, or electricity, or soy beans, or gold, but it represents something more important than any of those: the future.” For everyone’s wellbeing societies need to provide education for here and now as well as for the next generation while demolishing archaic taboos and baseless superstitions. Practical skills imparted by one’s elders alone do not suffi ce in the contemporary world of enormously diverse populations and economic pursuits based on galloping technology bridging the globe. Every society requires innovators, leaders, and good citizens with ability to lay the foundation for socioeconomic progress founded on and thriving with good education. No country has sustained rapid growth except with quality education (Benderly 2010; Madslien 2004 ; Krugman 2011a ; UNESCO 2008 ; UNICEF 2002 ) . Both in productivity and increased wages any investment in education has a exponential return, benefi ting the individuals, their employers, and their nations (Madslien 2004 ; Paul 2011 ) . A 9-year old girl from the Mogh Bazaar slum in central Dhaka, Bangladesh declared “I come here {to school} because my parents say it is important for me to get an education if I am to do well in life …My mother says it will help me to get a better job” (Lawson 2010 : 1). Educating the young would also help end the scourge of child labor (Bellamy 2004 ; Share-International Archives 1999 ; Srividya 2010 ; Kristof 2010a ) . An effective route for over-all economic development, education is also a necessary tool for broadening and expanding the civil, political, economic, and social rights of everyone. It reduces inequities against girls, redistributing power in, and beyond, the family, thus reducing family violence that propels young women to run away from home. And educated females have reduced fertility rates as well as lowered rates of HIV/AIDs infections ( BBC 2001 ; Bellamy 2004 ; Cohen et al. 2006 ; Hargreaves and Boler 2006 ; HRW 2005 ; UNGEI 2010 ). As poverty begets an uneducated and unskilled workforce, the eradication of poverty requires that all children of every country be educated to acquire the “comparative advantage” of intellectual and physical faculty necessary in specialized economies since as the productivity and earnings of skilled workers increases social mobility also rises dramatically ( BBC 2007 ; Dyson 2010 ; Global March undated ; Fisman 2011 ; Leonhardt 2010 ; UNESCO 2008 ) . Formal schooling also enables the young to interact with and learn from peers and from non-familial adults, thereby acquiring skills and knowledge relevant beyond, and not limited to, those of their immediate family. Such wider exposure helps train them for future roles as adults. In the process they acquire practical skills like social and negotiation skills, develop self-confi dence, self-discipline, and self-esteem, enhance their ability to be adept in an ever-changing and unpredictable wider world, and imbue them with an ability to discriminate between right from wrong, logical from irrational, and gives them hope for the future. Above all, education promotes meaningful and effective participation in civil society and its governance with members who feel invested in and who abide by the laws. As stated by Kumar ( 2011 : 2) “The practice of democracy assumes both the habit and the capacity in all citizens to engage with matters which transcend personal or immediate reality.” 274 8 Denial of Education

Numbers: Good and Bad

Although formal education has become more extensive over the past century, and human literacy has tripled during the Twentieth Century, one in ﬁ ve human beings have had no formal schooling. The vast majority of these are found in developing countries. And, in the developing world females comprise most of the illiterate people. Eighty percent of new births occur in developing countries, and educating an ever larger numbers of children makes educating all children a challenge worthy of Sisyphus Ð particularly in countries such as India with almost 50% of its 1.2 billion people being young ( Yardley 2010 ) . But the data on enrollment, attendance, school- completion, and drop-outs as well as indicators of educational quality in the least developed countries, where 42% of the world’s under-15 year-olds reside, are often incomplete, or less than accurate (Cohen et al. 2006 ; UNESCO 2008 ) . South and West Asia, and sub-Saharan Africa, respectively, have 24% and 45% of all out-of- school children in the world (UNESCO 2008 ) . Girls make up the majority of those millions. But things seem to be changing. In 1960, fewer than half of the 6Ð11 year olds in developing countries were enrolled in primary school, and only 5% of the Sub- Saharan African children were in school. In just 25 years enrollment in all levels of school has gone up from about 857 million children (out of 4.452 billion people) to about 1.337 billion (out of about 6.462 billion human beings) worldwide, and a majority of such gains are in Africa, Asia, Central and South America and Oceania (US Department of Education 2009 : Table 397). In the developing countries during 1960Ð1990 there had been a sharp decline in the number of out-of-school children and the average years of education has risen from 2.1 to 4.4 years. Between 1990 and 1997 total primary school enrollment worldwide rose from 596 million to over 700 million. This included about 62 million children from developed countries (Northern America, Asia/Oceania, and Europe). Countries in Transition had 27 million enrollees, and less developed areas (sub-Saharan Africa, Arab states, Latin America/Caribbean, and East Asia including China, South Asia including India) had 578 million in schools, while 68 million were in schools in the least developed countries of the world ( UNESCO 2000a ) . An increasing proportion of children around the world are enrolled in pre-primary levels. The ratio of boys and girls at this level has doubled in Asia, particularly South and West Asia and Latin America. The ratio has increased dramatically in Arab States, and tripled in Sub-Saharan Africa during 1997–2001 under the multi-country African Girls’ Education Initiative (Bellamy 2004 ; UNGEI 2010 ) . About 150 million of the currently enrolled children Ð of whom two thirds are girls Ð will drop out before completing primary education ( BBC 2005 ; Bellamy 2004 ; Cohen et al. 2006 ; UNESCO 2008 ; UNGEI 2010 ; UNICEF 2004, 2005 ) . At least 135 million out-of-school children between ages 7 and 18 live in Africa and Asia. Of these, 65 million (88%) are girls ( Do Something undated ; HRW 2001 ; Right to Education Project 2008, a ; UNICEF 2002, 2009 ; United States Department of Education 2009 ) . Numbers: Good and Bad 275

Table 8.1 Regional Distribution of School Aged Children Out of School Region Percentage of children Industrialized Countries 2 Eastern & Central Europe 3 Latin America & the Caribbean 6 East Asia & Paciﬁ c 7 Middle East & North Africa 8 Sib-Saharan Africa 36 South Asia 38 (Based on UNICEF 2002 : 7)

One of three African children in seven sub-Saharan countries does not enroll in school. In the United States (with has a lower enrollment rate than Argentina) 1.3 million school-aged children are out of school (Tomasevski 2006a). About 70% of Yemenis are illiterate, and one sixth of humanity, a billion people mostly residing in South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa, are illiterate ( Friedman 2010 ; Share- International Archives 1999 ) . The regional distribution of school-aged children who are out-of-primary-school is presented in Table 8.1 . The unlettered in India’s population decreased from 81% in 1950 to 48% in 1990, and between 2003Ð2009 school enrollment increased by 57 million (to 192 million) with the number of out-of-school youngsters falling to 8.1 million (from 25 million). Yet, India has millions of youngsters who do not go to school (BBC 2010a ; Dungdung 2009 ; Pinglay 2010 ; UNESCO 2000b ) . Similarly, about ten million Bangladeshi children are out of school, and this number has been increasing ( Global March 2006 ) . Besides poverty and discrimination, disease takes a heavy toll on African children. As of 2002, 11 to 15 million children (75% of the primary school-aged children) in Botswana and Zimbabwe not attending school were orphans due to HIV/ AIDs (Bellamy 2004 ; HRW 2005 ; World Education 2009 ) . Moreover, more than 50 million out-of-school children live in 33 confl ict-affected (mostly African) countries (BBC 2006 ; UNICEF-Devpro Resource Centre 2009 ; Save the Children 2009 ) . Eighty-nine percent of the primary-aged children are not in school in war-torn Somalia. In Chad, one of the world’s poorest countries, the percentage is close to 42. And in the Democratic Republic of Congo, 65% of the children are not in school. In Southern Sudan only 15% of the school-aged children are enrolled in primary school, and only a quarter of these are girls. While not presently experiencing strife, primary school enrollment fi gures for Tanzania are only 47% and 50% for boys and girls respectively. These fi gures drop to single digits at the secondary level. Nearby Djibouti has less than half of its children in primary-school, and less than 20% attending secondary-school (Bellamy 2004 ; Kristof 2010b ; UNICEF 2004 ) . The story is quite different in other parts of the world. Primary school enrollment equals 100% in the Netherlands, Switzerland, Singapore, Norway and Trinidad- Tobago. Primary school attendance is above 90% in Latin American, CEE-CIS (former Soviet-bloc), East Asian, and the Pacifi c countries. But it is only between 50Ð80% among West and Central African, Eastern and Southern African, and South Asian countries ( UNICEF 2009 ) . Latin America and the Caribbean countries have 276 8 Denial of Education made signifi cant progress with primary school enrollment rates of 92% and 86% for boys and girls respectively. During 1995Ð2001, Cuba achieved 95% adult literacy with equally impressive primary and secondary school enrollments of 98% and 97% respectively for boys and girls. Only 0.7% of the Chilean 7Ð13 year olds are not attending primary school. Brazil has a 98% enrollment rate at the primary level, but only 75% of the 14Ð15 year old Brazilians have had only 6 years of schooling, indicating greater dropping out beyond the fi rst few years ( Tomasevski 2006b ) . Between 1950Ð1997 worldwide secondary school enrollment increased Ð from 40 million to 398 million. In Africa the increase was from 1 to 34 million. In Asia/ Oceania the numbers increased from 15 to 241 million. And it rose from 16 to 70 million in Europe, from 2 to 29 million in Latin America-Caribbean, and from 7 to 25 million in North America ( UNESCO 2000a) . Although one third of the children in developing countries fail to complete even primary school, almost all of the children in developed countries complete secondary education ( UNICEF 2004 ) .

Barriers to Educating Children

Some of the systematic barriers to education are actions taken by adults that victimize children. Requiring children to work rather than attend school, or forcing them to participate in armed conﬂ ict are examples. In addition, in many places material and nonmaterial barriers prevent young people from realizing their dreams of going to school. These include things like rural versus urban residence; cultural factors such as gender, race or ethnicity, religion, and language; and socioeconomic variables concerning poverty, health, and disabilities (Cohen et al. 2006 ; Save the Children 2008 ; UNICEF 2009a ) .

Poverty

Children of the poor all over the globe are deprived of, or obtain poor quality, schooling causing great disparities between their acquired academic skills and those of children from afﬂ uent families (Cohen et al. 2006 ; Global March undated ; Hillman and Jenkner 2004 ; UNICEF 2002, 2004, 2005 ) . Poverty is the fundamental condition correlated with the number of 7Ð18 year-old children who have never been to school (Bellamy 2004 ; UNICEF 2005 ) . Children from the poorest 20% of households are three times more likely to be out of primary school compared with their wealthy compatriots ( The World Bank 2007 ; UNICEF 2005 ) . In part, this is because poor parents may need the income their children can bring. Or a school-aged child may be needed to mind the household when the adults are eking out an existence. But, ignorance leads some parents to consider formal education to be an unnecessary luxury. The prospect of large, future incomes may not sufﬁ ce to entice poverty-stricken parents to substitute educating their child by foregoing his or her immediate earnings Barriers to Educating Children 277

(Madslien 2004 ) . Also the spending decisions of poor families can have negative consequences for their children’s schooling ( Kristof 2010c ; UNICEF 2002 ) . Rather than paying school fees, adults may use their meager resources to buy alcohol, cigarettes, soda-pop, prostitutes, or spend large sums on extravagant festivities. Even if some poor parents aspire for their children to be educated, their poverty is detrimental to its pursuit. Disproportionate adult-like burdens prevent poor children from around the world from obtaining good education. For example, in Ethiopia, Nairobi- Kenya, and other parts of Africa school-aged children may have to collect scarce water, often the source of diarrhea that could be easily prevented, causing much school absenteeism ( HRW 2005 ; National Geographic 2010 ) . Only a third of school-aged children in very poor Niger even have access to education, and the drop-out rate is 54% in the early years of schooling (Global March 2006a ) . One Zimbabwean man dreaming of saving enough to educate his children who were scavenging in a rubbish heap along with him stated that, “What I am doing is child abuse really, they should not be working like this. It hurts me” (Sithole 2010 : 1). Children too seem to realize the gulf between their dreams and the reality of their economic lot. Asma, a 10-year old Bangladeshi girl, working in a poorly-lit sweatshop turning out safety pins by the hundreds explained “I used to study in school then all of a sudden my mum took me out and put me into work. I want to go to school but my mum said I would go again after Eid {festival}. So far that has not happened” (BBC 2010b : 1Ð2). Many countries expect that families pay at least a small tuition for their child to attend school. In Kibera, the biggest slum in Nairobi, desperate parents with an average income of $27 per month ﬁ nd it near-impossible to pay school fees of $133 plus $27 for school uniforms (Bellamy 2004 ) . A poor women in Niger remarked: “No parent would like to see his child suffering. If we were not poor, all my children would have gone to school. They would never sit idle or steal….If at least one of my children could study, he could take care of his brothers and sisters in future,” and “At Koira Tégui, I do not know any child who has really succeeded in school. The only one who went to school ended up becoming a mechanic. But at least he can try to come out of his bondage” (Global March 2006a : 53). For the poor, school fees are the primary hurdle to school enrollment particularly in Sub-Saharan Africa. When school tuition was terminated under the auspices of the World Bank and its Fast Track initiative, enrollment increased in Malawi, Uganda, Ethiopia, Ghana, Mozambique, and Tanzania while Kenya reversed its declining enrollment (Bellamy 2004; HRW 2005b ; UNESCO 2008 ; UNICEF 2009a ; The World Bank 2009 ) . “Where there is a price attached to education, the most vulnerable – destitute, children orphaned by AIDS, girls – are left out of the classroom” (Bellamy 2004 : 35). Some poor children may be too malnourished, anemic or sick from intestinal worms to learn anything, even if they can attend school. Hunger and malnutrition create yet another barrier to children’s education while feeding programs enhance the rate of school attendance, and school completion. Recognizing this, some efforts are being made to remedy the situation. For example, besides a take-home ration at the end of the month Malawi children are daily provided with a plate of porridge supplemented with vegetables, fruits, and groundnuts. A school counselor in 278 8 Denial of Education

Johannesburg, South Africa solicited local businesses for donations to help feed the AIDS-affected children who often fell behind in school due to hunger ( HRW 2005) . School fees are a regressive tax imposing a disproportionate burden on the poor (Becker 2005 ; HRW 2005a; Tomasevski 2006; UNICEF/The World Bank 2009; 2009a ) . Even if poor parents scramble to educate their children in scarce public schools, many arbitrary actions can undo their efforts. For example, in Mumbai, India humble homes in shanty-town were torn down just before state-wide exams and their middle-class teachers refused to believe that the children’s school materials were truly lost (Gaikwad 2010 ) . Built-in disincentives of living in the “wrong” place may keep poor children away from school. For example, slum children who may make more money than working poor grownups foraging in Govandi (landfi ll) Mumbai, India had to be enticed by a drop-in center before being gradually exposed to instruction (Pinglay 2010 ) . Disabilities of various kinds can also keep children from attending school. More than three million disabled, minority, slum dwelling school-aged children remain out of school in Bangladesh. In Africa only 5% of the learning- disabled children go to school due to lack of amenities to meet their special needs (Hillman and Jenkner 2004 ; UNESCO 2008 ) . Even if they can attend school, income disparities practically guarantee disparity in education. For example, being poor in the United Kingdom and the United States destines children to low-achieving schools while affl uent and savvy parents get their children into high-achieving schools (BBC 2007a ; Bonner 2011 ) . A study of 12 former French-colonies demonstrated that the children of top-earners, irrespective of gender, fare better than those of lower-earning parents (The World Bank 2009 ) . And children of the poor everywhere are more likely to be more alienated from school, see less of an advantage in attending school, and frequently have little motivation to attend or fear of not doing so. As a teenager from Rio de Janeiro’s favela (slum) who returned to school, stated: You know, when you’re younger, you don’t want to worry about anything, just goofi ng off. My mother would call me to go to school and I would say that I wasn’t going. And I’d take off running because there was no man at the house…a man who could run after me and catch me and make me go to school. My mother couldn’t catch me…. Without an education…it’s already hard. (Bellamy 2004 : 62)

Geographic Location

A study in India found that 44Ð52% of the men and 36Ð48% of the women in the states of Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh, and Tamil Nadu had 10 or more years of education. However, in other states this ratio was 30Ð38% of the men and 13Ð18% of the women (Population Council 2010 ) . Similarly, in China almost 99% of boys and girls are enrolled in school. But disparities in these numbers persist in some provinces, such as Western China, and in rural communities and ethnic and immigrant enclaves, as well as among girls ( UNICEF 2006 ) . Enrollment rates in southern Ghana are higher than in the north, and gender disparity prevails in some districts Barriers to Educating Children 279

(The World Bank 2009 ) . Compared with 18% of the urban, 30% of the rural, and 82% of the out-of-primary school children Ð particularly girls Ð live in rural areas in developing countries ( Global March undated ; UNICEF 2005 ) . Eradicating these disparities is a major challenge in achieving the goal of universal education. Regional educational disparities are common with a distinct rural disadvantage in the quality and cost of education, particularly in the use of information technology, and these disparities are largely a refl ection of economic conditions ( UNICEF 2009a) . Most rural areas and inner-cities tend to be poorer than suburban and urban centers of power, fi nance, and production. In many countries rural residency condemns a child to a life of lesser opportunities (Edkins 2010 ) . Access to schools, the pool of eligible teachers, physical amenities, and the availability of learning tools, tend to be circumscribed by geographical location. In Bangladesh the average expenditure per urban primary school student is $34 while it is $8 per rural student, for a boy it is $12 while it is $11 per girl ( Global March 2006 ) . The simple physical inaccessibility of schools in remote areas can also make school attendance erratic ( Kristof 2010d, 2010e ) . Due to a shortage of female teachers Afghan girls are often taught by women with only ninth grade educations (Heijnen-Matthuis 2008 ) . A local member of parliament in Afghanistan stated: “Boys walk three, four, fi ve kilometers to their school. How can a girl walk two, three, four kilometers…So it is hard to send your daughter to school” ( Rubin 2010 : 2)? Thirteen Mixteco communities in Gerrero, Mexico had no local primary school teachers, while another municipality required teachers to simultaneously teach all six grades ( HRW 2004 ) . Aware of these numerous hurdles countries, schools, and benefactors are taking various measures to assist disadvantaged students. One rural Chinese community, for example, replaced 100 village schools with a centralized, state-of-the-art, new school (Leonhardt 2010 ) . Remembering his humble beginnings, the Indian software tycoon Azim Premji donated $2 billion to fund rural education and development (Biswas 2010 ) . In the Egyptian village of Beni Sha’aran, stating that “I’ve come to believe that a girl’s education is more important even than a boy’s” the elderly Farouk Abdel Naim donated a single classroom (now expanded to three) on the ground fl oor of a converted house for the use of a new school (Bellamy 2004 ) . Instead of walking 3 hours in each direction to attend school, a boy in Zimbabwe, oldest of fi ve orphans, was transformed when he received a free bicycle from the World Bicycle Relief of Chicago, Illinois ( Kristof 2010e) . Tamil Nadu and Bihar, India distributed almost a half million bicycles in each state to poor girl students attending government schools (Srivastava 2010 ) . And to avoid the intimidation students feel traveling in buses with adults, Tamil Nadu is providing special buses for students throughout the state (Sreevatsan 2010 ) .

Lack of Access

Besides the simple availability of schools, a common problem plaguing the developing world, in particular, is access to schools when they do exist. In Mozambique 280 8 Denial of Education the greater the distance a child lives from a school the less probable it is that the child is enrolled (The World Bank 2009 ) . The lack of, or unavailability of, schools is also closely tied to the involvement of children in labor. And in Liberia children state they joined armed groups because of the diffi culty in accessing schools (HRW 2005a) . Access can be denied either by having too few schools, or admission being artifi cially highly competitive, even at the primary level. Gaining access can be particularly diffi cult for girls, rural children, ethnic minorities, and poor children. And access can also be denied to girls who become pregnant (All Africa 2009, 2010 ; Lusaka Times 2008 ; UNICEF 2007, 2009b) . In Botswana, Lesotho, Mongolia, and Namibia the education of boys is expended because they are expected to look after their herds (Bellamy 2004) . In Egypt’s Shara’an not everyone in the villages was so enthusiastic, at least initially, about the introduction of schools. Some farmers complained that the school would deprive them of the cheap labor the children provided (Bellamy 2004 ) . In Zimbabwe, Apostolic Church members too were denying their children access to education on religious grounds, but, in the Kakiika, Mbarara district Uganda police arrested 100 parents of 150 children for denying them education (All Africa 2009, 2010 ; Lusaka Times 2008 ; The Herald 2009 ) . Early marriage is another cultural norm that often legalizes discrimination against girls and blocks their acquiring an education (Bellamy 2004 ; Nordland 2010 ; Save the Children undated ; Tomasevski 2005 ; UNGEI 2010 ) . In some countries it is legal for girls as young as 12, and boys as young 14, to marry. Although strictly illegal in Pakistan, one father married off his 4-year-old daughter for 500,000 Pakistani rupees ($6,138), while in Bangladesh and the rest of South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa parents marry off their daughters while they are yet children and in their early teens, pulling them out of school in the process ( BBC 2001; Khan 2008 ) . In India, one- fi fth of the girls surveyed were married off before age 18 in blatant violation of the national law on the legal age for girls to marry ( Population Council 2010 ) . Moreover, many traditional cultures place disproportionately burdensome domestic chores and responsibilities on girls, as in Mali where the primary school enrollment rate for girls is only 36% (Bellamy 2004 ; Global March 2006b, c, d ; Jacobs 2010 ; Save the Children 2010 ; UNGEI 2010 ; UNICEF 2004a, 2007 ) . Although thousands of schools for girls have opened since the fall of the Taliban regime, all too often extreme efforts are used to keep children from attending schools ( BBC 2010c, 2011 ; Coursen-Neff 2006 ) . For example, 22 Afghan school girls and 3 teachers in Kunduz were subject to repeated suspected poison-gas attacks, and one Kabul student saw a man with his mouth and nose wrapped in cloth wearing black clothes throw a bottle near the school building (Hamed 2010 ; Shalizi and Hamed 2010 ) .

Lack of Qualiﬁ ed Teachers

One of the problems plaguing many developing countries is a lack of qualiﬁ ed, dedicated, and dependable teachers and the money to pay them ( Kristof 2010f ; UNICEF 2009a, undated) . This is especially true in countries where the education Barriers to Educating Children 281 of girls is either blocked or considered of secondary importance. In Balochistan, Pakistan, for example, female teachers and drivers who take students to and from school can become targets of harassment and assassination (HRW 2010 ; The Indian Express 2010 ) . The saying “…teachers are paid too little and cost too much,” is relevant to any discussion about recruiting and retaining good, dedicated teachers ( UNICEF/The World Bank 2009, 2009a ) . However poorly paid teachers account for 90% of recurrent school expenditures in developing countries while it is extracur- ricular activities like athletics, bands, busing, cafeteria and inﬁ rmaries that add to the over-all costs of education in the developed world ( Merhotra and Buckland undated) . Minuscule salaries force teachers to hold second and other jobs to survive, consequently neglecting their teaching duties. As a Pakistani 17-year-old girl claimed: “A teacher might come only twice a month” ( Kristof 2010g: 2). In fact, absenteeism among teachers is rampant in developing countries (UNESCO 2008 ) . According to Kristof ( 2010f : 2) “…it’s easy to build a school, but it can be tough to make sure that teachers actually show up afterwards; they may live 100 miles away in the capital, receiving their pay doing nothing.” Thailand’s poor infrastructure is blamed for its shortage of teachers, while even Chinese schools lack adequately trained teachers (Fuller 2010 ; UNICEF 2006 ) . In the 1990s Canada, the United States, and developed nations in Asia/Oceania and Europe had a total of 51,694,000 teachers. Transitional countries had 7,108,000. But the heavily populated, less- developed, regions had only 32,569,000 teachers while the least developed countries had a mere 1,962,000 ( UNESCO 2000a ; UNESCO 2008 ; Wilson 2003 ) .

Lack of Amenities

Physical structures where teachers can teach the children in a safe and healthy environment are fundamental to the proper education of children. Built soundly, school buildings also provide protective shelters when natural and other disasters strike. Teaching is made more difﬁ cult, if not impossible, if it is done in dilapidated and unsafe structures, or where facilities are inadequate. In many countries, teachers struggle to teach in over-crowded conditions where they have to shout to be heard by pupils packed in one large room with missing partitions between classes. In addition, schools may lack basic amenities like electricity, sanitary toilets, or potable water or programs to help struggling students (Bellamy 2004 ; HRW 2004, 2007 ; UNESCO 2008 ; UNICEF 2009c ). In areas with Maoist-Naxalites in northeastern India students try to learn in bombed-out school buildings. In the oil-rich Khana in River state of Nigeria students continued to attend a school after the roof nearly col- lapsed. And in Al-Hassakah, in Syria’s north inundated with Iraqi refugees, one boy died when he fell from a second story classroom due to the lack of guardrails ( HRW 2007 ; UNICEF 2009c, undated ) . Due to the lack of classrooms a ﬁ rst-grade class met under a tree in Zimbabwe, while with increased student enrollment led to classes being held under a tree on a street in suburban Chennai, India. Municipal tent-schools, lacking both toilets and concrete walls, were used in New Delhi, India 282 8 Denial of Education to teach poor children shivering in the harsh winter weather (The Indian Express 2011 ; Manikandan 2010 ) . Proper facilities can further the goal of universal education. Children attending a crowded local school in Syria, for example, proudly showed off their new school premises including the new sex-segregated toilets, school building with desks of the right size, fresh school supplies, and pictures (UNESCO 2008 ). This need not involve excessive expenditures. Indeed, according to UNICEF (2009c ) if labor and materials are locally provided, structurally sound school buildings could be built at a cost of only $1,000 to $1,500. What is often lacking is political will to spend even that small sum. Sometimes quite simple things can make a large difference (UNESCO 2008 ; UNGEI 2010 ; UNICEF 2004a ) . For instance, lack of a uniquely female-centric product, the sanitary pads, menstruation for girls in some countries poses a unique barrier to their continuing their education. As a girl in Rwanda asked, “What if I get called to go to the blackboard and I have a stain on the back of my skirt?” ( Kristof 2010h : 3 ) . The lack of sex-segregated toilets, long walks from home, and harassment including fondling, rape, and sexual blackmail by male students and teachers in countries such as Ethiopia, Congo, Ghana, India, Kenya, and Zimbabwe is a great impediment to girls’ attending school (Actionaid 2006 ; HRW 2001 ) . Besides the lack of teachers and facilities, in poor countries efforts to educate children is often hindered by the lack of money for supplies, uniforms, and meals. In addition text books, supplies like chalk, pens, pencils, notebooks and paper, and other illustrational aids are often in short supply. Other educational tools, such as computers, laboratories, reference materials, and library books are only to be dreamed of in much of the world (Cohen et al. 2006 ; Kristof 2010; UNICEF 2009c ) .

Health Issues

Children’s education and good health go hand-in-hand. It is estimated that one billion dollars spent over 10–15 years funding micro-nutrients and salt fortifi cation would eliminate Vitamin A and Iodine defi ciency among pre-school children since 90% of brain growth is during the fi rst 2 years of a child. Areas with low enrollment, attendance, and graduation rates are often plagued by poverty-related ill-health that denies children an opportunity to fully benefi t from whatever educational opportunities they may have (Bellamy 2004 ; UNSECO 2008; UNICEF 2002, 2009d ) . It is believed that the 1990s economic crises of the Asia-Pacifi c region set back education gains in Mongolia, Thailand, and Indonesia where millions of malnourished children faced serious threats to their physical and intellectual well-being ( BBC 1998, 1998a, 1998b) . HIV/AIDs has had devastating impact on achieving world education goals in some areas. In Malawi nearly all able-bodied men and women are infected, leaving the elderly to fend for up to 15 grandchildren. Zimbabwe has two million HIV/AIDs orphans and many out-of-school children are working and caring for affected relatives. An increasing number of these orphans drop out of Zambian, Kenyan, and Nigerian schools and three-fourths of their newly trained Barriers to Educating Children 283 teachers replace those who have died of HIV/AIDs (BBC 2009 ; Bellamy 2004 ; Crawford 2009 ; HRW 2005 ; UNICEF 2004 ; The World Bank 2009 ) . A 17-year old HIV/AIDs-orphan poignantly remarked, “When Mother died, I really lost all hope. No one bothers to look after you when you have no mother and no father” (HRW 2005:1). After her mother died from HIV/AIDs a Zimbabwean girl stated, “It’s much easier to look after {her younger brother} Tino now, because I don’t have to look after mum as well” (Sithole 2010 : 2).

Systemic Discrimination

Ethnic, gender, race, religious, and regional prejudices can deter children from obtaining schooling (Cohen et al. 2006 ; The Guardian 2009 ; HRW 2005a ; UNICEF 2005, 2007 ) . Most rural Afghan cultures endow the elders with all the privileges while denying children, particularly girls, any rights with low priority assigned to their education (Gezari 2010). Rural residence frequently makes obtaining an education less likely. Amidst the government’s inability to negotiate school contracts, white South African commercial farmers deliberately denied teachers and students access to schools, evicting farm workers whose children attended schools ( HRW 2004a, 2004b ) . Fifty percent of urban Niger children go to school while only 26% of the rural boys and 21% of the rural girls from the same socioeconomic category attended school. Nomadic areas of Toubou, Touareg, and Arabe are extremely hostile to modern education despite the chief imam, Sheikh Nuhu Sharubutu’s (of neighboring Ghana) declaration that parents who deny their children basic education violate the tenets of Islam (Ghanaweb 1997 ; Global March 2006a ) . Residency requirements and local ordinances can create hurdles for certain, select minorities. In China, compulsory education of 9 years and the nationality law guarantee every Chinese-born child access to education. But in Yanbian Autonomous Prefecture, parents fear that their children will be denied access to school because one of them is a North-Korean without residency (hukou) status (HRW 2008 ; Edkins 2010 ) . Similarly ethnic Nepali children born in Bhutan are denied legal identity and thus deprived of an education ( HRW 2007a ) . In the United Kingdom, four Roma families were denied permission to stay on public land, thereby “severely hampering” the education of their 11 children (BBC 2005a) . Some American states have tried to deny schooling for the children of illegal immigrants (Baumgarten 2010; Hancock 2010 ) . Although born citizens of Israel, Palestinian children attend separate, and parallel, but inferior facilities often over-crowded, understaffed, poorly-built and maintained public schools that offer fewer educational opportunities compared to the majority Jewish children (HRW 2005a ; Coursen-Neff 2005 ) . To eliminate any emergence of opposition or secession movement, the Ethiopian government systematically denied educational freedom in Eritrea (Africa Watch 1993 ; HRW 1993 ) . During Colombia’s civil war displaced children were less likely to attend school compared to other children. A similar fate faced ethnic Tamil children during Sri Lanka’s civil strife ( BBC 2008 ; HRW 2005a ; UNICEF 2009d ) . A distinctly 284 8 Denial of Education historically disadvantaged group, African-American youth in the United States are far behind their European-American schoolmates in academic achievement dropping out of school at nearly twice the rate of white students due, in part, to the inferior schools many of them are required to attend (Herbert 2010 ; The New York Times 2011 ) .

Conﬂ ict and Chaos

Two thirds of the children not attending primary school live in areas of confl ict. Since formal education is undermined during times of confl ict, establishing a sense of normalcy and routine is crucial even if only in temporary classes in a child- friendly environment. But doing this is rare. In Iran, Afghan refugee children, for example, have to pay $150 each to the local Iranian school as the $8 per child sub- sidy of the United Nations Refugee Commission was considered inadequate by the Iranian government. Consequently, the number of students in literacy centers for street children in Southern Teheran doubled, forcing refugee families to return to Afghanistan for the sake of their children’s education (Harrison 2004 ) . Situations of confl ict exasperate nearly all the conditions that undermine education, such as increasing single parent households, negligible government allocations for education, and poorer delivery of healthcare. Conversely, places that have trouble educating their young are prone to the very confl ict that reduces this ability, as in Bihar and Jharkhand, India enhancing the recruitment efforts of the Maoists-inspired Naxalite movement ( HRW 2009, 2009a ; Knight 2009 ) .

Issues in Educating the Young

Besides the very basic problems of building schools and stafﬁ ng them with competent teachers, nations across the world have to confront a number of issues in striv- ing to achieve the goal of universal education. Among these are such things as the ultimate purpose of education, control over resources, cultural ideologies, who pays, and when does formal education begin and end.

What Kind of Education?

Article 26 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights articulates the purpose of education as follows: “Education shall be directed to the full development of the human personality and to strengthening respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms….Parents have a prior right to choose the kind of education that shall be given to their children” ( UNESCO 2000a : 102Ð104). But parents often lack clear, comprehensive, and objective information regarding long-term economic trends or future labor market to make rational decisions regarding the educational needs of Issues in Educating the Young 285 their children. Will basic literacy suffi ce, or should other skills Ð such as computer and internet literacy Ð be imperatives, or should personal development via athletics and sports have a priority, or is the purpose of education to make the young into good citizens and neighbors, or is priority to be given to sharpening their intellectual and creative energies? In addition, the question of children working remains unresolved. Should children be expected to work? If not, at what cost to their and their family’s survival? If yes, who sets the parameters on remuneration, age, hours, and risk to their formal schooling? Besides the right to education, rights within and rights through education are important questions (UNGEI 2010 ) . More primarily, is education an end in itself, or is it a means to an end? In cultures like Buddhist Thailand or Confucian China, knowledge “by and itself” is a powerful tool while for many Americans schooling is purely for the sake of future employment. If education of the next generation is considered to be crucial for the survival of the individual, family, and nation the control of education should not be entrusted to any one group with their own agenda. But who should be in charge? Moreover, in the contemporary world besides the parents, three other essential actors should be involved in the process: the children whose goal is learning; the state bearing the cost; and the professionals teaching the children (Prengel and Overwien 2007 ; Right to Education Project 2008b ) . But which of these four actors should determine the purpose and content of education? Indeed, some people are alarmed that American students rank below those in Finland, South Korea, Singapore, Canada, Hong Kong and Shanghai in many fundamentals like mathematics ( Friedman 2010a, 2010b; Fisman 2011 ) . Yet others argue that education should impart the ability to “deliberate” and not merely do well on standardized tests (Fisher 2004 ) . For many youngsters around the world, acquiring technical skills may be crucial in securing and keeping jobs, they simply do not have the luxury of studying the “arts.” In fact, in developing countries with very limited resources and children starting to work early, some people question whether academic education is the best use of scarce public funds, given that it is a long-haul investment yielding returns only after a decade or more (Tomasevski 2006 ; Cohen et al. 2006 ) . As a 17-year old youth from the Democratic Republic of Congo stated, “I saw my friends going to school. They had gone a long way Ð some were in sixth year, some were in fi fth year of humanities, some had already fi nished their studies. So, I started asking myself so many questions: We say all things without education are worth nothing” (Dolan and Perry 2007 : 33). Do we provide children some basic education Ð literacy and numeracy Ð so that they can cope with the ordinary pursuit of making a living, or do we train them in the arts and humanities, or even go beyond and try to prepare them for admission to university?

Controlling Resources

A fundamental issue confronted by educational efforts everywhere in the world is who controls the resources devoted to education. Effi ciently and directly funding schools by eliminating intermediaries could cede too much fi nancial control to 286 8 Denial of Education local bodies opening the fl oodgates of corruption. But to give this authority to some outside entity could impede local control over the kind and quality of education children receive. The government has an obligation to facilitate education, prevent third parties from hindering such, and enable individuals and communities to obtain an education (HRW 2004a ; Wilson 2003 ) . And how does one obtain teaching and learning tools, what criteria are used, and who determines these (Cohen et al. 2006 ; UNICEF 2009a ) ? In Uganda, during 1991Ð1995 only 30% of the per pupil grants from the national government reached the schools, the rest was used by district authorities for purposes other than education ( UNICEF 2009a ) . When money disappeared from Kenya’s Education Ministry donors, such as the United States and Britain, held back their subsidies. And international donors suspended aid when Nepal’s Education Minister was removed from his post for taking bribes from more than 1,000 school teachers, depriving students of good teachers ( BBC 2010d, 2010e ) . But ceding supervision, and the control of hiring and fi ring of teachers to locally elected bodies may lead to the termination of effective teachers and retention of incompetent ones. Local bodies, even if elected, tend to refl ect the social stratifi - cation of that community and could thereby forfeit their real obligation to all children. All over the world some schools restrict or even expel pregnant pupils (and unmarried pregnant teachers) from attending school for fear of being “bad” role models for others (Wilson 2003). In some districts, American children of homosexual parents and children who had been in trouble with the law are denied access to the (better-performing) school of their choice (CNN 2008 ; Saulny 2004 ) . The medium of instruction can also become a source of contention, impacting learning and the students. If, at lower grades, the children’s mother tongue is the medium of instruction, repetition of grades can be eliminated later if the practice is continued at higher grades, as in China’s Autonomous Regions of Tibet and Uighur, and the Kazaks in Uighur, who have the right to use their native languages for education (Bellamy 2004 ; Tayler 2000 ; UNICEF 2004a, 2007, 2009 ) . In areas with large native populations and immigrants, and in multi-lingual countries, the medium of instruction is a serious, and can be a contentious, issue (UNICEF 2007, 2009 ) .

Free or Fee

In many societies the high cost of education excludes large numbers of children from school ( UNESCO 2000 ) . Whose responsibility is it to educate the future citizens of a society? The benefi ciaries of children’s education are not solely the individuals and their families, but the whole society through the higher taxes paid by better earners, a disciplined workforce, healthier workers, higher productivity, and better civil society. Regardless of this fact, in many places the economic burden of education largely falls on the individual rather than on the society as a whole. The fundamental issue centers on the question of school and related fees. School fees are not only a barrier to a child going to school, but can hold back the economic development of an entire country. In poor countries not charging these fees would mean Issues in Educating the Young 287 that the government has to subsidize education. But many of these countries fi nd doing this to be impossible. A 2005 survey of 93 countries which offi cially had free primary education found that only 16 countries charged no fee at all ( UNICEF/ World Bank 2009a ) . A household survey in Mozambique found that more than a third of school-aged children were not enrolled in school because “school was too expensive” (Cohen et al. 2006; The World Bank 2009) . Other research shows that the introduction of fees and miscellaneous levies leads to rising drop-out rates with girls typically dropping out sooner than boys (Foulkes 2005 ) . Abolishing fees can signifi cantly increase school attendance and retention. Ghana has a constitutional guarantee of free education, while Tanzania abolished school fees in 2001 with a huge increase in school enrollment (Tomasevski 2006 ; UNICEF/World Bank 2009 ) . In 2003 the Kenyan government abolished school fees and 1.3 million children Ð including adolescents who been excluded due to their inability to pay the fees – fl ooded the schools. Similarly, in Kenya, Malawi, Tanzania, and Uganda the pre- and post-fee abolition enrollment rates jumped from 5.9 million to 7.2 million, 1.9 million to 3 million, 1.4 million to 3 million, and 2.5 million to 6.5 million respectively (Bellamy 2004 ; UNICEF 2009 ) . If not totally free, should schools be allowed to charge whatever they like? Should no-fee schools be permitted to demand fees for things that students and parents may not realize beforehand (Tomasevski 2006a ) ? In Ecuador, for instance, the constitutional guarantee of free education is undermined by annual fees up to $250 per child, an amount that a child worker earns working 57 to 71 days on a banana plantation (HRW 2005a ) . The global estimated annual cost of education has risen from $9 billion to $15 (Dolan and Perry 2007 ; UNICEF 2002 ) . But, as shown in Table 8.2 , these costs are not uniform across the globe. Besides the vast sums societies spend to educate their young, parents invest additional sums and in 9 out of the 11 low and middle-income countries, households assumed more than a quarter of the total cost of primary and secondary education, sometimes equaling up to a third of the family budget (UNESCO 2008 ) . In Chile

Table 8.2 Per student costs of education, 1997 Region $ Amount % GNP Worldwide 999 17.9 Developed Countries 4942 19.5 Asia/Oceania 5833 17.0 Europe 4583 20.9 North America 5014 20.3 Countries in Transition 397 19.0 Less Developed Countries 28 10.4 Less Developed Regions 150 12.0 Sub-Saharan Africa 190 8.1 Arab States 494 18.7 Latin Amer./Caribbean 392 11.7 Eastern Asia/Oceania 136 10.6 Southern Asia 44 10.6 ( UNESCO 2000a : 119) 288 8 Denial of Education and Jamaica it exceeded 40%. Chad has a per capita income of $215, illiteracy rates of 60%, a 50% under-enrollment rate, and a 20% school completion rate. Twenty percent of all Chadian children are enrolled in community-managed fundamental education where parents fi nance, build, manage, and operate schools due to a lack of public fi nancing (Hillman and Jenkner 2004). In fact, free schools often have residual costs that are borne by the local community in the form of labor, material, technical assistance, or cash ( UNICEF 2009 ) . Parents from the Philippines work in the Gulf countries, sacrifi cing their own safety and comfort to enable their children’s private schooling, and often contributing to public school amenities as well (Onishi 2010) . Anecdotal evidence shows that many marginally subsistent parents in many Third World countries such as India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh choose to spend the little cash they have on their children’s education foregoing the labor that a child could have provided on the farm, in the kitchen, or in the bazaar. Since 82% of Haitian children are educated by non-public schools, struggling Haitian parents pay a third of their income to send their children to schools (Sontag 2010 ) . With her education suspended at sixth grade, a 54-year old Mexican widow made a living by taking in laundry with the eldest of her three children, but made sure that her two youngest children benefi ted from the new, conditional cash transfer program by keeping them in high school ( Rosenberg 2011 ) . In many cases, poorly fi nanced public education is augmented by charitable organizations. For example, with their antagonism toward formal schools and what is perceived as Western education, many successful schools in Afghanistan and Pakistan have been founded mostly by private initiatives like The Citizens Foundation (T.C.F.), and thousands are operated by the American non-profi t CARE. For the poorest Pakistani children TCF organization runs 660 excellent, private schools on 60% of what the government spends to educate a child in public schools. Although one illiterate Pakistani step-father stated “I’m not going to pay. Why should we spend money on education,” increasingly a quarter of Pakistani children attend private schools ( Kristof 2010g : 3). And by soliciting the help of many local elders Dr. Greg Mortenson, the controversial author of “Three Cups of Tea,” as has the charity Save the Children, operated many literacy centers and vocational schools for Afghan children in Taliban-controlled areas ( Kristof 2010i, 2010j ) . The question of who should bear the cost of educating traffi cked, or refugee children, or the children of illegal immigrants has becomes a political football in some countries. For example, an attempt to confi ne the children of asylum-seekers by schooling them in detention centers in the United Kingdom was criticized on the grounds that they are children fi rst and asylum-seekers second ( BBC 2002, 2004 ) . Similarly, Jordan has been accused of contravening international agreements on waiving residency requirements of the children of its large and diverse displaced immigrant groups that include 200,000 school-aged Iraqi children (HRW 2007b ) . UNICEF and the European Union had to help defray the cost of updating buildings and teacher training in Al-Hassakkah, Syria so that refugee Iraqi children could be absorbed into the already over-crowded local educational system ( UNICEF 2009 ) . Is there a particularly optimum age at which schooling should begin, and paren- thetically, when schooling should end? The legal age for commencing and ending Issues in Educating the Young 289 formal schooling varies widely across the globe. With the increasing labor-force participation of women outside the home, pre-school education has also become a crucial issue ( UNESCO 2000a ) . Due to the relative high cost and unavailability of early childhood care and pre-school in less-developed regions children lacking school-preparedness can struggle with school and often drop out ( UNICEF 2006 ; UNESCO 2008 ) . Recognizing this problem, governments across the globe are increasingly providing pre-school care such that enrollments rose to a worldwide total of 132 million in 2005 (UNESCO 2008 ) . In Oradea, Romania which has two million Roma out of 22 million people, the Ruhama foundation appointed local health and school mediators to work with local churches encouraging the Roma children to attend pre-school (Thorpe 2010) . But, as with schooling generally, considerable disparity is found in pre-schooling rates. Four out of fi ve boys and girls in North America, Western Europe, and the developed countries overall, have attended pre-schooling. This rate is a dismal 14% in Sub-Saharan Africa, Arab states, and Central Asia.

Classroom Size

Research suggests that learning outcomes do not vary among classrooms of 20 to 40 pupils, while large classrooms exceeding 40Ð45 students adversely affect student learning (UNESCO 2008 ; UNICEF/World Bank 2009, 2009a ) . Worldwide the student/teacher ratio is 25:1. In the Congo, however, the ratio is 83:1 and, similarly, in the overcrowded urban slums of Nairobi, Kenya 80 primary school students are often squeezed into one classroom (UNESCO 2008 ) . Poor countries generally have the most students in fi rst grade, and often classrooms accommodate multi-grades keeping the teacher-student ratios high ( UNICEF/World Bank 2009 ) . Upon elimination of school fees in Malawi, the enrollment rate increased considerably and student/teacher ratios rose from 62 to 100 in the fi rst grade while funding per pupil fell signifi cantly. The abolition of fees in Uganda led to 106 pupils per classroom with 7 students sharing a textbook, causing many students to fail the minimum standards exams ( UNICEF/World Bank 2009a) . Consequently the free primary education now being offered in a number of countries with overcrowded classrooms and strained resources raise doubts regarding the effectiveness and quality of the education children receive.

Decentralization and Quality of Education

Is educational quality a result of the numbers of hours spent in the classroom, doing homework, or listening to an engaging teacher ( Armario 2010 ) ? An average 12-year old has 1,467 hours of school instruction in the Philippines, 1,230 hours in Malaysia, 1,176 hours in both India and Indonesia, 893 hours in China, 840 hours in Denmark, 290 8 Denial of Education

800 hours in Brazil, 741 hours in Sweden, and 713 hours in Finland. But, the countries scoring highest on standardized tests are South Korea, Finland, Singapore, Hong Kong-Shanghai in China, and Canada ( Nation Master 2000 ) . Thus, increased hours of classroom instruction do not appear to correlate with academic excellence. In fact, there are tremendous differences among countries and regions within them in the required hours of schooling, content and quality of what is taught, and the standards for hiring and retaining teachers ( UNICEF 2009c ; University of Michigan undated ) . Achievement-oriented countries like Finland, for example, hire as teachers only the top ranking one-third among a graduating class. In the United States those who can, in one or more attempts, pass the teacher certifi cation process, regardless of their ability or training, can become qualifi ed to teach with some states side-stepping the Federal requirements by creating less rigorous alternative certifi cation programs whose graduates typically serve poorer schools (Collins 2011 ; Friedman 2010c ) . Education can create an artifi cial barrier when it is not relevant to or part of the daily life of a community (Crawley 2008). But where it is seen as benefi cial, people are likely to support education. Community elders often see vocational education that increases technical knowledge and information on things like farming skills, basic infrastructure and carpentry, and computer literacy as useful tools. For example, upon hearing that their school children had learnt about the life cycle of a grass- hopper, the Ethiopian parents’ council had the curriculum changed to studying an immediate problem of great relevance Ð the mosquito (Save the Children 2010a ) . Critics point out that decentralization requires students to acquire skills that are often locally limited hampering them from managing the diverse needs and broadening demands of a global society ( Friedman 2011, 2011a; UNESCO 2008 ) . On the other hand, they agree that a centralized nationwide-policy would produce predict- able, standardized, and uniform skills so that a child in a south Bronx public school or a rural Alabama school system would have knowledge and skills comparable to those of a child from a Fairfax County school in suburban Washington D.C. Mixing religion and politics can also have unintended consequences. During the 1980s General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq of Pakistan encouraged building madrassas Ð schools to provide Islamic education often away from families. In so doing, students failed to be learn constructive skills, besides being instilled with a distrust of anyone outside their religious realm (Emerson 2010 ; Griswold 2010 ; Hoodbhoy 2009 ; Oppenheimer M 2010) . These schools fail to impart essential skills to students that some consider children need to cope with the knowledge-based, collaborative economy of the future (Emerson 2010 ; Friedman 2010c ; Lewis 2011 ) . Financial malfeasance seems rampant in delivering education to children (Cohen et al. 2006 ) . In Kenya’s education ministry an estimated $41 million simply disappeared (BBC 2010d ) . Fragmented school system can offer increased opportunities for graft, self-justifi cation, scapegoats, and narrow world views, besides opaque practices, and occasional manipulation of tests to meet national standards (Jacoby 2010 ) . They can also lead to great disparity in costs, even within a country. In 2007, for example, the average cost of educating an American student was $11,257. New Jersey and New York respectively spent $17,794 and $16,987 per student. But Tennessee, Idaho, and Oklahoma respectively spent $7,872, $9,020 and $8,157 per pupil (United States Department of Education 2009 : Table 183). Issues in Educating the Young 291

Does this necessarily mean that education should be, as in France, totally centralized by the national government? The question remains unresolved. The Citizens Foundation (TCF), a local NGO in Pakistan provides better education at 60% of the cost per pupil than do state-run schools there ( Kristof 2010g ) . Many places, like Hong Kong, El Salvador, Guatemala, Indonesia, Kenya, Kyrgyzstan, Nepal, Nicaragua, Paraguay, and Mexico have given authority to school-based management bodies, making schools more responsive to local demand and needs (UNESCO 2008 ; UNICEF 2007 ) . On the other hand, in Latin America decentralization helped end segregation of native populations, but new schools fragmented along socioeconomic lines have evolved, in essence defeating the purpose and intent of decentralization (Cohen et al. 2006 ) .

Enrollment, Attendance and Completion of School

Children may be “enrolled” in school but miss months of classes during the harvest. Therefore, the enrollment rate, per se, does not represent the literacy level. Important also are the dropout rate and absenteeism rate (Global March undated). Thus, a successful educational program must improve not only enrollment, but also attendance, and completion as well as a mastery of emerging technologies (Fuller 2010 ; UNICEF 2009) . Non-enrollment, absenteeism, passivity in class, grade repetition, and dropping out, can all lead to a child being excluded from social and economic achievement ( UNESCO 2000 ) . But enrollment and attendance do not necessarily translate into a good education either, nor does completion of school guarantee equal beneﬁ t from quality education (Cohen et al. 2006 ) . But access, quality, retention, and completion of schooling, however, do not necessarily open the opportunities for success either because of limitations relating to gender, class, ethnicity, or health ( UNICEF/The World Bank 2009a ) . Going to school hungry or malnourished, sick, or tired, bearing the burden of studying without light in a language not one’s own, humiliations of failing exams, risking corporal punishment, teasing due to lack of uniforms or poor- looking clothes, harassment for fees, threats of expulsion for failure to pay fees, and sundry real or implied violence are all non-conducive to children attending school. As shown in Table 8.3 the compulsory years of schooling vary considerably around the world, ranging from 5 to 12 years. In Latin America, Chile is the only country that requires its youth to complete 12 years of education, while in Vietnam children only have to complete 5 years of education. The question remains: Should countries be required to not only educate their young, but also be mandated to do so to some uniform age?

Violence and School

As discussed in Chap. 4 , poor children have become pawns in adult conﬂ icts, particularly in vast sections of Africa. Children may be eager to learn, and parents 292 8 Denial of Education

Table 8.3 Years of compulsory school in select countries Country Years of schooling Argentina 10 Bolivia 8 Brazil 8 Canada 10 China 9 Colombia 9 Chile 12 Ecuador 10 France 10 Germany 12 Japan 9 Kazakhstan 11 Paraguay 8 Peru 10 United Kingdom 11 Uruguay 10 Venezuela 10 Vietnam 5 (Based on Global March 2006b :13Ð14; UNESCO 2000 : 52)

willing to educate them. But in a world where schools are bombed, teachers are shot in their classrooms, and children are forcibly recruited from playgrounds to fi ght adult wars, this can become impossible (Sheppard 2010 ) . Pakistani and Afghan Taliban regularly target any efforts to educate the young by placing landmines, lob- bing grenades and poison gases, and by demolishing school buildings harassing parents (Coursen-Neff 2006 ; The Indian Express 2010 ) . Sometimes, as in the clash between rival Islamic Bauchi and Kala Kato Islamic sects in Nigeria, such violence echoes civil strife and ethnic hatreds with students caught in the middle. Almost 40 million children of school-age live in countries affected by confl ict. In Bosnia, the Croatian Defence Council burnt down a Muslim primary school. There were deliberate attacks against primary schools in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and one principal was beaten for interfering in the recruitment of children as soldiers from his school. Girls were raped by Janjaweed militia at a boarding school in Darfur. And the Indian Maoist/Naxalites attacked government-run schools in Bihar, Jharkhand, and Chhattisgarh while the security forces occupied schools leaving behind their markers making the schools mistaken for military targets. It is routine in Indian Kashmir, amidst the power-struggle between government and the militant- separatists, for schools to be disrupted and school buses carrying children to their classes pelted with stones. Palestinian children in Rafah refugee camp in southern Gaza caught in the crossfi re between the Israeli forces and local demonstrators risk their lives to attend school and are subjected to seemingly arbitrary school closures. Students and teachers in private Islamic schools in Thailand are perpetually caught in life-threatening raids by government security forces. In one such raid, two teachers were killed inside a library during lunch recess in front of 100 students, while a Issues in Educating the Young 293 male teacher was killed by the separatists in a grocery store registering the names of children to be enrolled in his school. This resulted in the closure of 300 government schools in 13 southern districts (for examples see: BBC 2006, 2009 ; Dolan and Perry 2007 ; HRW 2007c, 2009, 2009a ; Knight 2009 ; The Indian Express 2010 ; Open letter to Ban Ki-Moon 2009; Reeve 1999; Save the Children undated (a); Sheppard 2010 ; Winder 2004 ; Yardley 2010a ; UNGEI 2010 ) . Personal violence is also an impediment to children’s education. In some developing countries of the Caribbean, Africa, and South Asia corporal punishment is tolerated resulting in depressed attendance with violence often at home being extended to school (Actionaid 2004, 2006 ; Becker 2005 ; HRW 2005, 2005a ; UNICEF 2009c ) . Children in Yemen, and the People’s Democratic Republic of Lao risk corporal punishment daily. An entire class may be caned for failure to perform well on national exams and ‘fl ogging’ for minor infractions is common. Tanzanian children often face harassment from school offi cials for their school fees and for not wearing uniforms. Personally-targeted violence also dissuades children from attending school (Becker 2005 ; Crawford 2009 ; HRW 2005a ) . One bullied Texas student reportedly was strangled by classmates with a drafting line the consistency of a fi shing line. Children subject to the stigma of HIV/AIDs face discrimination and violence from their fellow students as well as ignorant teachers, and schools are typically ill- equipped to deal with their unique problems. Consequently they feel the stress of harassment, ostracism, and isolation, as a 12-year old from Kenya with a sick mother living with HIV/AIDs explained ( HRW 2005 : 26): “I’d wake up in the morning and we wouldn’t have anything to eat. Our clothes would be dirty, and we didn’t have any soap to wash them. So I’d do casual work…to buy soap, or may be some food. I would stay home from school about 2 days a week. When I explained to the teachers why I wasn’t coming, they said nothing.”

The Color of (Ill-Spent) Money

The task of educating the world’s children is fundamentally a question of providing the needed funds for this effort and distributing these funds in such a way as to meet the unique circumstances of individual societies (Bellamy2004 ; Save the Children undated (b); UNICEF 2002 ) . Some contend that in a $30 trillion world economy if industrialized countries were to give 0.7% of their GDP in aid to poor countries, stipulating that 10% of their aid be devoted to primary education, it would be feasible to allocate $50 billion to eradicate global poverty, provide education, healthcare, water, and sanitation to all the poor of the world. A measly yearly funding gap of $5 to $7 billion is all that keeps the world’s poor children from acquiring an education. However, even if funds are available, national education policies affect how these funds are spent, and who is to beneﬁ t from them ( UNESCO 2000 ) . An extreme case is Zimbabwe. In willful and deliberate destruction of the country’s economy to eliminate political opposition, the Robert Mugabe regime forced Zimbabwe public schools to close, and teachers to abandon their livelihood, until 2009 when some teachers slowly began to return to the classroom (Crawford 2009 ) . 294 8 Denial of Education

Children around the world are deprived of education due to the national priorities on how and to whom funds are allocated ( The World Bank 2007 ) . The United States, for example, spends about $500 billions a year on its military (Thompson 2011 ) . One thirtieth that sum Ð $16 billion, or 15 cents out of each $100 in national income Ð could instead be used to eradicate extreme poverty at home and in the poorest countries. What is the priority, soldiers or schools (see Kristof 2010k; Winthrop and Graff 2010 ; UNICEF 2002 ) ? Similarly, Pakistan spends precious amounts on arms while denying millions of children schools (The World Bank 2007a ) . A child in Pakistan has a 1% chance of completing the twelfth grade, and “The average Pakistani child is signifi cantly less likely to be schooled than the average child in sub-Saharan Africa” ( Kristof 2010g : 1). Indeed, as a percentage of various indices of national wealth worldwide spending on education is often in single digits although UNICEF recommends that it be at least 14 to 10 percent (Bellamy 2004 ; UNESCO 2007 ; UNICEF 2002 ) . Compared with the tremendous monetary losses due to illiteracy and innumer- acy, the cost of education is defi nitely an exceptional bargain given its consequential economic benefi ts for any society. Developed countries emerged as economic powers in part because of their policies of investment in future generations. Between 1906 and 1911, for example, Japanese towns and villages spent 43% of their bud- gets on schools, as did many East Asian economic powerhouses during the latter half of the twentieth century (Bellamy 2004 ) . Between 1980 and 1997, $567.6 billion was spent on providing formal education worldwide. Of this amount, more developed countries spent $407.8 billion, countries in transition spent $61 billion, the less developed countries spent $98.5 billion, while the least developed countries spent a bare $3.8 billion (Dolan and Perry 2007 ; UNESCO 2000a ) . The entire sub- Saharan region spends less on education than a single country like France or the United Kingdom. In 1997 bilateral agencies, multilateral banks and funds, and the United Nations with UNESCO spent almost 7$ billion on educational development cooperation ( UNESCO 2000a) . Acknowledging the power of education in the advancement of peoples and societies, since 1963 the World Bank has established trust funds to the tune of $30 billions for educational purposes (Dolan and Perry 2007 ) . It is estimated that it would cost from $6.5 billion to $35 billion to provide quality universal primary education. Secondary education for all the world’s children would amount to $27 billion. While expenditures on education are extensive, it is estimated that the world’s societies need to spend an additional $7 billion annually, particularly in South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa, to achieve the goal of universal education (Cohen et al. 2006 ; Share-International Archives 1999 ; UNICEF 1999, 2002 ) . Table 8.4 depicts the relative amounts devoted to education in various regions of the world. Although small differences seem to exist in the relative percentages devoted to education across the world’s regions, considerable differences are found for individual countries. Twenty-nine countries spent a total of $1.1 trillion Ð roughly 41% of their collective gross domestic product Ð on education in 2001. While Saudi Arabia invested 9.5% of its GDP on education, followed by Norway, Malaysia, France and South Africa, the United States only spent 4.8%, thus ranking tenth Issues in Educating the Young 295

Table 8.4 Public spending on education around the world Region % of GNP % of Govt. spending Arab States 4.5 25.7 Central Asia 3.2 18.0 Central/Eastern Europe 4.9 12.8 Latin America/Caribbean 5.0 13.4 North America/Western Europe 5.7 12.7 South/West Asia 3.6 14.6 Sub-Saharan Africa 5.0 17.5 (Based on UNESCO 2008 : 31)

(Nation Master 2000a ; OCLC undated ; UNESCO 2007 ) . That translates into $2,850 per capita in Norway, and $1,780 in the United States, followed by France, the Netherlands and Canada each spending $1,200 per capita. Uganda, ranking 29th on education, spent only about $5 per capita ( OCLC undated ) . The United Kingdom spent a total of about 75 billion UK£ on education, with per-pupil cost of 6,600 UK₤ (BBC 2002a, 2007) . India declared a target of 6% of its GDP to be spent on education in 2001Ð2002 but actually spent only 4% (14.6% of government expenditure). Cuba spends 18.7% of its GDP on education, followed by Chile at 7.4%, while Bolivia, Brazil, Uruguay, and the rest of the Caribbean spending about 5%. But at 1.5% Haiti ranked the lowest, thus requiring that a typical Haitian parent spend almost one third of his or her salary on educating a child. Guinea, Pakistan, the United Arab Emirates, Indonesia, Ecuador, and Equatorial Guinea each spend less than 2% of their GDP on education ( Global March 2006b ; Nation Master 2000a ; Sontag 2010 ) . The sub-Saharan African countries combined spend less on education than do France, Germany, Italy, or the United Kingdom alone (UNESCO 2007 ) . Bangladesh spent $23 per student, amounting to 2.4% of GDP or 13% of government expenditure on primary school education in 2004 ( Global March 2006 ) . Although Thailand increased its educational allocations, much of it is spent on high salaries and beneﬁ ts for high level education bureaucrats (Fuller 2010 ). The problem is not the amounts spent on educating the world’s children. As suggested here, the sums are staggering. Instead, it is the disproportionate distribution of these funds that over-endows the educational institutions of children of some societies, and some segments of the population, while the educational opportunities and aspirations of others are being denied. To end the victimization of children by denying them the opportunity for a meaningful education the world’s societies and governments must ﬁ nd ways to eliminate this disparity in funding. But money is not the only issue or reason why children may be denied an education.

Gender and Education: The Case of Girls

Throughout the world 105,035,000 females and 71,791,000 males are believed to be illiterate. It is estimated that 38,594,000 girls and 18,031,000 boys in South and West Asia and illiterate and 45,012,000 girls and 32,226,000 boys in Sub-Saharan Africa 296 8 Denial of Education are deemed illiterate ( Save the Children undated ; UNGEI 2010: 11, Table 2). Girls make up about 60% of the world’s children who are not in school, with this gender disparity widest in Afghanistan and Pakistan (Foulkes 2005 ) . Almost everywhere in the world, girls are the most likely to be denied even a chance to gain an education. In developing countries, for every 100 boys at least 96 girls are in school. But South Asia, Africa and the Middle East are the worst in failing to educate girls ( Rubin 2010, 0a ; UNICEF 2005 ) . Some 53% of South Asian boys attend secondary school versus 39% of girls. In Sub-Saharan Africa these percentages drop to 29% versus 23% ( BBC 2005 ; Bellamy 2004; UNICEF 2005 ) . Enrollments of boys and girls are generally equal at the pre-primary level, except for countries in transition and the problem areas of South Asia, the Middle East, North Africa, and West/ Central Africa (UNICEF 2005, 2009c) . In developing countries rural girls are the most deprived. For every 100 boys there are 97 girls in Ethiopia’s urban schools while there are only 76 rural girls for 100 rural boys enrolled (UNICEF 2005 ) . Primary school enrollment rate for girls and boys varies from an even 100% (in China) to 22% for girls in Darfur, Sudan (Bellamy 2004 ) . But educational equality may be improving across the globe. For example, unique among developing nations, Bangladesh has achieved gender-parity at the primary level ( Global March 2006 ; UNICEF 2009b ) . Benin, Chad, the Gambia, Guinea, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sudan have all improved primary school enrollment of girls, although girls are still 60% more likely than boys to be educationally deprived (Bellamy 2004 ) . However, in spite of some progress at the primary level, gender disparity increases as students advance toward puberty, and secondary school (UNGEI 2010 ; Save the Children undated (c) ; UNESCO 2008 ) . In Zimbabwe, for example, more girls than boys enroll in fi rst and second grade, but fewer girls continue beyond (Actionaid 2006; The African Child Policy Forum 2006 ) . This disparity is also refl ected in the lower ratio of girls to boys attending secondary schools in South and West Asian and Sub-Saharan Africa. But, in an anomaly, in Latin America and the Caribbean (where a majority of teachers are women) girls actually outnumber boys in secondary school (UNGEI 2010 ; UNICEF 2004 ) . Parity of male and female school enrollment refl ects the degree to which a country acknowledges every child’s right to an education. Although 125 countries (91 developing and 34 industrialized) are on course in reaching gender-parity, education of girls in many countries continues to require urgent action (UNICEF 2005 ) . Other than being the just and right thing to do, there are a number of very good reasons why societies should encourage and facilitate the education of girls. Primary among these is economic. For example, in an exception, more girls than boys attend high school in Bangladesh, where educated girls have literally lifted the entire country economically by making garment manufacturing a major export item ( Kristof 2010m; UNICEF 2004a ) . Bangladesh, thus, demonstrates that one of the most effective means of combating many of the profound challenges to human development is to educate girls ( UNICEF 2004a ) . And in the words of Ban Ki-Moon, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, “When girls are educated, they are more likely to earn higher wages and obtain better jobs, to have fewer children and to enjoy safer childbirth” (Ban Ki-Moon 2009 ) . Issues in Educating the Young 297

Besides their increased adult earning-potential, education delays and reduces sexual activity, lowers infant and maternal mortality because of the more mature age at childbearing, and reduces sexually transmitted diseases. And education leads to women’s political involvement and, consequently, women’s empowerment and greater equality. Sending one’s daughters to school also has a compounded impact by setting a precedent for neighbors to also send their daughters to school. And educated women are likely to see that her own children (boys and girls) go to school, accelerating overall economic and social development in any society (Bellamy 2004 ; UNICEF 2004a ) . Educated girls are less at risk from contracting sexually- transmitted diseases, sexual exploitation and child traffi cking. They are also less likely to be victims of violence, sexual abuse, and exploitation (Bellamy 2004 ; Foulkes 2005 ; UNICEF 2004a ) . Educated people live longer, and thus “Education is more than just learning. In many countries it’s a clear life-saver, especially where girls are concerned” (Bellamy quoted in Foulkes 2005 : 1). There are a number of reasons why some societies persist in denying girls the same educational opportunities they grant to boys. Some parents resist sending their daughters to school out of concerns for their safety rather than a belief that girls should not be educated (Bellamy 2004; UNICEF 2004a) . In other cases, costs related to school, poor quality education, inadequate regulations, and laws all account for high drop-out rates, particularly of girls, in poor countries where traditional practices impede their enrollment, attendance, and completion of education (Tomasevski 2005 ; UNICEF 2002, 2009, 2009a ) . But perhaps the biggest obstacle to the education of girls is early marriage, pregnancy, and the expectation that they contribute to the family with unpaid housework (Tomasevski 2005 : UNGEI 2010 ) . In more extreme cases, the Taliban’s antipathy toward education, and especially the education of girls, has directly targeted anyone seeking to educate girls in Pakistan and Afghanistan (Burde 2005, 2010; Kristof 2010i, 2010g; Rubin 2010a ) . In one case, Afghan Taliban posted a note in a village mosque and left a “night letter” at a nearby school ordering the girls’ schools to be closed and warning an instructor against teaching boys and girls in the same classroom. The instructor was subsequently killed along with the gate-keeper and a male student (Coursen-Neff 2006 ; HRW 2006 ) . In addition, unsafe school environments, classroom dynamics, teacher prejudices, and the biases in learning materials all negatively impact the education of girls in much of the world (Tomasevski 2005 ; UNESCO 2008 ; UNGEI 2010 ; Wilson 2003 ) . Particularly in South Asia, dominant patriarchal beliefs deem sons to be an asset with their education adding to the family’s economic value while daughters, considered a burden and a responsibility, are used to perform household chores and are to be “married off’ as soon as possible (Actionaid 2004 ; Hillman and Jenkner 2004; HRW 2001, 2005; UNESCO 2008 ; World Education 2008; Wilson 2003 ) . Having no sons and only daughters is a cause for pity and a source of ridicule such that some Afghan urban families dress their young daughters as boys, sending them to school until puberty (Nordberg 2010 ) . As a young woman in Turkey who had been kept away from school chafed, “I don’t want just to work on my trousseau. I want to go to school and have my books” (Bellamy 2004 ) . Moreover, girls are expected to spend their time and energy performing domestic chores, although the discipline they learn doing so can make them more amenable 298 8 Denial of Education to the classroom and academic success compared to boys (Bellamy 2004 ; Global March 2006b, 2006c, 2006d) . Thus, it is felt that it is essential to “catch” female children as early as possible, particularly in rural areas, since if they start helping out with household chores early on, the rhythm that routine establishes makes it diffi cult to introduce them to schooling as time elapses (Bellamy 2004 ) . The words “What does a girl need to study for?” uttered by the step-father of a girl in Egypt refl ects that ideology and tradition often trump all else, in spite of the economic and other benefi ts the education of girls may bring a family and society, (Bellamy 2004 ; Kristof 2010m ) . Thus, it is necessary to persuade unlettered parents that rather than simply being an economic resource for the short term, letting their daughters attend school has “demonstrable value” in the long term (Kristof and WuDunn 2009 ) . An illiterate village shopkeeper in Egypt expressed this realization. “Until Rewa {his daughter} went to school, my store accounts were in a complete mess,” adding “But before long, she was taking care of all the books for me, as well as helping her elder sister to read and write” (Bellamy 2004 ) . Similarly, his head piled high with his cotton harvest, a Malian cotton farmer said that since his 7 or 8 year old daughter started going to the village school, she helps him with weighing and measuring the cotton to be sold to the agent ( Save the Children 2010b ) . Even an elderly Egyptian village merchant realized that “A man can always make something out of his circumstances but a girl can’t. She needs to be educated in order to get on in life” (Bellamy 2004 ) . Most of the hesitation to letting girls go to school comes from within the family and community. A primary fear is that school alienates girls from cultural traditions, or corrupts them by contact with outsiders and boys. It is easier to restrict the conduct of powerless females rather than control the sexual misconduct of men. An irate Haji Farid, an Afghan member of parliament from Mahmud-e Raqi, asked “Why are people focusing on education and sending girls to school? …During war you cannot send a girl beyond her door. No one can guarantee her honor” ( Rubin 2010) . Parents concerned with the safety of their daughters walking long distances to school may disrupt their education in places like Cambodia, Pakistan, Afghanistan, and Zimbabwe (Bellamy 2004 ; Kristof 2010a, 2010d ) . But, in spite of these fears, working with local elders and mullahs a woman in Afghanistan managed to expand female literacy classes in Taliban controlled areas while several NGOs have started 3,000 community-based schools, some also enroll- ing girls, in 1,400 communities throughout the country (Burde 2010 ; Kristof 2010j ) . Similarly, efforts to overcome objections to mixed-gender schools have resulted in the creation of home-based schools for girls (Bellamy 2004 ; Burde 2005 ; UNICEF 2009c ) . And by winning-over local elders, and providing incentives for some families Save the Children has furthered girls’ education in Pakistan by convincing local communities to provide two rooms (one for each gender group) for 100 students. In many societies, as girls progress toward puberty, sexual harassment, taunts, and threats of violence increase while concurrently their household chores also start to consume more time and energy. Risks of rape provide strong disincentive for attending school (Actionaid 2004 ; HRW 2001 ; UNESCO 2008 ; Wilson 2003 ) . South African girls especially encounter sexual violence and harassment at school Ð from Issues in Educating the Young 299 passersby, teachers, and fellow male-students. As one girl reported “I left {school} because I was raped by two guys in my class who were supposedly my friends” (HRW 2001 : 1). In Uganda a male teachers ordered female students to wash his feet or take water to the bathroom where he was naked (Actionaid 2004 ) . Supported by the governments of Norway and Uganda, the Forum for African Women Educationists successfully lobbied to change the prohibition against pregnant girls attending school and to readmit girls after giving birth ( UNICEF 2004a ) . But not atypically, although she loved school, Brenda of Karonga District, Malawi was forced by her angry parents and taunts of her school mates to quit at the eighth grade upon becoming pregnant (Tomasevski 2005 ; UNGEI 2010; Wilson 2003 ) .

Power of Social Stratiﬁ cation

One’s status in the social order determines one’s physical and social mobility as well as life chances. Education is an imperative to break the cycle of poverty and deprivation. But, illiterate and poor parents are unable to help their children opti- mize their education (Cohen et al. 2006; Hillman and Jenkner 2004; UNICEF 2002, 2007 ) . Economics and crises disproportionately affect girls’ continuing education. Traditional societies, parents with low income sacrifi ce the education of daughters in favor of sons, remove daughters from school requiring them to work within the household or to support the family through bonded labor, as enslaved workers, or child brides (Hillman and Jenkner 2004; Riddell 2003; UNGEI 2010 ; UNICEF 2004, 2005 ) . In pockets of poverty, and there are many of them, truly free education has invari- able positive effects for educational opportunities. For example, when Malawi abolished school fees in 1993Ð1994, enrollment of girls rose from 1.9 million to 3.2 million (UNICEF 2004a, 2005) . An illiterate 14-year old village girl in Upper Egypt, was allowed to join the new local school when her uncle, a member of the project committee, emphasized the importance of education ( Save the Children 2010 ) . A 62-year old widower in Cochas, Peru made sure that all his children attended school. As he said “Everyone told me not to send my children to school, especially the girls,” adding “They said I should only enroll the younger boys. The oldest boy was expected to help me in the fi eld because I am old” (Bellamy 2004 ) . And in northeast Brazil, cash transfers (Bolsa Familia) to poor and low income families increased school attendance and advancement, particularly among older girls ( Rosenberg 2011, 2011a ; UNICEF/The World Bank 2009a ). Caught amidst confl icts, extremely poor parents in Peru’s rural Andes petitioned the government for a school, and to make sure the benefi ts accrued to the 65,000 girls equally, the community participated in monitoring the new school (Bellamy 2004 ) . Communities in Ethiopia initiated Girl’s Education Advisory Committees, adding 217 girls to just one primary school in 2003, and the girls’ drop-out rates fell ( UNICEF 2009c ) , some parents feel that their children with learning and physical disabilities need special programs but are pushed into mainstream schools where they simply fail to 300 8 Denial of Education survive (Hechinger 2007 ) . On the other hand, Jordan has pledged to provide healthcare and education regardless of the legal status of the large infl ux of Iraqis, whom the Jordanian government refuses to recognize as refugee children (HRW 2007c ) . Overcoming unsupportive parents, Nepali Dalit girls report happy to be in school, although they are uncomfortable with the special scholarships that come with the “Dalit (untouchable) identity (Heijnen-Matthuis 2008 ) . The father of a teen-aged Lalita Kumari in Bihar (India’s least developed state with 23% literacy rate among females) objected to her karate classes at school, believing that girls should stay home and it will ruin her reputation, was eventually won over since the hygiene- education offered a chance to rid the family of the “unclean” caste label (Bellamy 2004 ) . But indigenous culture can also have positive impact. Rooted in the life and environment of the community of Guatemala classrooms under the Nueva Escuela Unitaria Bilingue became safe, child-centered, environments with gender-sensitive pedagogy. Consequently the attendance and completion rates of indigenous girls increased ( UNICEF 2004a, 2009c) . “In some countries intensive work will need to be done to ensure that girls are in school because of the positive experiences they encounter there, rather than in spite of the diffi cult circumstances, unfriendly learning environments and hostile conditions that they currently endure while in school” (UNICEF 2005 : 27). It is ironic indeed that the very forces that work against girls’ obtaining the same educational opportunities enjoyed by their brothers are the ones that are most likely to change once the girls are educated. The task ahead is to break the cycle of baggage Ð superstitions, illogic, and fear Ð so that with an increasing number of educated females in the world, the factors that block girls’ educational aspirations and achievement and, thus, their socioeconomic equality, will fall by the wayside.

Laws and Initiatives

As with virtually all the things that result in young people suffering victimization, being denied an education is also a form of victimization that is prohibited under both international and local laws and agreements. Indeed, in many parts of the world, educational facilities for youngsters are actually mandatory and all children are required to attend school until some designated age. Nevertheless, millions of the world’s children remain uneducated.

International Agreements

The universally accepted idea that education is a fundamental human right was born with the end of colonialism in the form of the 1948 United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Article 26 of the declaration states: “Everyone has the Laws and Initiatives 301 right to education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory….” (United Nations 1948 ) . In the decades to follow, other international conventions articulated and refi ned this mandate. These include the UNESCO Convention of 1960 Against Discrimination in Education, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women in 1979, the Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1989, the World Declaration on Education for All in 1990, and the Millennium Development Goal in 2000 (Right to Education Project 2008c ; PDHRE undated ; UNESCO 2000 ; UNICEF/ The World Bank 2009; United Nations 1989 ) . The two main United Nations treaties are The UNESCO 1960 Convention Against Discrimination in Education and the 1966 International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. Both attempt to redress and address civil and political rights for all ( UNESCO 2000a ) . In addition, in Articles 10 & 14, the 1979 Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women established women’s rights, while Articles 28 and 29 of the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child, and Articles 3, 4, and 5 of the Convention against Discrimination in Education both expressly prohibit discrimination in education. In 1990 the World Summit on Children reaffi rmed that every child, despite gender, should have a quality, primary education (Bellamy 2004 ; Amnesty International 1998 ; PDHRE undated ; UNGEI 2010 ) . Individually and collectively these international agreements clearly mandate that children in all countries of the world have an innate right to at least a basic education. As such, the world community has repeatedly and consistently affi rmed its special commitment to and children’s right to an education. In pursuit of this ideal, at the World Declaration on Education for All, the year 2000 was set as the deadline to achieve universal primary education. Subsequent world forums all concluded that individual nations have a responsibility for educating the young (Actionaid 2007 ; Bellamy 2004 ; Cohen et al. 2006 ; Fisher 2004 ; HRW 2005 ; UNGEI 2010 ) . Since many countries did not meet the target date of 2000, at the World Education Forum (2000 ) in Dakar, Senegal the United Nations Girl’s Education Initiative launched “Education For All” (UNGEI 2010 ) . The same year, at the United Nations Millennium Summit in New York and the World Economic Forum, 181 countries endorsed The United Nations Millennium Development Goal to reduce hunger, poverty, infant and maternal mortality, provide for gender equality and environmental sustainability, reverse the spread of HIV/AID, tuberculosis and malaria, and provide every child a primary education by the year 2015 (Bono 2010 ; Cohen et al. 2006 ; PDHRE undated ) . Many of the countries created after World War II consider educating their young to be important for their economic development. Almost 50 of the early members of the United Nations enacted constitutional and legislative provisions for free and compulsory education, some targeting and tailoring their educational system in their economic plans ( UNESCO 2000a) . And almost all of the world’s countries have ratifi ed one or more of the agreements that would insure at least a primary education for all its citizens. 302 8 Denial of Education

However, ratifi cation of protocols is not a clear sign of “commitment.” Zambia, for example, fully accepted the principles embodied in these agreements but indicated that fi nancial constraints were impediments to their implementation, while Ireland indicated that it would provide primary education, but reserved the right of parents to educate their young at home, provided that minimum standards were observed ( UNESCO 2000a ) . Botswana, a signatory to most conventions and all treaties, has been slow to implement the provisions of these conventions (Actionaid 2006, 2007) . India with its diverse population and regional variations in the delivery of services achieved increased enrollments but failed in achieving the goal of increasing the retention of girl students (Jacobs 2010 ) . China has also successfully incorporated into law many of the principles protecting children, but has various discriminatory practices toward abandoned, orphaned, traffi cked, disabled or street children, those in confl ict with the law, or affected by migration ( UNICEF 2006a ) . Thus while individual nations may recognize and strive to achieve the mandate set forth in international law, many have yet to come close to realizing the stated goals.

Regional and Local Laws

Countries in virtually all regions of the world have enacted all manner of legislation designed to provide for, ensure, or enhance the education of children within their borders. All suggest that governments of all types throughout the world recognize the importance of an educated population, if not necessarily the innate right that all children have to an education. But, 38 out of 173 countries have no constitutional provisions mandating free and compulsory education (UNESCO 2008 ) . From 1981 the Council of Europe has established standards for its 45 member states regarding education. In 1986 the same year the African Union (then called the OAU, Organization of African Unity) adopted the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights, and then the African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child of 1999 subscribed to the notion that education is a basic human right. Local measures granting children similar right to education are The African Girls’ Initiative operating in several African countries, the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man that evolved during the Inter-American Pact in San Jose in 1978, the Additional Protocol to the American Convention on Human Rights in the Area of Social and Cultural Rights in the San Salvador Protocol of 1988, and the European Convention on the Legal Status of Migrant Workers the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities all grant children similar rights to education ( PDHRE undated ; UNGEI 2010 ; UNICEF 2007, 2009 ) . Besides its 1950 constitutional guarantee of universal (some) education, in 2001 India launched a nationwide “Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan” (Education for All) program to provide quality education for socially vulnerable and economically marginal groups. This was followed by the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act that allows 6Ð14 year-old children to demand a free elementary education (Bhargava 2010; BBC 2010a ; Bellamy 2004 ; Kumar 2010 ; UNICEF 2004 ) . Achieving ‘Universal Education’ 303

Through such gestures political will translates into real gains for the country with its severe regional disparities in the status of children. Tiny Mauritius (population 1.3 million) provides free education, transportation to school, and free health care to all its children (Stiglitz 2011 ) . By enacting the Compulsory Primary Education Act in 1990, and bringing the entire country under this program in 1993, Bangladesh has guaranteed free, universal, and compulsory primary education for all. To facilitate attendance, the law mandates free food to a fi fth of primary school children in rural areas, and stipends (Upabritti) for 40% of the poor enrollees in primary education, along with rehabilitation of old schools, building new ones, and the provision of new text books for all ( Global March 2006 ) . Having gained independence in 1957, Ghana made primary and middle school education both free and compulsory by 1961. In spite of the problem of access in remote and rural areas, it increased enrollment by providing meals to about 450,000 pupils ( UNICEF/The World Bank 2009 ) . Tanzania targeted that free universal primary education be achieved by 1977. And having won independence in 1963, Kenya abolished fees from fi rst to fourth grade in 1974, while Cameroon eliminated school fees in 2000 (The World Bank 2009 ) . The Brazilian constitution of 1988 requires the government to provide for the care and education of children age 6 and younger, while the Statute of the Child and Adolescents of 1990 includes the most progressive provisions for the education of juvenile offenders in the Americas (Human Rights Watch 2005; UNESCO 2008 ) . The Costa Rican Bureau of Social Security and the Social Development Fund and Family Appropriations law mandates free primary education and expanded education at all levels ( Global March 2006b ) . Although Chilean labor legislation allows 15 to 18 year-olds to work under specifi c conditions, since the 1990s the Ministry of Education has initiated “School for All” to guarantee 12 years of compulsory education with retention subsidies to municipal and subsidized private schools, full school shifts, school meals, and student health programs. Chinese law instructs local governments to take effective measures to encourage school attendance, yet poor parents, particularly in ethnic regions, risk being fi ned for their children’s abstention from school whose fees they can’t afford (Edkins 2010 ; HRW 2005 ) . As suggested by the few examples noted here, countries around the world appear to have been motivated, by international agreements and the actions of organizations like UNICEF and Save the Children, to actively do something about educating their young, at least in the form of legislation. However, much remains to be fulfi lled, and it is highly unlikely that universal primary education will be achieved by the 2015 target date. What more can and should be done?

Achieving ‘Universal Education’

Increased economic opportunities can lift a whole nation out of desperate poverty. Such opportunities are invariably dependant on an educated population. Thus, as Kristof (2010n ) points out, investing in individual children, despite their lineage, is 304 8 Denial of Education the single best investment for us all. Universal literacy is a basic necessity for the social and economic health of all societies. Insuring that every child in the world has the opportunity to be educated, therefore, is essential to the wellbeing of all people. To banish illiteracy and ignorance worldwide will require a massive mobilization of monetary and human capital. Doing so requires multi-pronged, system-wide, efforts involving government agencies, international aid bodies, and the parents and children themselves. To do this, many of the world’s societies need to develop a new ideology, a cultural ethos that encourages learning, and prepares and motivates teaching as a choice profession with adequate compensation and prestige (The New York Times 2009 ; UNICEF 2009 ) . After all why would any rational person, with ability and training, choose a profession such as teaching with its low pay and lack of prestige? To make a difference by forging social change, inspiring leaders need to risk their political capital for the sake of the country’s children and future. In one such move, seven seats in the upper chamber of the state legislature in Tamil Nadu, India were reserved for (school, college, and university) teachers giving them prestige and a minority contribution to the educational policy ( The Hindu 2010 ) . Above all, the new ideology must target and replace traditional status and the limitations often attached to them. Bangladesh, for example, achieved some success in this regard through a campaign that promoted quality education for girls through various events where a girl played the hero in an animated series. People may feel threatened if the advanta- geous position of their own children could be usurped by the children of the “unde- serving, unfi t, undesirable” if education becomes a right, as in feudal areas of Pakistan where land-owners always oppose good schools out of a fear that, if educated, the poor will realize and rebel against their situation ( Kristof 2010g ) . Thus, this new national ethos must ensure that the educational processes does not reinforce, but instead combats, ossifi ed and discriminatory ideologies and practices, guaranteeing truly free education for all (Bellamy 2004; Right to Education Project 2008c; UNICEF 2004a ) . A Gallup poll survey of 50,000 people in 60 countries demonstrates that such transformations may be happening already, with people in countries around the world rejecting the notion that a boy’s education is more important than that of a girl’s (Bellamy 2004). Remedial measures targeting discriminated and marginalized minorities increase their school participation and involvement in the community (Rizvi 2010 ; HRW 2004a, 2005a ) . School sports, for example, integrate minority Roma children in Romania, and ethnic Zimbabwe children (Bellamy 2004 ; UNICEF 2004a ) . The Media can play a pivotal role in campaigns to educate the public and mobi- lizing public opinion in favor of expanding educational opportunities. In developing countries with the wide appeal of movies and sports, enlisting movie stars and sports fi gures can promote the benefi ts of education among children, their parents, politicians, and prospective donors (BBC 2008a ; The Indian Express 2010a ) . The Bollywood hit “Slumdog Millionaire,” for example, brought not only public attention to the enormous failings of the Indian educational system, but defi nitely benefi ted the child actors with education trust funds (Ahmed 2009) . In “Not All Prisons Have Bars,” the life of a young boy, a modern day slave in India. dramatically Achieving ‘Universal Education’ 305 revealed how educational opportunities were denied to such children (Pain 2010). Films on children who are forced to beg, or that emphasize the knowledge to be gained from books, provide mass appeal while conveying the message of the importance of education and skills (Gupta 2010 ) . But a cultural ideal that education for all is desirable needs to be backed up by law to be fully realized in practice. In many developing countries poor people, exploited for generations, lack a concept of their rights in the belief that civic authorities exist only for the convenience and service of the powerful. Under the guise of cultural traditions the education of females is undervalued and discouraged. As such, the belief that education is a child’s best friend is a novel idea. Despite constitutional and legislative guarantees, specifi c laws must be enacted regarding birth-registration, the right to participate in governmental affairs, education standards, and prohibitions against any discrimination (UNICEF 2007 ) . As noted earlier, one of the most effective ways to achieve sustainable economic development and social transformation is by educating girls (Cohen et al. 2006 ; UNICEF 2004a, 2007 ) . But to do this their rights as human beings need to be legis- lated and enforced. These rights include freedom from discrimination, protection from exploitative labor, physical violence, and sexual abuse, and access to an adequate standard of living (Bellamy 2004; UNICEF 2007 ) . And as with all other forms of youth victimization, laws prohibiting actions or the lack of action, that deny children their right to education require effective law enforcement. Often this is not the case. South African police, prosecutors, and social workers, for example, complain that when sexual victimization of girls occurs in public and private schools, instead of being transparent, offi cials prefer to deal with the matter internally, thwarting any legal efforts against the perpetrators (HRW 2001 ) . People also need incentives, and an absence of disincentives, to invest in education. At minimum, children need to be provided a safe school environment so that parents and children feel secure, encouraging regular attendance (MSNBC 2010 ) . Indeed, school attendance improved in Guinea when new schools with sanitary facilities were built and NAFA (schools for second chance) centers were created. In addition, rations were provided for girls and their families, and a code of conduct for teachers that prohibited sexual abuse and exploitation of pupils was implemented (HRW 2007d ) . Similar efforts are being initiated around the world to encourage attendance and retention of students. For example, Bangladesh offers a 2-year bridging course with 350,000 enrollees. Caritas prepares street children in Niger for re- admittance to school, while others take literacy, numeracy, health care, and hygiene education directly to working and street children ( Global March 2006a ; Rosenberg 2011b ; UNESCO 2008 ) . For children engaged in back-breaking labor all day, or girls confi ned to a bleak home, a new child-friendly school decorated in bright col- ors, pictures, and games can be a magnet encouraging them to come (Bellamy 2004 ; UNICEF 2007 ) . Proving that public spaces are safe environments, convincing parents that their children belong in school to avail free education, and demonstrating that the temporary absence of the children pays dividends in the end, can work wonders. Under a program called “Opportunidades” poor Mexican families receive about $123.00 per 306 8 Denial of Education month for school supplies and a one-time bonus of $330.00 for those who fi nish high school in a timely fashion. Extremely poor Brazilians covered by “Bolsa Familia” received an unconditional $40.00 per month if their children are in school ( Rosenberg 2011 ) . In Kenya’s urban slums and areas with pockets of poverty where day schools are too far away or boarding schools are absent, the government granted funds for low-cost boarding schools. In addition, for nomadic herders in remote areas and urban pockets bereft of amenities, mobile schools are provided for children who attend morning and evening classes while the midday is spent with their goats, camels, and cows in search of grazing (BBC 2010f ; UNICEF/The World Bank 2009 ) . In an innovative effort, the Delhi municipality in India started 30 mobile schools in the city to cater to the children of migrant laborers with plans to get them into regular schools when the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act came into force ( The Indian Express 2010 ) . The state government of Tamil Nadu, India provides free public schools, bus tickets and special student buses, textbooks, notebooks, bicycles, and noon meals, and consequently has one of the highest school attendance rates in India (Sundar 2010 ) . Other efforts seek to reduce the wide disparity in educational access, availability, and amenities between rural and urban children. In Lesotho, in southern Africa, temporary tent classrooms substitute proper structures in remote areas. Under the Gansu Basic Education Project, China targeted poor rural areas with free text books and stationery and established quotas for the most vulnerable children Ð girls, ethnic children, children who were never enrolled, a parent with disabilities, or single parents. Yet another facilitator is yearly grants to purchase teaching aids Ð $10 in India, $2.70 per male and $3.30 per female student in Ghana, $1.20 per pupil in fi rst to fourth grade in Ethiopia, $0.90Ð$1.20 in Mozambique, and $14 in Kenya resulting in more text books to be shared by fewer students with higher completion and lower repetition and dropout rates in Kenya’s primary schools ( UNICEF/The World Bank 2009, 2009a ) . The major ingredient in the success of any educational initiative is the sense of local collaboration. Participation of the local community is both a means and an end in convincing authorities that education is a right of all their children and a governmental obligation (Bellamy 2004 ; Kristof 2010e, 2010i, 2010k; UNICEF 2007, 2009; UNICEF/The World Bank 2009 ; UNGEI 2010 ) . A “buy-in” program in 261 Bhutan’s community schools located in huts, temples, or farmhouses and managed by parents and the local community resulted in better maintained class rooms since the local people felt invested in its success but without allowing them to prevent the entry of any child from the school (UNICEF 2004a) . Increasing school attendance in Ghana, the government replaced dilapidated structures with low-cost cement fl oor and roof buildings supported by steel girders with local support by community residents “cladding” the outside walls ( UNICEF/The World Bank 2009a ) . Local communities in Ethiopia contributed labor, materials, or cash to improve their schools. In Mozambique local residents worked together to decide how to raise funds for schools. And in El Salvador decisions regarding hiring, monitoring, and dismissing teachers were entrusted to a local autonomous community education association. And in Nicaragua, on-site school-councils made up of teachers, students, and parents came Achieving ‘Universal Education’ 307 together to manage school resources. Although requiring fi nancial sustainability, Bangladesh’s Food for Education Program increased enrollment and attendance at the primary level (UNICEF 2007 ; UNICEF/The World Bank 2009 ) . Effi cient and inventive management that uses simplifi ed local variations Ð use of fl oor mats instead of desks and furnishings, for example Ð and ensures that teachers are trained to be gender-responsive in promoting child participation will provide children with opportunities to develop and learn life skills (UNICEF 2002, 2005, 2007, 2009c ) . Moreover, maintaining transparency regarding the availability and use of resources helps to ensure community support, while meeting the demands of parents that their children be equipped for a better future (UNICEF 2007 ; UNICEF/ The World Bank 2009) . For example, denial of access to information technology handicaps current-day children since traditional middleclass jobs requiring some thinking are exactly the jobs that computers eliminate while creating jobs requiring critical thinking (Cohen et al. 2006 ; Friedman 2010a, 2010b ; Edwards 2008 ; Noah 2010) . That is, the relevance of what is taught should not refl ect the current fad but combine the qualities of critical thinking, analysis, adaptation, and inventiveness that will stand the test of time. With consensual rules and rights in participant democracies children, parents, and communities can collaboratively determine the structure, content, and process of education ( UNICEF 2009a ) . But local, community, involvement and control also need coordination and oversight if an entire nation is to benefi t from education. Thus, to ensure that schools meet their goals, a 14-country regional South African Consortium for Monitoring Education Quality has been involved in ensuring educational quality among its members (Cohen et al. 2006 ) . And in many cases this requires resources beyond those available to the people of poor countries. Indeed, the accelerated gender parity in primary school enrollments in Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, India, Mozambique, Tanzania, Yemen and Zambia prove that success is a product of both local political will and judiciously combined international aid (UNESCO 2008 ) . The basic imperative that children work and contribute to family income is one of the major impediments to their being educated in much of the world. Thus, when children’s contribution to family coffers is imperative, modifying school hours to accommodate the communal-labor demand such as harvests, help overcomes local resistance (Bellamy 2004 ; UNICEF 2004a ) . Flexible and limited hours helped girls to be taught literacy, numeracy, and life skills training in health and hygiene, ana- lytic skills, positive self-concept and leadership in disadvantaged communities in Bihar, India, or girl domestics in Bangladesh or Casablanca, Morocco. Limiting hours of schooling and multi-shift teaching may not create rocket scientists, but they can be useful alternatives to “normal” schooling where a large segment of the children work. Although, adequate for lifting such children from object poverty and for providing them with an elementary education, work-accommodating schooling programs fail to prepare students for the evolving globally competitive world of work. But some programs show promise ( UNICEF 2009 ) . For example, the “Earn and Learn” program in Bangladesh offers 351,000 working children a 2-year bridging 308 8 Denial of Education course at the end of which they can be admitted to grade three in mainstream schools. Similarly, Cambodia offers street children in Phnom Penh a mentor program to reintegrate them into formal schools. Innovative, distance learning broadcast of lec- tures from the Indira Gandhi Open University in India benefi ts more than a million students (Cohen et al. 2006 ) . For the world’s children to truly have even a chance at success in the modern world, it is essential that they be literate in the tools of that world ( Friedman 2011, 2011a ) . Chief among these is information technology. By making computers afford- able and the internet accessible to children everywhere, the “$100.00 Laptop” program seeks to bring poor children around the world into the worldwide communication loop (Fildes 2007 ) . Uruguay was the world’s fi rst country to give a laptop to all the students in public schools creating a generation of tech-savvy workers (Oppenheimer A 2010 ) . And children in the United Kingdom are coached online by Indian math tutors (Seligren 2010 ) . At the click of a mouse, Nepalese children in the mountain village of Nanki are connected to the rest of the world (BBC 2001a ) . Such exchanges connect poor children all over the world to the world of information, knowledge, and technical skills providing an improved chance to transcend poverty ( Friedman 2010 ; UNICEF 2009 ) . Back-to-school campaigns in war-torn places like the Central African Republic, Congo, Côte d’Ivoire, and Liberia have the potential to integrate children temporarily thrown out-of-school (UNICEF 2005 ) . In any peace treaties to end these confl icts it is essential to include provisions for educating children who had been denied that opportunity due to the confl ict (Save the Children 2008a, 2009 ) . The economic downturn of the early twenty-fi rst century resulted in diminished, international aid to developing countries with a minuscule 2% devoted to education (Bellamy 2004 ; Tomasevski 2006a ; UNICEF 2009d ) . Even then, international aid is crucial if the goal of universal primary education is to be met. While this aid has to be adequate, timely, and precisely directed it must also be accompanied by demands for transparency, clarity of data on the amount of aid received, and the precise numbers of those who benefi ted from the aid and their exact achievements (Bono 2010 ) . At every level, there should be systematic accountability, clear prohibition of abuse, and ways to address any lapse in judgment or failure (HRW 2001, 2007 ; UNICEF/ The World Bank 2009a ) . As one benefi ciary of Philadelphia-based Heifer International, explained: “I am not criticizing people who give ten sacs of food to the needy, because what they do is necessary. But in 1 month or 2 weeks, that food will be fi nished and the people who received it will again be hungry. An animal like a goat brings immediate help” (Strom 2004: 1). “Debt-swap,” forgiving debt in exchange for increased domestic investment in education, used in Argentina that owed Spain $78 million, and elsewhere in Latin America, has set an excellent precedent for a new approach to providing aid (UNICEF 2005 ) . A decade ahead of the Millennium Development Goal target date of 2015 international agencies and non-profi t organizations, such as “WorldTeach,” are actively providing funds to educate poor children around the globe. To date, 51 of 129 signatory countries have achieved universal primary education, and 53 are in an intermediate Achieving ‘Universal Education’ 309 position of doing so. But 25 are far from achieving that goal (Bellamy 2004 ; UNESCO 2008 ) . With incentives from international organizations the Egyptian government created 200 community and 3,500 one-room schools (Bellamy 2004 ) . Upon abolishing school fees, Uganda secured World Bank support (UNICEF 2007 ) . However, “In the past quarter of a century, the development economics imposed by rich countries on the poorest countries has been too much like medicine in the eighteenth century, when doctors used leeches to draw blood from their patients, often killing them in the process” (Sachs 2005 ) . Aid-granting agencies must avoid the fi ascos of the 1980s when the World Bank and International Monetary Fund forced borrowers to eliminate or cut back social programs. Over-riding concern often became debt servicing (some referring to it as debt-bondage) rather than education (Bretton Woods Project 2006, 2007, 2010 ; Bono 2010 ; Tomasevski 2006b, 2006c ; UNICEF 2005 ) . In 1983 the World Bank loan for education in Malawi mandated that cost be shifted to families and communities. After eliminating school fees in 2003, Kenya required books Ð beautiful but expensive Ð that often cost parents ten times the subsidies received. Being fi nancial institutions that tend to create top- down global central planning rather than development agencies with a proclivity to creating bottom-up participatory decision-making, the IMF and the World Bank have also been accused of being both the arsonist and the fi re-fi ghter, promoting private schooling in Africa to the detriment of compulsory free education as a public service. Sometimes even limited aid can have great benefi t. For example, against all odds, schools founded and run by individual entrepreneurs in Pakistan and Afghanistan have emerged and survived in rural areas (Burde 2010 ; Kristof 2010 g, 2010i, 2010j ; Lowrey 2011). The Citizens Foundation (TCF) has opened 660 schools for the poorest Pakistani children, and 100% of their pupils succeed in the government exams compared to 44% of the public school children ( Kristof 2010g ) . Founded by the late Dr. Mohammed Farooq Khan, private non-profi t boarding schools educate and counsel youngsters who had been kidnapped to serve as slaves by the local Taliban (BBC 2010g ) . Individual efforts have also furthered the cause of children’s education in other ways. Students and teachers, for instance, from Sheffi eld, United Kingdom brought wind generators and sustainable power to Lesotho, helping to light a village school (BBC 2005b) . A Kenyan children’s choir performed in Somerset, England to raise donations to provide educational access for poor children (BBC 2008b ) . Groups of children ran marathons, sang and danced on India’s Children’ Day in Chennai, India to promote educational and other rights of their underprivileged compatriots (The Hindu 2010a ) . A Norfolk, United Kingdom charity, Wulugu Project, funded a school, a library, and an education center in Ghana (BBC 2003 ) . And, multinational corporate aid can be sought to help specifi c projects. For example, the GE Foundation provided a $400,000 grant to Save the Children to target girls’ education in Tiby, a United Nations’ Millennium Village on the river Niger in Southern Mali where only 36% of the girls were enrolled in school (Save the Children 2010b ) . 310 8 Denial of Education

Conclusion

In the contemporary world, to be illiterate is to be marginal and poor forever. Realizing that the cost of education is a fraction of the cost of the consequences of inaction, post-industrializing countries of the world have attempted to provide universal education for their children preparing them to enter the labor market and be productive and responsible citizens (Cohen et al. 2006 ; Sachs 2005) . By ratifying the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child, all nations have granted children the right to an education (UNESCO 2008 ; UNICEF 2009d ) . However, this promise has not been realized. And the neediest 15 countries, accounting for 75% of world’s illiterates, lack the social programs, have weak institutions, and un-enforced laws needed to secure that right (Rosenberg 2011a ; UNESCO 2008 ) . As stated by Tomasevski (2006 : xi), “Education should be universalized so as to encompass all children…To ensure that this is so, education should also be compulsory. To be compulsory, it has to be free.” Human rights law only affi rms free and compulsory primary education for every child, but no one can guarantee that all children will receive that right (UNICEF 2007) . In the words of President Bill Clinton, “What you earn is a function of what you can learn,” and what we each learn produces what we all have collectively (Noah 2010 : 13). Not educating any child at all, and specifi cally the negative effects of not educating girls, transfers to the next generation and considerably diminishes their life chances. On the other hand, there is ample evidence of what even minimal education can do for human societies. Staffi ng its emergent garment industry and civil society, educated Bangladeshi women have created, if not prosperity, a comparatively stable country (Kristof 2010m). A Yemeni child bride eager to fi nish her school (unthinkable a few years past) was married off, won her divorce to complete her schooling (BBC 2010h ) . Even the Taliban have ‘ended’ their violent opposition to educating girls (BBC 2011) . Drawing its critical momentum from the broader social and economic milieu in which people live, such social change can be initiated by comprehensive public policies and effective institutions ( UNICEF 2009d ) . Put simply, universal education can be achieved. Since children are less likely to be able to make full and effective use of any available learning opportunities ensuring that all children receive equal opportunity, and quality education cannot be accomplished without families, communities, and societies providing protection and nurturing children’s capacity to learn ( Friedman 2010, 2011, Krugman 2011, 2011a; UNESCO 2000 ) . However, c hildren cannot learn without monetary investments in the educational system, nor can they succeed without parental emotional support, or the community attitudes and tools that ensure such success. Despite disease, hunger, and being orphaned, all 33 eighth grade students in Bar Sauri Primary School Siaya district of Nyanza province, Kenya passed national secondary-school exams due to the headmistress‘s dedication, their hard work by being at their desk from 6.30 a.m. to 6.00 p.m., and the community’s sacrifi ces to provide a midday meal cooked with wood and water the students brought from home (Sachs 2005 ) . “If education systems are fully inclusive, quality education can be extended to all groups as a matter of routine” ( UNICEF 2009c: 6). During the 1990s, the proportion Conclusion 311 of children completing primary school has gone up from 73% to 81%, but with reduced international aid low income countries need thrice the current rate of economic growth to meet the Millennium Development Goals (Bellamy 2004 ; UNICEF/ The World Bank 2009a ) . “In Sub-Saharan Africa at the current rate of progress, it will be well into the 22 nd century before all children are in school…” (Bellamy 2004 : 2). Since 2001 the campaign against terrorism has grabbed the headlines and soaked up the resources that could have been directed to human development such as education, safe drinking water, and reducing diseases (Bellamy 2004 ) . The fact that for every 100 teachers around the globe there are 150 soldiers demonstrates that military spending around the world outstrips the investment in education (Tomasevski 2006a ; Thompson 2011) . And what aid is received seems unaccounted for, and masked in opaque transactions fi lled with duplicitous accounting. In its efforts to win hearts and minds, the United States has been allocating enormous amounts in aid to the armies of Iraq, Pakistan, and Afghanistan, but very little for local education ( Kristof 2010g ) . If such military aid simultaneously targeted school development, most of the reasons behind the underlying civil confl ict in these societies would be eliminated. Particularly poignant are the lives of the young in developing countries facing an uncertain future. The cost to develop their own communities can be too high for the villages or their country’s government, but it is tiny for the world of enormous resources. We cannot continue to evade responsibility with the claim that these children are someone else’s problem, for all children are our common destiny. The Postman’s Fear by Muhammad Al-Maghut of Syria (translated by Abdullah al-Udhari) Prisoners everywhere Send me all you have Fears screams and boredom Fishermen of all beaches Send me all you have Empty nets and seasickness Peasants of every land Send me all you have Flowers rags Mutilated breasts Ripped-up bellies And torn-out nails To my address . . . any café Any street in the world I’m preparing a huge fi le About human suffering To present to God Once it’s signed by the lips of the hungry And the eyelids of those still waiting You wretched everywhere What I fear most is God could be illiterate 312 8 Denial of Education

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Throughout this volume the focus of attention has been on the victimization of young people by, or under the direction of, adults. However, adults are not the only, nor necessarily the most frequent, perpetrators of harmful acts against young people. Besides the cruelty inﬂ icted on them by adults, ranging from small acts of teasing and harassment to serious assaults, even killings, children and juveniles have much to fear from persons of their own age and, usually, situation in life. Indeed, being in some way victimized by one’s own peers (relatives, friends, classmates, play associates, teammates) is probably something most, if not all, individuals experience everywhere in the world. Teasing, name calling, hair pulling, theft of property, physical altercations ranging from slapping to assaults that produce bodily injury are often seen as “part of growing up.” And learning how to deal with such matters is considered preparatory for the rough and tumble (“serious”) world of adulthood. Never mind that such behavior can have lasting serious emotional, psychological and/or physical harmful effects on those who bear the brunt of youthful victimization. If young people have much to fear from adults, they also have much to fear from those of similar age with whom they are normally required to associate on a daily bases. Peer victimization can occur anywhere youths come into contact with one another. The home, street, playground and clubroom are prime locales. More recently, the internet has provided an entirely new avenue for launching attacks (Hinduja and Patchin 2010 ; Li 2007 ; BBC 2009 ) . But, it is the school that most often brings together victims and victimizers. Classrooms, hallways, and recreation yards are arenas in which all manner of harm can occur. For those in residential care, such as correctional institutions , orphanages, and boarding schools, young people not only have much to fear from staff (see Chapter 7 ) but also from other inmates. For them, escape is usually impossible. The behavior of youthful victimizers is occasionally responded to by preventive efforts and disciplinary measures, such as staging police ofﬁ cials in schools, expulsion or suspension of offenders, parental “grounding” of a misbehaving child, or even criminal prosecution in rare cases. It is usually only when someone dies, is

C.A. Hartjen and S. Priyadarsini, The Global Victimization of Children: 323 Problems and Solutions, DOI 10.1007/978-1-4614-2179-5_9, © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012 324 9 Peer Victimization seriously injured, or an outraged parent with clout makes an issue of some event that authorities are motivated to act. Sometimes this action leads to serious, sustained, and possibly effective, measures to combat abusive behavior on the part of peers towards one another. More often, little actually changes. Typically, however, such youthful misconduct receives little by way of negative reaction or serious attention. Expressions such as “He asked for it!”; “She should stand up for herself!”; “It was only in fun!”; “No one was really hurt!” are often offered to “excuse” the behavior of offenders. Some forms of victimizing behavior by peers have received international recognition and attention by the media, researchers, and policy makers. The principal focus of this attention has been directed to school violence and bullying. Most notably, since the late 1970s what is normally referred to as “school bullying” (or simply “bullying”) has become recognized as a universal problem with a host of negative consequences for its victims that affects millions of children across the globe. A sizable body of information has emerged from diverse parts of the world docu- menting the seriousness and pervasiveness of bullying behavior in various societies, and numerous efforts have been implemented in many places to address the problem. It is the purpose of this chapter to discuss peer victimization generally and bullying speciﬁ cally as a distinct form of youth victimization that permeates societies across the globe.

D e ﬁ ning Terms

The term “peer victimization” encompasses any and all forms of victimization that young people encounter at the hands of individuals or groups of similar age (see Penhale 1999 ; Ross 2006) . This could consist of individual, one-time acts of violence, theft, personal degradation, shunning, or other abuse or maltreatment. Such acts may consist of a fi st-fi ght between two children, the theft of one’s bicycle by another youth, being called a derogatory name by a classmate, not being asked to participate in some event to which most others are invited, or having one’s hair pulled in class by the person sitting behind. At the other extreme, peer victimization could involve sustained group activity that directly, or indirectly, harms other youth. One example would be assaults on members of one gang by members of another, or groups of young people purposively excluding others who are racially or ethnically distinct from joining in sports or play activities. The Norwegian term “mobbing,” referring to group violence against a perceived deviant, could be considered an apt term in describing this conduct (see Smith et al. 2002 ) . In some cases individuals victimized in various ways by peers may sometimes suffer serious permanent consequences, such as physical, psychological, or emotional harm. But much of the behavior included under this rubric is often considered non- serious – mischief, youthful experimentation, misconduct, or naughty – but not necessarily evil or bad, even if the same acts would be considered crimes if committed among adults. Defi ning Terms 325

“School bullying” is a particular form of peer victimization that has received considerable attention by both the media and scholarly research by medical and social scientists from around the globe. The behavior typically thought of as “bullying” appears to be found wherever groups of young people are gathered together, especially in sustained contact, such as at schools and residential institutions. And the behaviors that are commonly referred to as “bullying” today have probably existed for as far back as young people have historically mingled together in any kind of collectivity (Denmark et al. 2005 ) . But it was not until the 1970s that explicit attention was focused on this activity as a distinctive matter for concern. The prime catalyst for doing so was the suicide of a youth, apparently stemming from the relentless tormenting of classmates. That death prompted Dan Olweus ( 1978 ) to address the behavior of the victim’s tormentors as a serious form of misconduct that, at the time, was little understood. Olweus’ work sparked what became a world-wide concern with bullying behavior leading to widespread research on the problem. In subsequent years other deaths in countries across the globe attributed to bullying activity led to sustained interest in and efforts to address the problem at all manner of institutions (mostly schools) (Munthe and Roland 1989 ; Smith et al. 2004 ) . Olweus defi ned bullying as a form of peer behavior that has three critical com- ponents: (1) it is aggressive or intended to harm another, (2) it is carried out repeatedly over time, and (3) a power imbalance exists or is perceived to exist between the perpetrator(s) and victim (see Olweus 1978, 1999 : 11). In this regard, “Bullying means something different from aggressive behavior; not all forms of aggression include bullying, and not all forms of bullying include aggressive acts” (Baldry and Farrington 2007 : 184). Moreover, according to this defi nition, bullying has two prerequisites: context and a perceived power differential, either physical or audacity (Kazdin and Rotella 2009 ) . This conception of bullying has received wide acceptance among the scholarly community and has formed the defi nitional bases for an expanding body of research. While widely accepted, it is, however, not always clear just how closely actual research on bullying, or programs to combat this phenomenon, adhere to the rather explicit terms of Olweus’ defi nition. Moreover, limiting attention to acts that are carried out repeatedly or where an actual or perceived power difference exists between parties makes it near impossible to determine if any particular act of victimization is an instance of “bullying,” or some non-bullying act of aggression, or was intended to harm or not. And the defi nition potentially excludes a host of behaviors that involve peers who victimize others in various ways but lack all three elements of Olweus’ defi nition. A youth may suffer emotional, psychological, or physical harm from a peer even if the victimization was not intended to harm, only occurred once, or involved no actual or even perceived difference in power. Should such behavior be simply ignored or relegated to a different category of victimization? Moreover, while the terms bully and bullying have gained wide popularity in the mass media and professional discourse, translatable words for these terms or not found in many languages. For example, in Japan no directly translatable word for bullying exists. The closest equivalent appears to be the word Ijime . According to 326 9 Peer Victimization

Naito and Gielen ( 2005 : 170) “ Ijime is in most cases a form of psychological intimidation or terror perpetrated by classmates and peers against mentally weaker, or merely different, victims.” And conducting research in Slovenia as part of a larger cross-cultural study, Dekleva ( 2001 ) found that the term trpincenje most closely approximated the diverse forms of behavior usually included in the term “bullying” in Western literature. Respondents distinguished among physical versus verbal or social forms of abuse but no single Slovenian term encompassed all forms of bullying behavior. Other terms such as “punking,” “mobbing” and “bullismo” have also been used to refer to bullying behaviors in other countries, and in some no equivalent term even appears to exist even if youths are able to describe examples of bullying that would be so counted in other countries (Ananiadou and Smith 2002 ; Phillips 2007 ) . Thus, although the terms “bully” and “bullying” will be used throughout this discussion, we prefer the broader conceptual idea of “peer victimization” to encompass all those acts committed by youths of similar age that cause physical, psychological, or emotional harm to others (see Barter et al. 2004 ; Greene 2005 ; Juvonen and Graham 2001; Orpinas and Horne 2002:12–17). Since the vast body of information available on peer victimization is concerned with this more limited, if pervasive, form of victimization, of necessity, we largely draw on the literature and commentary regarding “bullying” (more explicitly school or institutional bullying) to discuss peer victimization generally.

Counting Peer Victimization

Given that there are few national and even fewer international standardized surveys measuring how many youths are engaged in or are victimized by peers, it is impossible to say exactly just how widespread this phenomenon might be, or to what extent it is a more or less a serious problem in any speciﬁ c society or type of society (see Krug et al. 2002 ) . However, we can gain a sense of the epidemiological dimensions of peer victimization from the few cross-cultural, national, and local studies of school and institutional bullying that are available. Since these investigations have employed different deﬁ nitions, research methodologies, time-frames, and survey populations, generalizing from them to a global picture of bullying and similar forms of victimization must be done with caution.

Cross-National Research

Perhaps the single most extensive survey of bullying and other forms of harm experienced by young people around the world is conducted periodically for the World Health Organization (Currie et al. 2008 ) . Providing respondents with the deﬁ nition of bullying based on that developed by Olweus, this survey asks samples of 11 to 15 Counting Peer Victimization 327

Table 9.1 Thirteen year-olds who have been bullied at school at least twice in the past couple of months in various countries Country Girls Boys Lithuania 29 29 Greece 27 29 Turkey 26 29 Greenland 30 22 Latvia 21 29 Estonia 20 26 Ukraine 22 20 Romania 19 20 Austria 16 20 Russian Federation 17 18 Belgium (French) 12 20 Portugal 13 19 Canada 13 18 Bulgaria 13 16 Germany 13 16 Luxembourg 13 16 France 14 15 Switzerland 11 16 Scotland 12 10 USA 10 11 Poland 8 13 England 9 12 Wales 10 11 TFYR Macedonia 7 14 Slovenia 10 11 Croatia 9 10 Finland 9 10 Netherlands 8 10 Italy 8 10 Belgium (Flemish) 9 9 Ireland 7 10 Malta 6 10 Denmark 8 8 Hungary 8 7 Czech Republic 5 7 Iceland 4 6 Spain 4 6 Sweden 4 5 HBSC Average 13 15 (Based on Currie et al. 2008 : 160) year-old students in North America and Europe how frequently they have been bullied and how often they have bullied others at school over speciﬁ c time periods. The results of the 2005–2006 survey for 13 year-old respondents are presented in Tables 9.1 and 9.2 . 328 9 Peer Victimization

Table 9.2 Thirteen year-olds who have bullied others at school at least twice in the past couple of months by gender and country Country Girls Boys Latvia 22 35 Romania 23 31 Lithuania 18 33 Greenland 23 27 Estonia 12 32 Ukraine 18 23 Greece 13 28 Austria 11 26 Russian Federation 15 22 Turkey 13 19 Bulgaria 10 20 Switzerland 10 19 France 11 15 Luxembourg 9 16 Germany 7 17 Portugal 9 15 Belgium (French) 8 15 USA 9 14 TFYR Macedonia 8 13 Canada 8 13 Poland 6 14 Italy 6 12 Slovenia 5 13 Malta 4 12 Netherlands 4 12 Croatia 5 12 Denmark 6 11 Spain 6 8 England 5 8 Belgium (Flemish) 4 8 Scotland 4 7 Hungary 4 7 Ireland 3 7 Finland 4 6 Czech Republic 3 6 Wales 3 5 Iceland 1 6 Norway 1 5 Sweden 1 4 HBSC Average 9 15 (Based on Currie et al. 2008 : 164)

On average 9% of the girls and 15% of the boys in this survey admitted to bullying someone in the previous 2 months, while 13% of the girls and 15% of the boys said they had been bullied at school. In most countries, the proportions of Counting Peer Victimization 329 those being bullied and those engaged in bullying tend to decrease with age. Boys are somewhat more likely to report being bullied than girls and typically more likely to report bullying others. Only slight relationships were found between family affl uence and bullying activity. And no meaningful geographic patterns were found in such behavior. However, the fact that tremendous differences are revealed by these fi ndings in the relative proportions of youths engaged in or subjected to bullying at schools in various societies is relevant in explaining the phenomenon. If generalizable, students in Sweden, Norway, and Iceland, for example, are far less likely to bully or be the victims of bullying than are students in Latvia, Romania, Lithuania, Greece, or Turkey. Similar results have been reported from surveys of students in European countries for a summary see (Minton et al. 2004 ) . To assess both physical and fi nancial victimization, one study conducted in 11 European countries found that at the lower end of the victimization range more than 10% of the eighth-grade respondents in Hungary had been victimized in either way while, at the other extreme, over 25% of those in Cyprus were the victims of physical violence or theft (Ammermüller 2007) . Similarly, a study of students in nine European countries attempted to assess the reasons for and experiences of being bullied. This study also reports a range of responses from 7% of the respondents in the Netherlands to 23% in Wales claiming to having been bullied in the previous 3 months. Interestingly, even though they may not necessarily have experienced it themselves, considerably higher percentages of respondents said that bullying was a problem in their school. Again, percentages varied widely ranging from 16% in the Netherlands to 48% in England (British Council 2008 ) . We might ask, therefore, what is different about countries that might explain their differences in victimization rates, and, consequently, what, if any strategies used in low-rate countries might be utilized in high-rate societies to bring down their rates also. But, why these national differences exist is yet to be explored. It is possible (see “prevention” below) that in some countries policies and programs have been implemented effectively preventing bullying activity and such policies have yet to be implemented in nations with high rates of bullying. Indeed, even in countries belonging to the European Union, where the problem of school violence and bullying have long been recognized, only a few countries actually have anti- bullying legislation and a number have no national-level anti-bullying initiatives at all (Ananiadou and Smith 2002 ) . However, differences in prevalence rates could be the result of real cultural/social differences, differences that are refl ected in the behavior of the young members of these societies regarding the use of aggression towards others. If this is the case, given that cultural norms could negate any preventive efforts that one might attempt, implementing effective prevention programs may very well be a fruitless venture in some societies. That meaningful cultural variation in bullying behavior could impact the potential success of different strategies to prevent it is suggested by research comparing the experiences of youths in other cross-national studies. In a study by Eslea et al. ( 2004: 81) of youths in China, England, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Portugal and Spain, it is argued that “Although we conclude that bullying is a universal phenomenon, it 330 9 Peer Victimization also seems clear that there are cultural variations in the way that bullying is related to age, sex, and social support.” A study comparing youths in China and Korea similarly measured the extent to which youths in the two countries experience violence from parents, teachers, and peers. The study found that overall serious violence was much more likely to be experienced by Korean compared to Chinese youths suggesting that, while rates of violence were high for both countries, there is a cultural difference in the use of physical abuse in the two societies generally. Signifi cantly, the researchers found that the single most common risk factor for peer violence was the presence of violence in the family and school ( Ho et al. 2000 ) . In short, in countries where interpersonal violence is common, rates of peer-violence in schools and other settings are likely to refl ect that fact unless, that is, measures to curb such behavior exist and are enforced.

National and Local Studies

Most of what we know about peer-violence is based on rather isolated surveys of students, teachers, and others in single schools or institutions along with a relatively few national surveys. It should be noted that, with few exceptions, practically all this research has been conducted in Western countries, and virtually no extensive empirical inquiry is available on countries in Africa, South America, most of Asia, or the Middle East. To what extent fi ndings from existing research can be generalized to these societies is questionable. As noted by Wei et al. (2007 : 495) in studying bullying in Taiwan: “Aggression may be a universal tendency, but its actual form of manifestation and consequences are deeply shaped by the local culture and educational context.” Thus, even though we can only guess at the true global dimensions of peer-victimization, the consistency of the fi ndings from the information at hand are suggestive. What is clear from the information we do have is that the problem exists everywhere, but it is not everywhere the same. A large national study conducted by researchers at Clemson University in the United States surveyed over 500,000 students at 1,593 schools across the nation (Olweus and Limber 2010 ) . Amazingly, this study found that 17% of the respondents reported that they had been bullied up to two or three times a month or more over the past year. Forty to forty-fi ve percent of the youths subjected to bullying said the victimization had been going on in some form for over a year. Thirty to sixty percent of the respondents felt no system existed in their schools to address the problem or their victimization and many of the attacks actually took place within the classroom with the teacher present. Although of considerable media concern, cyber bullying did not appear to be a major problem in that fewer than 6% of the respondents had been the victims of this kind of behavior while close to 20% had been victims of verbal attack (Carroll 2010 ) . Other research, however, suggests that in the United Sates cyber bullying may actually be more prevalent. According to Hinduja and Patchin (2010 ) self-reported victimization rates range from 10% to 40% and in a random survey of Counting Peer Victimization 331

11–18 year-old students in 2010 almost 20% reported to have been victimized in this way at some point in their life. Similarly a survey of school children in Essex, England found that while almost one-half of the respondents had experienced some “unpleas- ant or abusive” message or image over the internet of cell phone, only 20% felt that they had experienced cyber bullying (Katz and Dillon 2010 ) . Yet, even if relatively infrequent, online forms of bullying can do as much harm to victims as being physically accosted in a school yard. The case of a 13-year-old Florida girl is not unique. The girl committed suicide when the photo of her breasts she had sent to a boy she liked went viral at her school. Another 18-year-old girl whose nude photos she sent to her boyfriend showed up on the internet met the same fate (Bazelon 2009 ). A study of bullying in fi ve high schools in Ankara, Turkey reported that virtually all respondents to the questionnaire stated that they had been bullied during the academic year in some way at least once (Kepenekci and Çinkir 2006 ) . Thirty-three percent had been the object of verbal bullying, over 53% has been physically bullied, 28% emotionally, and almost 16% sexually bullied. The researchers report that even though bullying is a serious problem in Turkish schools, no nation-wide policy exists to deal with the problem. Based on a national sample of households in which 12–17 year-olds were questioned about bullying experiences in Northern Ireland, it was concluded that the incidence of peer-victimization is very high in that country (76.8 %) compared to the results of research from around the world (McGuckin and Lewis 2006 ) . On the other hand, in Germany a large survey of students in grades fi ve through ten found relatively moderate rates of bullying and victimization (Scheithauer et al. 2006 ) . Slightly more than 15% of boys and 9% of girls reported they had bullied someone, and close to 12% of boys and 10% of girls reported having been bullied. While bullying rates were fairly consistent across grade levels, the proportions being victimized tended to decline with age in that less than half the percentage reported being bullied at tenth grade compared to the proportion saying they were bullied in fi fth grade. Findings parallel to these are reported for Korea (Kim et al. 2004 ) . In this study 16% and 12% of the boys and girls respectively claimed to have been victimized, while 17% and 16% respectively reported victimizing other students. About 10% and 8% of boys and girls were deemed victim-perpetrators in that they were the victims of bullying as well as admitting to bullying others. A survey of 5,074 school students that sought to assess the association among bullying and other anti-social or violent behaviors among youths in South Africa reported that over 8% engaged in bullying acts, over 19% were victims, and close to 9% could be classifi ed as either bully-victims or victim-perpetrators (Liang et al. 2007) . A similar study attempted to determine the association between victimization and delinquency in Canada (Paetsch and Bertrand 1999; Gomes et al. 2003 ) . Remarkably over 81% of the respondents stated they had experienced some kind of victimization while at school, and 69% were victimized while away from school. Students reporting moderate/high levels of victimization also were likely to report moderate/high levels of involvement in delinquency. 332 9 Peer Victimization

Bullying in Care Institution

Relatively little research has focused on youths being victimized in various care facilities such as correctional institutions, boarding schools, or treatment facilities. Even though youths are supposedly under close supervision in such facilities, the available research reveals that, even then, young people fi nd ample opportunity to infl ict harm on one another. And such victimization appears to have no restrictions on national boundaries either. In the United States a survey of 193 males and 50 females in nine correctional institutions for juveniles found that 37% of the respondents defi ned themselves as “bully-victims,” 32% as pure “bullies,” 8% as “pure victims” and 23% said they were “not involved” in bullying or being victimized. Surprisingly, compared to males, female respondents in this study more frequently reported involvement in bullying of some kind than did males (Viljoen et al. 2005 ) . In an analysis of calls to a helpline service in the United Kingdom from residents in homes and schools, MacLeod (1999 : 49–50) found that “…bullying was the overriding diffi culty of 16 percent of those in boarding schools and 9 percent in children’s homes. Few callers felt they could get help with the bullying in either setting. They were fearful of the consequences of telling because they had no confi dence that they could be properly protected if they did tell.” Barter et al. ( 2004: 17) conclude that in residential settings children may be “… more at risk of physical and sexual abuse from other residents than form staff.” After interviewing residents and staff in 14 institutions he found that verbal attack was common, and almost half the respondents reported physical attacks and attacks on personal property. Sexual assault was less common, although a quarter of the girls, directly or indirectly, had experienced this form of victimization. Most of this activity was relatively minor in nature, although, on occasion, serious assaults or property loss did occur and were dealt with by removing the perpetrator from the setting. A study of juvenile correctional institutions in South Africa came to a similar conclusion. According to this inquiry, violence (both by peers and staff) is “endemic” in these institutions with a host of negative consequences for inmates who witness and/or experience such victimization (Gear 2007 ) . Although it is not always possible to differentiate victimization experienced at the hands of peers from that promoted by or caused by staff in correctional facilities, as discussed in Chapter 7 , the victimization of children in correctional facilities and other places of confi nement is pervasive, global, and a matter of serious concern (see Pinheiro 2005 ) . For one example, a study in Israel sought to assess the extent of peer and staff abuse experienced by youths in closed, hostel, and diagnostic facilities (Davidson-Arad 2005 ; Davidson-Arad and Golan 2007 ) . Measuring prevalence rates for eight types of violence, on average over 16% of inmates experienced physical violence from peers, some 50% were the victims of theft, and over 13% were sexually abused. The relative proportions for each type of peer-victimization varied among the three types of institutions, but no consistent relationship between type of institution and overall victimization was found. A report on violence against children in confl ict with the law in Belgium, England/Wales, France and the Netherlands indicates that in addition to abuse by staff, children under the guardianship of Counting Peer Victimization 333 authorities also have much to fear from other young people in their institution, although the severity of this problem appears to vary among these countries (Detrick et al. 2008 ) . In the United States, one study reported that the combined resident-on-resident victimization rate in a Pennsylvania group home was 14.5%. As the severity of the victimization increased the frequency of reported occurrences decreased (Mutchnick and Fawcett 1990 ) . A study in Arizona found that even though the number of youths living in institutions recently decreased, the assault rate actually increased (Vivian et al. 2007) . A survey of incarcerated youths in Ontario, Canada found that staff not only allowed, but often induced, inmates to use force on other youths. Often staff deliberately turned a blind eye to impending confl ict, and sometimes guards even offered inmates incentives to assault other youths (Peterson-Badali and Koegl 2002 ) . Sexual victimization against youth in correctional institutions has become an international concern in recent years. How much of this kind of conduct actually takes place among wards in such facilities around the world is probably unknowable. That it is by no means uncommon is suggested by the limited data at hand. For example, the Bureau of Justice Statistics in the United States issued a special report that found over 2,000 allegations of sexual violence are recorded in American juvenile facilities each year (Beck et al. 2008 ) . This fi gure is undoubtedly a vast undercount of the actual number of incidents that occur. Of these acts, 36% are listed as youth-on-youth nonconsensual sexual acts and 21% as youth-on-youth abusive sexual contacts. Similarly, in a study for the Center for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation researchers concluded that sexual violence was a problem in a juvenile facility in South Africa with respondents reporting “widespread involvement in sexual violence and coercion” (Gear 2007 ) .

Victimization Patterns

Despite the cultural variations in survey fi ndings, experts concerned with bullying and peer victimization seem to concur on the broad epidemiological dimensions of the nature, extent, and distribution of peer victimization among young people across the globe. Although the demographic correlates summarized here are derived from surveys of school children, it is likely that similar profi les would be true of other forms of peer-victimization among young people as well (see Barter et al. 2004 ; Chan 2006 ; DeSouza and Ribeiro 2005 ; Drake et al. 2003 ; Eisenberg and Aalsma 2005 ; Elsea et al. 2002; Kepenekci and Çinkir 2006 ; Veenstra et al. 2005 ; Orpinas and Horne 2002 ; Perren and Alsaker 2006 ; Seals and Young 2003 ; Scheithauer et al. 2006 ). In summary, the facts suggest the following: First, and importantly, bullying and other peer victimization appears to be universal (see Tables 9.1 and 9.2 above). Such behavior is not limited to any one kind of society or social environment, although the relative seriousness and frequency of such behavior may vary among societies (examples are provided in: Ananiadou and Smith 2002; Eslea et al. 2004 ; Munthe and Roland 1989; Naito and Gielen 2005 ; Paul and Cillessen 2003 ; Smith and Morita 1999 ) . While little to 334 9 Peer Victimization nothing is known about the nature and occurrence of peer victimization in much of the world, given the diversity of societies reporting concern with matters such as school bullying or violence and the fi ndings of self-report and other research on peer victimization, it is clear that young people everywhere are in danger of being victimized by their peers in some way or other. As such, both the occurrence and the prevention, of peer victimization are global problems. Second, most of the harm young people infl ict on one another consists of verbal attacks or insults. Such things as name calling, sneers, derogatory expressions, gossip and other verbal attacks appear to be commonplace. Relational victimization wherein victims are essentially excluded from peer participation (either openly or subtly but in such a way that the victim is aware of his or her exclusion) are also apparently common ways in which peers harm each other. Physical assaults of various magnitudes, especially those that cause serious intended-injury, are by no means unknown, but they are far less common than verbal or relational victimizations. Generally such behavior consists of things like pushing, shoving, hitting, tripping, or similar acts. Sometimes serious physical altercations can occur, especially when a victim “fi ghts back,” leading to injury. Violence involving weapons intended to harm or kill the victim may occur, sometimes as a direct result of having been victimized. But such incidents are comparatively rare in spite of the mass media coverage it receives. And most instances of bullying occur in the presence of others, usually peers who witness the encounters (Kazdin and Rotella 2009 ) . Third, the demographic correlates of victimizer/victim characteristics are consistent from study to study. As with other forms of criminality, peer victimization and bullying is predominantly engaged in and experienced by males. Boys who bully also commit all forms of this behavior. Girls also victimize others. But, in contrast to boys, they usually do so relationally and/or verbally, rarely physically. This gender disparity persists with who is the subject of victimization. Girls are victimized less frequently than boys. Boys tend to victimize both girls and other boys while girls usually pick on other girls. As one may expect, girls are more likely than boys to be subjected to sexual harassment. However, boys may be taunted with remarks regarding their presumed sexual orientation. School bullying, both as behavior and victim experience, appears to universally decrease with age with the highest rates occurring in the elementary school years. Also physical victimization tends to give way to verbal and relational bullying by the end of secondary school. Some studies suggest that peer victimization varies by ethnicity so that the members of some ethnic groups are more or less likely to be subjected to this kind of abuse. Yet other research has found no correlation between ethnicity and either bullying or being bullied.

Victimizers, Victims and Others

The popular image of the schoolyard “tough” (backed up by a brace of “buddies”) “roughing up” and extorting lunch money from the lone, weaker/younger victim is not pure ﬁ ction. Such individuals appear to exist in virtually every school in the world. Victimizers, Victims and Others 335

Table 9.3 Types of bullies, victims, and bystanders Bullies Aggressive Follower Relational Victims Passive Provocative Relational Bystanders Part of the problem Watch Are scared Are ashamed or feel guilty for not helping Part of the solution Ask for help Help defuse the problem (From Orpinas and Horne 2002 : 17)

Similarly, the clique of girls, normally led by a dominant school “star,” taunting and spreading vicious gossip and subtle ridicule on another girl deemed to be less than pretty or somehow different from others in the school is also likely to be found in institutions just about anywhere. But, research on peer victimization in schools and other localities across the globe indicate that such stereotypes, if not inaccurate, are incomplete in painting the whole picture of victims and victimizers. In fact, both appear to come in a substantial variety of types. This fact does much to complicate the problem of addressing peer victimization and in helping those subjected to it.

Players in the Game of Bullying

Experts on bullying in schools and other institutions have learned that both bullies and their victims can be categorized in to a number of types that help us to understand this behavior as well as the individuals involved in it. Accordingly, by adding to our understanding of who is likely to bully who and who is likely to intervene or not in bullying episodes, we might devise better strategies to combat the problem (see Table 9.3 ). In one typology of school bullying Orpinas and Horne ( 2002 : 17–23) distinguish among three types of bullies, three types of victims, and two basic types of bystanders. According to this categorization the “aggressive bully” uses overt physical or verbal aggression or threats and intimidation to achieve his or her goals. Representing what many probably think of as the true bully, such individuals may be quite popular among other students or they may be shunned by them. Less common are “followers” (or passive bullies). These individuals do not initiate the aggression but will follow, or back up, the aggressive bully. “Relational bullies” tend to avoid physical aggression but harm the victim by damaging friendships or destroying personal relationships by spreading rumors, excluding the victim from a group, or otherwise attacking the victim’s self-esteem. 336 9 Peer Victimization

As targets of physical or social/psychological aggression victims are distinguishable in various ways. “Passive victims” probably typify the stereotypical victim. They are individuals singled out without any apparent provocation possessing some characteristic that lead bullies to judge them to be easy or desirable targets. Among these are youths who have few friends, fewer verbal skills, appear shy or anxious, are from a minority racial or ethnic group, or somehow appear different (i.e., mannerisms, sexual orientation, language, dress, body weight, physical defect, etc.). On a celebrity talk show, a Bollywood superstar, for example, revealed how he was traumatized by classmates due to his stammering when attempting to speak as a child ( Indian Express, The 2009 ) . “Provocative victims,” on the other hand, “bring it on themselves.” They engage in behavior that for some reason antagonizes the bully and often others as well until someone strikes out (physically or verbally) at them. And then they complain about being “picked on.” While physical bullying is easy to detect, girls, although also at times boys, are often “relational victims,” subjected of a more subtle, covert forms of verbal victimization that leaves them out of groups or exposes them to rumors or vicious gossip. Peer victimization rarely occurs unnoticed by other peers and, in fact, much of this behavior (as much as 85%) is purposively conducted in the context of peer observation. Thus, besides perpetrator and victim, “bystanders,” who are usually peers can also consist of adults have been recognized as playing a vital role both in peer victimization behavior, as well as its prevention. According to Orpinas and Horne (2002 ) , bystanders come in two basic types; those who are a “part of the problem” and those who are “part of the solution.” Sometimes bystanders actively encourage bullying behavior either by actively cheering combatants on, or who are passive and do nothing, essentially condoning the conduct by their non-involvement. Solution bystanders, on the other hand, are those that intervene to diffuse a confl ict, stop a fi ght, or come to a victim’s defense, although they may fi nd themselves becoming “secondary” victims as a consequence. According to Kazdin and Rotella ( 2009) , when “bystanders” do intervene, they can stop the bullying. But, alas, it appears that such intervention occurs only about 10–20% of the time. Others have suggested typologies depicting various forms of bullying or victimization. For example, based on the responses of victims in a Toronto, Canada study, Chan ( 2006 ) identifi ed three patterns of victimization and bullying. “Serial bullying” involves a lone perpetrator preying on two or more victims causing a “sizable” proportion of the bullying problems among the students sampled. “Multiple victimization” consists of more than one perpetrator attacking one victim. Essentially in this situation a particular individual “attracts” being attacked from multiple sources, and is victimized repeatedly by different people. And thirdly, some families seem to breed bullies in that victimized students were able to name several members of the same family as being their (or others’) attackers. Other characterizations elaborate on bullying behaviors or those involved in it. For example, a study in the Netherlands differentiated between “bullies,” “victims,” “bully/victims,” and “uninvolved” youths (Veenstra et al. 2005 ) . And a study in Canada focusing on bully/victims distinguishes between direct and indirect bullying/victimization as a distinctive matter for concern (Marini et al. 2006 ) . And based Victimizers, Victims and Others 337 on observations of bullying in the United Kingdom, Lines ( 2008 : 61–77) describes a sizable number of types of bullying behavior such as “bullying for kicks,” “bullying for approval,” and “impulsive” or “reactional” bullying. What is clear from the literature on bullying and victimization is that peer victimization is a highly disparate phenomenon consisting of diverse activities involving a variety of youths with differing characteristics. Consequently efforts to effectively deal with peer victimization are not likely to be either easy or succeed based on a single approach or program. But not all youths engage in aggressive behavior toward their peers, and not all youths experience this aggression, or do so very often. Highly pertinent to preventive efforts, a number of studies of peer victimization that especially focus on school bullying suggest that there are some characteristic features of victims and victimizers, situations where such activity takes place, and the context in which it is likely to occur that might help explain this phenomenon and lead to intervention strategies to prevent or reduce its occurrence.

Victimizers

Not everyone is a bully. Although peer victimizers are by no means all the same, research on school bullies suggests that being a bully may have more to do with the individual than the school or institutional environment where he or she engages in harmful conduct. Often aggressive behavior on the part of male adolescents is a form of “posturing” to confi rm and enhance a boy’s own sense of masculinity (Phoenix et al. 2003 ) . However, a number of studies suggest that victimizers may be a distinctive personality type. While this may not be true of all youths who victimize other members of their peer group, the idea that some youths who victimize their peers are somehow distinctive may be true among a segment of an unknown proportion of youths who are persistent or long-term offenders. Such youths may very well refl ect characteristics of the “life-course-persistent” offenders that Moffi tt ( 1993 ) hypothesized are responsible for a sizable segment of the criminality found in any population. Moffi tt envisioned a small group of individuals who suffer from various neuropsychological defects that predispose them to engage in chronic, long-term, offense behavior. Such predispositions are either facilitated or impeded by various external contingencies but their causal origins are independent of these contingencies. Research on bullies suggests that many of them closely fi t this profi le. For example, in his classic study of “whipping boys” and “bullies” in Sweden Olweus (1978 : 134) observed that, compared to other boys, “…bullies were much more aggressive, both physically and verbally, against peers as well as teachers… They were also characterized by a positive attitude to violence and violent means. There was thus a considerable degree of consistency in aggressive reactions across different situations.” Focusing on the consistency in the aggressive behavior of identifi ed bullies over time and from situation to situation, Olweus concluded that such behavior was not caused by conditions associated with the environment (schools), 338 9 Peer Victimization school failure on their part, or other direct external factors. Indeed, their behavior appeared to be “self-initiated” and they had a good deal of “control” over it. And “highly aggressive bullies” literally appeared to select and create the kinds of situations in which their aggression takes place. These bullies may actively look for power differentials between themselves and those they come to pick on (Kazdin and Rotella 2009 ) . As such, Olweus ( 1978 : 136, italics in original) concludes that “… bullies may be said to be characterized by an aggressive personality pattern , with a tendency to react aggressively in many different situations, with fairly weak controls or inhibitions against aggressive tendencies, and with a positive attitude to violence”. More recently, a small study comparing brain scans of youths considered to be aggressive with those of a control group of non-aggressive youths found signifi cant differences between the two groups in responses to video clips of persons experiencing pain (Decety et al. 2008 ) . The researchers speculated that for the aggressive subjects the brain’s natural impulse for empathy may be disrupted and this could lead to increased aggression on their part. According to Decety et al. ( 2008 : 208): “Highly aggressive antisocial youth enjoy seeing their victims in pain…” Consequently they may be unable to effectively regulate this “positively reinforced” aggressive behavior. In short, the brains of highly aggressive youths may actually fi nd the pain of others (passively or purposively caused by them) rewarding and, consequently, act to produce this stimulus through aggressive actions. This fi nding is confi rmed by a study of 8–11 year old youths in Italy that focused on moral cognition and bullying behavior. Gini ( 2006 : 536) concluded that: “What bullies may lack and what may differentiate them from prosocial children is the ability to appreciate the emotional consequences of their behaviors on others’ feelings, and to share in, and empathize with, the feelings of others.” Similar fi ndings have resulted from a study of bullying in England (see Jolliffe and Farrington 2006; also see Ahmed and Braithwaite 2004 ) . That the chronic aggressive victimization of others is not some aberrant behavior stemming from the victimizer’s lowly position compared to his or her peers is suggested by fi ndings from a number of studies that aggressive youths often have high standing among their peers. Indeed, although sometimes shunned, feared, and disliked by other students, they may actually receive positive support and emotional reward from their peers by displays of aggression and dominance. Research on Dutch bullies and victims found that both groups were generally disliked by their peers. However, although bullies were disliked by peers, they were not marginalized by them. In a study of Canadian youths Vaillancourt et al. (2003 ) distinguished between “powerful” bullies and “low power” bullies. According to Vaillancourt et al. (2003 : 158): Results indicated that, although generally viewed by peers as disliked and aggressive, a substantial number of bullies were also seen as both popular and powerful with leadership qualities, competence and assets. In terms of their own social self-perceptions, bullies reported feeling good about themselves and their peer interactions. When subgroups of bullies were distinguished it terms of various levels of perceived social power, powerful bullies were perceived by peers to be more popular, better liked and more physically and relationally aggressive than low power bullies. Victimizers, Victims and Others 339

In research examining the relationship between adolescent violence and peer acceptance in American schools Kreager (2007 ) found that generally violence was negatively related to peer friendship in that the more violent youths were less likely to be nominated as friends by other youths. However, among males who performed poorly in school, violence and friendship were positively related. According to Kreager (2007 : 918) “Rather than being perceived as antisocial, …, violence is a tolerated or even status-enhancing behavior within the networks of underachieving male students.” To what extent this is true of youths in other societies and cultures is unknown. Such offensive behavior can often begin quite early in life. Recent evidence indicates that engaging in or being victimized by peers can start as early as kindergarten (or even earlier) and is well underway by the beginning years of primary school. One study of kindergarten children in Switzerland, for example, found that patterns of bullying/victim problems were well established in the fi rst years of schooling. By then, clear differentiations between bullies, bully-victims, victims, and non-involved students is recognized by both students and teachers (Perren and Alsaker 2006 ) . In the United States the problem of children victimizing their peers in primary school has become serious enough to spark attention by the media (The Associated Press 2008 ) . Not all youths who act aggressively toward peers initiate this behavior purposively. In some cases bullying is a reaction to prior victimization. While apparently proportionately few, bully/victims, or what might be called victim-victimizers, are both the brunt of bullying by others and are themselves bullies. It is likely that two versions of this type of bully may exist (see Perren and Alsaker 2006: 52). One is the pure victim-victimizer, boys or girls who engage in aggression as a defense or reaction to assaults by others. Their behavior may be thought of as “fi ghting back” activity rather than bullying as such. On the other hand, some youths appear to be both bullies as well as the victims of bullying. They may be “picked on” because they attack others and they may attack others because they are picked on. Which sequence started fi rst is often impossible to tell. But victim-victimizers appear to emulate the worst characteristics of both bullies and victims. Research on bully/victims in Canada suggests this possibility. According to Marini et al. (2006 : 552) “…direct bully-victims evidence a detrimental combination of impairments that are characteristic of both victims and bullies. For example, direct bully-victims appear to be similar to bullies and unlike typical victims insofar as they exhibit externalizing problems such as hyperactivity and reactive problems as well as beliefs supporting antisocial behavior.” In either case, peer- victimization acts as a kind of self-fulfi lling catalyst for increased aggression, both by, and toward, the victim-victimizer. The accumulating body of research on youths who victimize others in their peer group, especially those recognized as chronic offenders, suggests that bullies may have distinctive characteristics that set them apart from their victims and youths not involved in peer-victimization in any capacity. How they may come by these characteristics remains speculative. Consequently, how to curb their aggressive behavior remains problematic. 340 9 Peer Victimization

Victims

Any young person may be victimized by other youth – once. And, as discussed above, a healthy proportion of school-age young people experience some kind of aggression and abuse from others of their age at some point in their childhood or adolescent years. Indeed, no one seems to be immune. Even the 8-year-old Princess of Japan had reportedly been bullied by other students in her school (Fackler 2010 ) . But some juveniles are chronic victims subjected to multiple attacks, often of varied forms, over extended periods of their young lives. And, if not always immediate tragic ramifi cations, for many these attacks may have long lasting detrimental consequences, as exemplifi ed by a study of adults from South Australia who reported having been bullied when they were in school. According to this study, respondents who had been bullied had signifi cantly poor mental and physical health compared to those who did not have that experience (Allison et al. 2009 ) . Like those who subject them to aggressive attacks, chronic or systematic victims of peer-aggression appear to be distinguishable from both their tormentors as well as others of their peer group. And it is these distinguishable characteristics that may contribute to their initial and continued victimization. Apart from the “bully/victims” described above, true victims of peer assaults also appear to fall into two distinctive types: “passive victims” and “provocative victims.” Just what proportion of the victimized population is composed of either one or the other of these types is not clear. But both researchers and other youths can clearly distinguish between them and articulate the likely bases for their victimizations, if not explain the causal circumstances leading to their being victimized. “Passive victims” are by any assessment “true” victims. They do nothing to pro- voke attack and little, or nothing, to prevent or retaliate against it. This fact may help explain their being victimized repeatedly in the fi rst place. A number of studies suggest that youths in institutions and schools who are subjected to frequent attacks share a number of characteristics that may go a long way in helping us to understand why they, as opposed to others, are singled out. Summarizing some of this research Ross ( 2006 : 4) reports that victims of bullying in schools are typically “anxious,” “insecure,” “cautious,” and have “low self-esteem.” In addition, they tend to “lack social skills and friends.” Often they are close to “overly protective” parents and are normally “physically weaker” than peers. Distinguishing characteristics, such as weight, ethnicity, sexual orientation, dress, etc., may be used by bullies as rationales for their attacks. But, in themselves, these characteristics do not appear to be the “cause” of bullying acts. Of signifi cance, however, is the common fact that the targets of frequent bullying “rarely defend” themselves. As students in the schools surveyed by Chan ( 2006 : 365) observed “they do not stand up for themselves.” Similarly, research by Perren and Alsaker ( 2006 : 52) on a sample of Swiss kindergarten students found that victims were “not at all aggressive, either physically or verbally.” Indeed, this study found that victims had “problems asserting themselves.” Victimizers, Victims and Others 341

Research on children around the world who are victimized by peers tend to commonly exhibit signs of “…low self-perceived social competence, poor peer relations, internalizing and externalizing problems, and physical weakness…” (Paul and Cillessen 2003 : 28). Generally, these youths exhibit “poor psychosocial functioning,” are “more withdrawn, depressed, anxious, cautious, quiet, and insecure” compared to both victimizers and those who avoid being victimized (see Baldry 2004 ) . They are also “lonelier” “less happy at school,” and have “fewer good friends” than other youths (see Veenstra et al. 2005 : 673). Some children exhibit “high levels of risk factors” and “low levels of protective factors” and are “particularly at risk” of being victimized (Fitzpatrick 1999 ; Hanish and Guerra 2000 ; Paul and Cillessen 2003 ). In short, victims of frequent and sustained attacks of various kinds by peers appear to share a number of traits that make them “attractive targets” (Felson 1998 ) . Often there is something about them (appearance, mannerisms, behavior) the makes them stand out, visible to would-be victimizers. And others who could shield them are not likely to be concerned about the victim’s distress – they don’t have any friends anyway. In addition, they pose little threat to their tormentor(s). No one will stand up for them, and, most important, they won’t fi ght back. On occasion, however, this assumption can lead to disastrous consequences. For example, a youth reportedly bullied by classmates in India was sentenced to life imprisonment for murdering his tormentor (The Hindu 2007 ) . More recently, another victim of school bullying in India shot at and wounded two of his classmates with an air gun (The Hindu 2008 ) . But not all youths subjected to peer-victimizations are simply recipients of attack. Sometime youths appear to actually “bring it on themselves.” A number of studies have found that some youths, termed “provocative victims,” tend to do something that stimulates others to attack them – physically, verbally, socially or virtually every way. For example, the students in Chan’s (2006 ) Canadian survey described such youths as “annoying.” Paul and Cillessen (2003 : 29–40) report that “disruptive behavior” was associated with their victim status, at least among American children in middle school. Lines ( 2008 : 104) describes such youths as “…so poor at relating and making friends that, whatever they did, matters grew worse…there are some who irritate both adults and peers alike for a reaction.” Lines suggests that these youths are “diffi cult to satisfy,” are “drawn into endless squabbles,” “are so regularly moody that they become unattractive to be with,” and “appear to have a ‘death wish.’” They are, in short, not liked, unpopular, reaction-provoking individuals. Whether their demeanor and behavior was the initial stimulus for their victimization or a byproduct of abuse is near impossible to tell. However, in studies of youths at all age levels provocative victims have been identifi ed. Thus, it is probable that they refl ect a distinct personality profi le, one that leads to their rejection and victimization as well as its continuation over time (see Marini et al. 2006 ; Orpinas and Horne 2002 ; Schwartz et al. 2002 ) . 342 9 Peer Victimization

Others

Why instances of victimization may actually occur is not explained by the happen- chance proximity of victimizing- and victim-prone children. Aligning the stars does not cause them to collide. Other factors must also exist. One of these may be the presence of other peers who act either as facilitators or promoters of victimization or individuals who serve to impede or intervene when attempts at victimization occur. How others behave, or fail to behave, in short may stimulate, allow, or impede any incident of victimization. Relatively little attention has been paid to the role of “bystanders” in aggressive situations. But, it is well known that children and adolescents are strongly infl u- enced by their peer group. Thus, it is reasonable to assume that youths with an inclination to display aggression toward others would look to peers for approval or disapproval in doing so, as well as in their selection of targets. In recent years students have actually arranged to have fi ghts and assaults on others videotaped for later viewing by themselves and friends (see, e.g., Thanawal 2009 ) . Some research on school bullying suggests that the role of peers is an overlooked factor that may be of signifi cance, both in explaining peer-victimizing behavior as well as in designing programs to prevent it (see Horne et al. 2003 ; Slaby et al. 1994 ) . As indicated above, bystanders may be part of the solution, part of the problem, or not involved in the bully/victim interaction at all – their inaction in itself possibly contributing to the aggression rather than helping to prevent its occurrence. But it is far from clear just how important perceived peer approval is in preventing or encouraging bullying activity. Research on both bullies and “bully/victims” implies that at least some of them gain and seek enhanced status among peers from their aggressive behavior (Veenstra et al. 2005 ; Perren and Alsaker 2006 ; Vaillancourt et al. 2003 ) . Thus, peer-approval (either active or passive) is surely an important ingredient in young people acting in assertive and aggressive ways. Especially in the case of provocative victims, the bully may in fact do what other youths would like to see done but are afraid or unwilling to do themselves. And peers who for various reasons would not actually taunt, assault, or “pick on” another youth themselves may actually cheer the aggressor on. On the other hand, sometimes peers may “stand up” for a victimized individual and, by doing so, stop or prevent their further victimization. Sometimes this may be at the risk of opening them up to abuse, particularly if the original target of victimization is an unpopular or vilifi ed youth. Just when or under what circumstances bystanders will come to the aid of a victimized other has been a subject of research by social and behavioral scientists. Such factors as the characteristics of the victim and bystanders, the victim’s relationship to bystanders, the location of the event, and a host of other factors have been investigated in attempts to understand when bystanders will likely intervene or not in various situations involving victims and emergencies (see Banyard 2008 ; Laner et al. 2001; Tisak and Tisak 1996 ; Twemlow et al. 1996 ) . But what is not clearly understood are the conditions under which young people will or will not come to the aid of someone being victimized by a peer. However, stemming from research on primary-school children in Italy, Gini ( 2006 ) suggest the importance of The Harm Kids Can Do 343 attending to bystander behavior in understanding and preventing bullying and other forms of peer-victimization. According to Gini (2006 : 536–537): … defenders’ high moral sensibility and empathic reactivity, …, may be one of the basic motivations for prosocial behavior, frequently shown by these children towards their victimized mates. These motivations are very important and must be taken into account in the implementation of intervention programs in schools. However, that fact that the ability to help other peers requires several interpersonal competencies that young children do not necessarily possess needs to be considered. And, in a bi-national study of Japan and England, Kanetsuna and Smith ( 2002 ) found that, particularly out of fear of being attacked themselves, most of the students interviewed in the two countries would not intervene when observing another student being attacked. And a signifi cant number said they “were not bothered” by someone else being bullied. Thus, they appeared to have had little motivation to intervene in any case.

The Harm Kids Can Do

The possible adverse consequences of being victimized by one’s peers are diffi cult to establish scientifi cally. It is nearly impossible to empirically verify any causal connections between being teased by school mates and dropping out of school, being harassed by peers and consequently committing suicide, or being taunted in school and feeling anxious or experiencing other undesirable emotional problems, or any of the other possible negative consequences that may result from the various forms of victimization young people may experience at the hands of other youths. But, from victim accounts, the close association or bullying experiences and tragic events, and scientifi c research on children and adults who have been bullied it seems clear that bullying can have severe negative effects on those who experience this kind of victimization. Besides isolating the distinctive characteristics of bullies and victims, a large body of research has sought to identify the possible effects peer victimization may have on both those who engage in it and those who are the brunt of aggressive attack. As summarized by Drake, et al. ( 2003; also see Pernille et al. 2005 ) both bullies and their victims have in common several adverse characteristics. According to the research, both bullies and bullying victims suffer from symptoms of depression, experience suicidal ideation, suffer from psychiatric problems, and have eating disorders. And both have lower levels of school adjustment and school bonding (also see Casey-Cannon et al. 2001 ; Slee 1995 ) . It is not yet clear if these characteristics are a consequence of bullying, or in some way related to being a bully or the victim of bullying. Regardless, they suggest that such activity is intrinsically negative in its potential impact on everyone involved in it. One study of school children in Korea, however, did conclude that a variety of psychopathologic behaviors were a consequence, and not a cause, of bullying experiences (Kim et al. 2006 ) . And studies of peer victimization have revealed a host of 344 9 Peer Victimization negative consequences possibly brought on, or aggravated, by the aggressive actions of peers. The most serious of these effects, of course, is the suicide of young people victimized by their peers. Although rare, there is little doubt that school-age children can be so traumatized by the verbal and other attacks of peers that taking their life seems the only way out (Klomek et al. 2008 ) . An artistic youth in Springfi eld, Massachusetts reportedly shot himself in the head when his classmates repeatedly, and mistakenly, taunted him as being gay (Warner 2009 ) . In the Czech Republic, for example: Fourteen-year old Martin from Northern Moravia attended a select elementary school. One day last year, he jumped out of a window on the seventh fl oor. He survived. He fell into some bushes. His legs and his lungs were seriously hurt. His health has suffered permanent damage. Why did he jump out? Because he suffered from serious and long-term bullying by his schoolmates (Ginter 2000 : 1–2) Even if rare, suicides by bullied youths are by no means unknown. Just how many young people actually kill themselves because they are taunted by schoolmates is impossible to say. The website jaredstory.com/bully/html documents dozens of cases of suicides attributed to the effects of bullying in the United States alone. A term –“bullycide” – has been invented to describe just this kind of death. Kim and Leventhal ( 2008 ) conducted a review of 37 studies that examined bullying and suicide among children and adolescents in the United States, Canada, various European countries, South Korea, Japan, and South Africa. The authors concluded that almost all these studies found connections between being bullied and suicidal thoughts among children. Signifi cantly, not only were victims of bullying at a greater risk of suicidal behavior than non-victims, perpetrators too indicated high suicide risk-levels. Japan reportedly had been plagued with a string of suicides attributed to widespread bullying in that nation’s schools. In 2006 the Ministry of Education received letters from students stating that they intended to commit suicide due to bullying (Worsley 2006 ) . And in the United States: An 11-year-old Massachusetts boy, Carl Joseph Walker-Hoover, hanged himself Monday after enduring bullying at school, including daily taunts of being gay, despite his mother’s weekly pleas to the school to address the problem. This is at least the fourth suicide of a middle-school aged child linked to bullying this year. (Presgraves 2009 ) And an organization in Canada called “School Advocacy Hamilton” reports eight incidences that occurred between 1997 and 2002 where students were believed to have killed themselves as a consequence of being bullied in some way at various Canadian schools (http://schooladvocacy.ca/bullying.pdf ) . The extreme opposite reaction is retaliation, either against specifi c individuals or the entire school. Research, for example, indicates that the frequency of peer victimization is positively correlated with students’ level of anger, motivation to retaliate, and intentions to act aggressively in future situations (Champion and Clay 2007) . A massive study in the United States, for example, concluded that being bullied in, or away from, school was highly associated with involvement in violent behavior while bullying was a marker of more serious violent behavior, both on the The Harm Kids Can Do 345 part of those being bullied as well as those youths engaged in bullying activity (Nansel et al. 2003 ) . The most noted example of the possible violent consequence of school bullying in the United States was the incident at Columbine High School in Colorado where two boys who were reportedly frequently “picked on” by other students took revenge by killing twelve students, two teachers, and themselves in what has come to be called the “Columbine Massacre” (see Rosenberg 1999 ) . In the same year, a 14-year- old boy at a school in Alberta, Canada shot and killed a 17-year-old student and badly wounded another. The offender had been an “unpopular kid” subjected to teasing and harassment from other students and had left the school to be home schooled as a consequence (CBC News Online 2004 ) . In Finland, a 14-year-old boy killed two other students who reportedly had been teasing him (Turula 2007 ) . It is obvious that bullying does not always lead to extreme violent retaliation, and instances of school shootings and murders are not always a result of victimized youths taking revenge on their tormentors. However, a study sponsored by the United States Secret Service and Department of Education reports that in the cases studied: “Bullying was not a factor in every case, and clearly not every child who is bullied in school will pose a risk of targeted violence in school. Nevertheless, in a number of the incidents of targeted school violence studied, attackers described being bullied in terms that suggested that these experiences approached torment” (Vossekuil et al. 2004: 35). And the report argues that rather than law enforcement efforts, a signifi cant way to prevent targeted violence in schools is to effectively address the problem of school bullying. Research on bully victims indicate that for many the impact of peer victimizations is, if not inconsequential, more subtle. At minimum, victimized young people register a variety of psychological and emotional problems that often have a long- term impact and sometimes require therapy. In some instances, being victimized may result in the unintentional physical injury of victimized children (Engström et al. 2005) . In their longitudinal study of boys and girls in an American school, Paul and Cillessen (2003 : 38) found that “victimized adolescents are characterized by a number of psychosocial adjustment problems that include high levels of internalizing and externalizing behaviors, and low academic expectations (about themselves) and competencies (as reported by their teachers).” In attempting to assess the causal relation between these characteristics and the experience of being bullied, Paul and Cillessen concluded that their fi ndings were “strongly suggestive” of the negative effect of victimization on negative outcomes. And a study of Turkish children living in the Netherlands found that, although self-esteem predicted victimization, victimization as such had a negative causal effect on how victims felt about themselves independent of their level of self-esteem (Verkuyten and Thijs 2001 ) . And a study of middle school youths in California found that being victimized by peers in the Fall was followed by psychosocial maladjustment and physical symptoms in the Spring and this predicted poor school functioning on the part of victims (Nishina et al. 2005 ) . 346 9 Peer Victimization

Reporting on the increasing frequency and intensity of bullying in Germany’s schools, Gill (2005 : 1) relates the experience of one girl: One 16-year-old girl tearfully related how verbal taunts escalated over the course of a semester to physical assaults, culminating with a harrowing episode involving her being suspended from an upper-story window. ‘They grabbed me by the legs and lowered me out the window and just laughed while they jiggled me there by my ankles as I cried and screamed.’ … ‘I thought I was going to die.’ That was all because ‘they said I was a fat, stupid cow and deserved it,’ she sobbed. Like a growing number of bullying victims, she required psychiatric counseling. A host of studies have found that victims of bullying report high levels of depression, low self-esteem, anxiety, and other problems (see Delfabbro et al. 2006 ; Eisenberg and Aalsma 2005 ; Orpinas and Horne 2002 ; Ross 2006 ) . Many also exhibit psycho-physical problems such as headaches, bedwetting, stomachaches, trouble sleeping, and poor physical health. Often these conditions continue well into adulthood. Many victimized school youths avoid going to school due to fear, dislike school, report having few, if any, friends at school, and are frequently absent from school. Consequently, victims tend to exhibit poor academic performance (as do those who victimize them) and many drop out of school early. As a result, future earning potential suffers. According to research on schools violence in eleven European countries, Ammermueller (2007 ) concluded that being a victim of school bullying has a signiﬁ - cant negative effect on present, and later, school performance and that this, in turn, impacted educational attainment and future earnings (also see Tam 2008 ) . Again, some research indicates that this may work negatively both ways so that both aggressive students, and the victims of aggression, are likely to perform poorly academically (Graham et al. 2006 ) . In the United States, victimization surveys indicate that a common response to the fear of being victimized at school is simply to stay home. In addition, students may avoid school activities, or stay away from speciﬁ c places in school, due to fear of victimization (Dinkes et al. 2006 ) . And research on Arab and Jewish elementary school students in Israel found that, for both groups, their fear of attending school due to violence was directly a result of their personal victimization experiences at school (Astor et al. 2006 ) . Children subject to peer harassment and abuse in institutions exhibit similar characteristics. As reported by MacLeod ( 1999 :50) one institutionalized girl stated: ‘I’m freighted in the home I’m in … I just feel desperate … I want to kill myself.’ A girl in another home told of her daily torment. ‘Yesterday they pushed and kicked me … the staff try to help … but they can’t stop them … they always get me in the end. … I’ve taken overdoses … I can’t go on … I’m thinking of running away.’ In the United Kingdom physical violence between children in institutions is common. This violence ranges in severity from knife attacks and physical assaults to damage to personal property and threats. Because of the hidden nature of such victimization these young people are “desperately vulnerable” and little attention is paid to their plight by authorities or other adults (UNICEF 2005 ) . Conditions Conducive to Peer Victimization 347

In part, other than a growing realization that peer victimizing activity is unwarranted in any case, and just that “kids just being kids” does not excuse their “picking on other kids,” people around the world are increasingly coming to realize that bullying forms of behavior can have serious consequences beyond simply making victims feel bad. Unfortunately it has taken a number of bullying-attributed suicides in countries around the world for people to conclude that this is indeed “serious stuff” and something ought to be done about it. To do that effectively, however, requires us to understand why such behavior occurs in the ﬁ rst place.

Conditions Conducive to Peer Victimization

In order for efforts to prevent or reduce peer violence, especially in institutional settings, to succeed, it is fi rst necessary to have a clear understanding of why some youths victimized others (the etiology of this behavior) and why some institutions seem to have high rates of such behavior while others do not (its epidemiology). The accumulated research conducted in countries across the globe on matters relating to these questions provides clues as to why some youths attack others in their schools or residential facilities. In addition, researchers have gained some understanding on how institutional and community environments may contribute to or impede peer victimizing behavior. Social and behavioral scientists, however, have yet to formu- late theories that are fully supported by research. So, at this point we can only speculate about why youths victimize each other, or do so with varying frequencies from setting to setting. Although it is not always clear just which of these issues a particular theory seeks to explain, according to Rigby ( 2003 ) fi ve theoretical arguments have been offered addressing either the etiology (cause) or the epidemiology (rate) of bullying behavior. One notion called “developmental theory” depicts bullying behaviors in schools as an aspect of child development whereby early in life children try to establish their social dominance through assertive behavior. Given that as children age physical bullying tends to decrease in frequency it is contended that, in effect, most youths age out of physical aggression and fi nd other ways to assert their dominance as they grow in to adulthood. Why some, but not all, children are physically aggressive towards others is left unexplained by this argument. A second argument is based on the consistent fi nding that bullies and bully victims exhibit a number of distinctive personality profi les and that these characteristics seem to be universal (see Wong 2004 ) . Thus, bullying behavior or victimization- proneness is attributed to the “individual attributes” of the offenders and victims. As discussed above, the fi ndings of research tend to support this idea. However, what is yet to be explained is why some youths acquire or have “bully prone” personalities and some “victim prone” personalities. Some experts feel that genetic infl uences may be involved but research has yet to demonstrate what, if any, genetic characteristics differentiate bullies and victims from other youths. Researchers have also found that bullies and victims of bullying tend to come from distinctive home 348 9 Peer Victimization environments. Bullies, for example, typically have authoritarian parents, parents who use physical forms of discipline, exhibit poor parent–child communication, and/or they lack adult role models (see Dussich and Maekoya 2007 ) . As noted by Midlarsky and Klain (2005 :52) … the socialization of children by violent means such as corporal punishment creates an environment in which violence is accepted as a norm. … Children raised in this environment are more apt to learn that the powerful control through authoritarian means, including violence. They are less likely to be empathic, and to care for others, than are those socialized through gentler means. Victims, on the other hand, tend to have parents who are intrusive and allow their children little opportunity to control social circumstances, have an intensely close parent–child relationship. In short, some youths may be socialized to become aggressive while others may be socialized to be the targets of this aggression. Perren and Alsaker (2006 : 53) suggest that simply having aggressive and passive youths in proximity of one another does not, in itself, necessarily lead to members of one group victimizing members of the other, although having both in close proximity to one another may be a necessary condition for the occurrence of peer- victimization at all. As they note there are dynamic processes within the peer group that may contribute to victimization activity. They note that “…aggressive behavior may only develop into bullying when the social context tolerates the repeated expression of those aggressive tendencies toward the victim.” A third theory is consistent with this realization. Bullying behavior, it is argued, is basically a “sociocultural phenomenon.” According to this idea cultural beliefs about such things as masculinity and other matters either encourage or discourage displays of aggression, especially on the part of boys. As noted by Rigby (2003 : 3): The process according to which boys come to develop characteristics which lead to them engaging in oppressive behavior is sometimes described as ‘the construction of hegemonic masculinity.’ … This is held not only to account largely for boys bullying girls, but also for boys bullying boys who do not possess stereotypical masculine qualities. Variations in both rates of peer victimizing behavior as well as the forms such behavior may take suggest that, while not an etiological explanation alone, sociocultural factors do indeed play a role in bullying and other forms of peer victimization. Just what these may be remains to be explored by international research. Stemming from learning theories of criminal behavior and sociological notions regarding socialization, a fourth argument suggests that peer victimization is largely a “response to group or peer pressures,” pressures that are particularly felt by adolescents in Western cultures. Although most of the attacks that victimize peers appear to be committed by individuals against other individuals, peers clearly infl u- ence the behavior of bullies and their selection of targets. As noted earlier bullies, while largely disliked, receive, or feel they receive, considerable status and peer support for their aggression. And, even if assaults are not always a group activity, bystanders who do nothing to intervene, or who actually cheer the offender on, are stimuli to violence-prone individuals looking to peers for approval or status through their aggressive displays. Doing Something About the Problem 349

Arguments stemming from ideas regarding “restorative justice” approaches to deal with this problem focus on the individual attributes of bullies and victims as important ingredients in designing prevention programs, but they also suggest that there is something about school or community environments that encourages or discourages bullying behavior. In essence this idea combines aspects of the other theories in that things like family background, cultural orientations toward violence and aggression, the school environment and setting, and the infl uence of peers both infl uence individual behavior and provide opportunities and the settings wherein the victimization of peers is encouraged or discouraged. In a study of victimization risk by students in or near schools, Schreck, et al. (2003 ) tested aspects of a criminologi- cal theory called “routine activities” theory and another referred to as “lifestyles- exposure” theory, both of which suggest that the likelihood of people being victimized is related to the physical-social environment in which they fi nd themselves. Their fi ndings led Schreck, et al. ( 2003: 477) to conclude that “…victimization at school does indeed refl ect the confl uence of community, school, and individual student characteristics.” Students who had the highest probability of victimization lived in communities in which crime was a problem, attended schools with a large number of delinquent classmates, and had delinquent friends. That one’s school, itself, may make a difference is suggested by a study in South Australia. According to Delfabbro, et al. ( 2006) boys were more likely to be the victims of bullying if they attended a single-sex school, but girls suffered this fate more frequently if they attended a co-ed institution. As noted by Astor, et al. (2006 ) , in Israel, school climate and victimization experiences in school were directly related to the fear students’ had of going to school. And the attitudes and behaviors of staff can have an impact on peer victimization within schools or other facilities housing young people. For example, in one Canadian institution correctional offi cers reportedly contributed to peer victimization on the part of wards by either doing nothing to prevent it or at times even encouraging such behavior (Peterson-Badali and Koegl 2002 ) . Indeed, in the United States, due to government neglect to enact or enforce laws to address the problem, Human Rights Watch argues that, in effect, school offi cials condone peer behavior that victimizes students with differing sexual orientations (Bochenek and Brown 2001 ). Whether or not any of these notions are complete or valid explanation of peer victimization remains an open question. All probably have some explanatory power. But, extensive research is needed to sort out which do or do not. However, all have implications on how to deal with such matters as school bullying and peer violence in general.

Doing Something About the Problem

As any parent knows, keeping siblings from squabbling and ﬁ ghting is nearly impossible – something comparable to keeping 2-year olds from throwing temper tantrums. Threats, discipline, separation, setting an example, pleading, whatever, 350 9 Peer Victimization may all work – temporarily. But “kids will be kids” and putting two or more of them together is likely, eventually, to lead to “trouble.” Preventing peer-victimization is akin to this timeless, and universal, problem. But reducing the frequency with which young people harm others of their age, or mediating the negative impact such conduct might have are not impossible tasks. And a host of efforts to do just that are to be found in schools and other institutions around the world (see e.g., Smith and Shu 2000 ) . With the exception of the United States, where school violence in general has been the major thrust of preventive efforts, throughout the world, the vast majority of the programs to deal with peer victimization have concentrated on the problem of school bullying. Basically one or more of three major issues tend to be the focus of these programs: (1) helping youths victimized by classmates, (2) dealing with offenders, and (3) reducing or preventing the incidence of bullying within an institution or administrative system. These programs range from simply providing guidelines and/or literature to staff on how to recognize, and respond to aggression on the part of wards or students to implement initiatives that require full-scale community-institution-involvement designed to address the underlying causes of peer aggression and to develop speciﬁ c action programs to address the problem.

Reducing School Violence

Following the incident at Columbine, authorities in the United States became preoc- cupied with the problem of school violence. In 2004 the Study for the Prevention of Violence compiled an analysis of over 350 programs designated by twelve different organizations in the United States concerned with school violence, including bullying. According to Greene (2005 ) these various efforts can be categorized into seven general strategies. Even if popular with schools and administrators, some of these show little promise of being effective. Others, however, appear to be of considerable value if they are implemented and operated appropriately. The simplest, and seemingly most direct, approach to reducing school violence are “target hardening” strategies in which security apparatuses and policies are used to increases security or reduce the areas for attacks by dong such things as closing off rooms or areas of the building at certain times. According to Greene, it is unclear, and unknown, whether such strategies actually reduce levels of violence or not. However, in an assessment of school bullying in Hong Kong, Wong ( 2004 ) observed that “suppressive tactics” were generally ineffective in comparison to alternatives like a comprehensive programs that also brings students into active participation to deal with the problem. Similarly, in the United States, Schreck, et al. ( 2003 ) noted that “target hardening” strategies were generally ineffective in combating school violence. As noted earlier, the United States Secret Service in comprehensive analysis of preventing attacks in American schools came to the same conclusion (see Vossekuil et al. 2004 ) . Doing Something About the Problem 351

“Peer-led” programs involve students in establishing or operating programs of various kinds. Of these “peer mediation” programs are the best known. Generally, where tested, such programs fail to reduce aggression or be effective in preventing violence. However, some “student problem solving” programs do show some signs of promise. In most of these bullying may be only one of the problems that students participate in identifying and attempt to address. One such program was initiated in an Australian secondary school. In that effort, students were directly involved in countering bullying. And evaluation of the program concluded that it had achieved some notable success (Peterson and Rigby 1999 ) . The United States, both in individual states and at the Federal level, has become particularly active in efforts to prevent bullying in the nation’s schools. Most of these efforts have taken the form of legislative measures that make it possible to, encourage organizations to, or make it necessary that schools and other institutions actually take action of some kind to combat bullying and assist victims. In 2010 The United States Department of Justice (DOC) launched a program called “Defending Childhood by Preventing Bullying” designed to increase awareness of the problem and bring together various entities concerned with the issue to ﬁ nd common solutions (DOJ 2010 ) . In another approach, the Federal Communications Commission (Melvin 2010 ) announced that schools receiving federal subsidies for internet services would have to begin programs to teach students about cyberbullying and responsible use of the internet, or these subsidies would be withheld. Following the example set by other states, New York adopted a state-wide anti-bullying measure after nearly a decade of debate on various versions of the bill by the State Legislature (Raftery 2010 ) .

Dealing with Individuals

Psychology continues to play a large role in deﬁ ning the causes of peer victimization as well as how it is to be addressed so that, according to Greene (2005 : 241) “… the most frequently adopted circumscribed violence reduction program – counseling, teaching, coaching, and/or training are provided to promote individual behavior change with respect to cooperative, prosocial, and peaceful strategies to resolve conﬂ icts.” In short, the assumption is that there is something psychologically, emotionally, or socialpschologically wrong with offenders and/or victims that, if addressed, will curb their aggression or help victims cope with abuse. Evaluations suggest that individual counseling is largely a waste of time as far as reducing rates of bullying are concerned. However, some psychoeducational or social-skills training programs (e.g., Promoting Alternative Thinking Strategies – PATH) appear to have some promise, at least among younger children. In the case of extreme school violence, post-event inquiries often reveal that the perpetrator exhibited a variety of “signs” of impending abnormal behavior. It is believed that, had these signs been recognized early on the episode could have been averted. As such, many schools and other institutions have implemented programs 352 9 Peer Victimization to target students exhibiting “known” risk factors or have already exhibited aggressive behavior. If integrated with comprehensive school-based programs, and compe- tently run targeting potential trouble making students or those who already are unusually aggressive, they may help prevent future aggression on their part. However, to what extent these preventive measures actually work is mere guesswork since it is impossible to predict if someone actually would attack others, or do so more frequently, if intervention strategies had not been implemented. In short, whether future violence is actually preventable, or not, remains speculative. Another approach, one often combined with target hardening ideologies, is to implement strict discipline policies and rules. Indeed, according to Green, this is the most commonly adopted strategy schools use to prevent violence and other mis- deeds (e.g., cheating). Where such rules and disciplines are ranked according to seriousness of the infraction, and are understood and seen by students as fair and evenly administered, some modest success may be archived in using this approach. When they are not, the opposite may occur.

The Anti-Bullying Industry

Until the past few years, individual institutions or school districts were pretty much left on their own to determine if they had a problem and what to do about it. With the discovery of “bullying” as a problem and the spate of school shootings and suicides that have received wide media coverage in various parts of the world, an entire enterprise to help authorities in assessing threats and developing crisis response strategies has arisen. Comprehensive publications and training programs have been created to facilitate school districts and residential institutions to develop and implement crisis assessment and response programs. Indeed, the United States Secret Service, entrusted with protecting the President and the nation’s currency, has published a guide to aid administrations in just this matter (see Sampson 2002 ) . In the United States, and elsewhere, the potential of lawsuits should some event occur has probably done much to promote school districts and other organizations to implement programs of this kind. Even before nationwide concern with the issue emerged, one evaluation-action program was initiated in a large public elementary school in the Southeastern United States. A study of the effects of this program found that among young children both aggression and victimization were substantially reduced from pre-program levels and, even though aggression among older students was not affected, self-reported victimization did decrease even among these students (Horne and Staniszewski 2003 ) . A host of self-proclaimed solutions to the problem are now readily available to any school, community, organization, or individual willing to pay for the advice, training, information, or whatever the solution-providing enterprise may offer. For example, one such organization called “Roots of Empathy” refers to itself as a “… evidence-based classroom program that has shown dramatic effect in reducing levels of aggression among schoolchildren by raising social/emotional competence Doing Something About the Problem 353 and increasing empathy.” In support of this organization, interested people can purchase one of several publications by its founder (e.g., Gordon 2009 ) and its website solicits donations from people to further its program. According to the organization’s website, research has demonstrated the program’s effectiveness. But, as with other well-intended efforts, to what extent this program has a signifi cant impact in reducing peer victimization has not been independently demonstrated. As suggested by Nancy Cook ( 2010 : 1) as concern with the problem of bullying has grown “an unregulated web of consultants, therapists and coaches have sprung up.” Further, Ommannery notes: “This new batch of bullying experts runs the gamut from motivational speakers to trained educators and psychotherapists. There is no trade association or credentialing institution that tracks these people.” In one example, a fi lmmaker and motivational speaker spoke at a fi ve hour seminar held at a high school in New Jersey that was designed to “curb bullying in schools through a concerted effort by members of the school community” (Sistrunk 2010 ) . Other speakers also participated in the event covering on various topics relating to bullying or their experiences of being bullied. Undoubtedly events such as these raise awareness among students, parents, and offi cials and, to that extent, can have a positive impact on curbing peer victimizing behavior. But, evidence to demonstrate that they even have that impact is still wanting.

A Promising Approach

Of all the efforts to combat school bullying that appears to have met with considerable success in a variety of settings are known as “school climate-oriented strategies.” Exemplifi ed by Olweu’s “Bullying Prevention Program,” the “Seattle Social Development Program,” and the “PeaceBuilders Program,” among others, this approach seeks to impact the very cultural orientation of the school (pupils, teachers, staff, and parents) in various ways toward harmonious, supportive relationships and interaction, away from aggression, discrimination, and confl ict (see Olweus and Limber 2010 a). The Olweus program (and those modeled on it) is: … a multilevel, multicomponent school-based program designed to prevent or reduce bullying in elementary, middle, and junior high schools. Once this program is implemented in schools, there is a thirty to seventy percent reduction in student reports of being bullied and bullying others…Schools report that there are improvements in classroom order and discipline, and a more positive attitude toward schoolwork and school in general with this program. The program attempts to restructure the existing school environment to reduce opportunities and rewards for bullying (Ross 2006 : 10). Simply emphasizing school spirit and camaraderie can help turn passive bystanders into intervening protectors, thereby stopping a bully from picking on a weaker classmate. A climate of mutual aid can reduce any enhancement of their status that a would-be bully may seek by acting tough and aggressive toward others. These approaches require strong leadership at administrative levels and a commitment to an ethos of caring on the part of teachers and staff, as well as a continued 354 9 Peer Victimization involvement in a sense of “we” on the part of all. This approach may not be practical in all societies due to cultural norms or social antagonisms, as is suggested by an analysis of the cultural foundations for bullying in Czechoslovakian schools (Ginter 2000 ) . However, for governments that sincerely want to deal with the problem, programs models on the Olwen’s approach seem to be the most promising and empirically supported. Baldry and Farrington (2007 ) assessed evaluation studies of sixteen major bullying prevention programs that have been implemented in Australia, Belgium, Canada, England, Finland, Italy, Ireland, Norway, Spain, Switzerland, and the United States. They concluded that of the sixteen programs evaluated, eight produced desirable results with decreases rates of bullying. Two programs had mixed results, four had negligible results, and two cases reported undesirable results. Generally, Baldry and Farrington (2007 : 200) concluded that “this pattern of results indicates that the fi ndings of existing evaluations of antibullying programs are optimistic rather than pessimistic.” Of the various programs evaluated, the Olweus bullying prevention program discussed above appears to be consistently the most successful. Why this may be the case, however, remains unclear. And to what extent the Olweus approach may be transportable to setting outside Western European and North American societies is largely unknown. A similar conclusion regarding the effectiveness of various anti-bullying initiatives was reached by Minton, et al. (2004 ) in a detailed study of twenty European Union, and other, countries. The authors of this report noted that: … if serious inroads are to be made into changing the behavior of pupils, rather than simply changing their attitudes or levels of awareness , then the multi-level ‘whole school’ approach has demonstrated itself as being an appropriate (and indeed, has been evaluated as an effective) strategy (Minton et al. 2004 : 256, italics in original). A nationwide program in Ireland, based on the Olweus program used in Norway, was evaluated with promising results. Victimization rates dropped by nearly 20%, and among those frequently bullied in the past, rates decreased by 50%. Similarly over a 17% reduction in rates of bulling participation was found and rates of frequent bullying dropped by almost 70% (O’Moore et al. 2005 ) . Perhaps the general assessment offered by Greene (2005 ) best refl ects the present state of “doing something” to solve the problem of peer victimization. Essentially, Green notes that a lot remains unknown due to the lack of evaluation research in spite of the considerable progress in establishing the effectiveness of various violence prevention strategies aimed at different population of students over the past decades. More signifi cantly, authorities are only beginning to understand how to determine which strategy may be needed for particular situations, or how, once identifi ed, to implement effective programs (see Scheckner et al. 2004 ) . In short, since its discovery in the 1970s, a considerable body of knowledge has accumulated on how to deal with peer victimization generally and bullying specifi - cally. But much remains unknown and, for much of the world, even more needs yet to be done. Conclusion 355

Conclusion

The problem of peers victimizing one another is both a sociocultural issue as well as a form of government crime. The saying “kids will be kids” refers to the apparently universal fact that many young people act in aggressive ways toward other young people that may cause them harm. Siblings almost always fi ght, on occasion. Play and schoolmates will invariably have disputes, disagreements, and sometimes altercations. Interpersonal confl ict seems to be a core element of human interaction, and expecting young people to behave otherwise would be unrealistic. However, not all young people purposively “pick on” others typically weaker and more vulnerable than themselves. School bullying and peer fi ghts seem to be found in virtually all societies of the world, and among all sections in all societies. That peer victimizing behavior is universal indicates that such behavior is endemic to the very nature of human relations. But to the extent it can be measured, considerable variability exists in the incidence and prevalence as well as the viciousness of peer altercations across societies. That it is not universally the same, and that it is not something all young people engage in, indicate that its occurrence (etiology and epidemiology) is in some way a refl ection of the individuals engaged in this behavior and the sociocultural settings that either encourage or discourage individuals from victimizing their peers. Research on school bullies and peer victimization in institutional settings suggests two things. First, young people who frequently engage in this kind of behavior are not like other youngsters, especially those who are not involved in inter-peer aggression. Whether bullies, at least chronic ones, are a distinct personality type or not is still debatable. Also how such individuals become aggressive remains a matter of theoretical speculation, although research into their socialization and backgrounds indicates that school bullies are probably made, not born. If that, indeed, is the case, they can be “unmade” by directed action. Second, acting aggressively toward one’s peers requires a context, a stage as it were, for the want-a-be aggressor to play out his or her act. Potential bullies may be found in all schools. But not all schools, nor all residential institutions, are plagued by the problem of peer violence. The environment of the school or institution undoubtedly plays a large role in fostering such “acting out” behavior among students or wards. The observation that correctional institution staff can actually promote peer-on-peer violence in some intuitions is a clear indication of this. Where teachers, and other school staff, are active in supervising students and promoting a culture of tolerance and mutual cooperation, rates of school violence appear to be reduced. Where they fail to do so, violence is likely to be more pervasive. As such, school violence can indeed be prevented (or at least reduced) by “changing the school.” The success of “whole school programs” designed to impact the very culture of institutions proves that this is in fact the case. Thus, preventing school violence and peer victimization by “doing something” has great potential in societies (communities, nations) that are concerned about the wellbeing of children, that seek to actually foster their learning and development, that are not rife with disputes among competing groups, and that abhor violence and aggression 356 9 Peer Victimization and foster cooperation and fair play. In many countries throughout the world this appears to be a real possibility. In yet other places, little is even being done. In fact, in Europe where concern for bullying has had a long history, and is widespread, many countries still have no specifi c national policy or laws explicitly directed to preventing bullying or other violence in schools (Ananiadou and Smith 2002 ) . It is in this sense that peer victimization can be understood as a form of government complicity in crime. Virtually everywhere in the world, governments operate, or at least license and regulate, schools and residential institutions for children. In that respect, schools, correctional facilities, day-care centers, and the like are “government institutions.” Governmental authorities, therefore, ultimately are responsible for the wellbeing of the children and youths entrusted to the care of these institutions. Where these children and young people are subjected to abuse of any kind, both by adults or peers, governmental authorities have failed in their duty. Whether they have failed from incompetence, shenanigans, or sheer negligence, they have failed nevertheless. Consequently, although government authorities did not directly or purposively victimize the student or ward who suffers at the hands of other students or wards, by not taking the needed and appropriate action to prevent or redress this victimization, government authorities are complacent in that crime. As such, they are also guilty of that crime. The case of school bullying indicates that when government authorities do take positive, purposive, action peer violence in schools can be substantially reduced. Indeed, in an analysis of data from two national surveys conducted in the United States in 2003 and 2008 Finkelhor, et al. ( 2010) concluded that substantial and real declines in various types of childhood victimization, including peer victimization, have taken place in the U.S. possibly due to the efforts of people working to create safer environments for children in this country. Moreover, when that action is directed to promoting a sense of community and an institutional culture that is intol- erant of abuse and aggression among all members, violence among peers can be practically eliminated. To what extent similar initiatives can have meaningful impact on how youths behave toward one another outside school settings remains unknown. But given the effectiveness that the principles of mutual cooperation and intolerance of violence have had in institutional settings, there is little reason to assume they would not work elsewhere. We now have very good reason to believe when strategies that have been shown to work in schools are adopted elsewhere peer victimization can be greatly reduced, if not totally eliminated, in any society. Failure to do so, is itself, nothing short of criminal.

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It is probably an exercise in utopian futility to even dream of some possible future when young people across the globe are not subjected to the ubiquitous victimizations that pervade human societies. The relative powerlessness of the young, the apparent innate cruelty of human beings toward one another, and the mean-spirited stinginess of those who horde the world’s wealth at the expense of the masses render any meaningful end to the pervasive victimization of young people improbable, if not utterly impossible. For those who labor in the arena of children’s rights, or even seek a better life for the world’s young, this assertion would likely be seen as little more than misguided negativism on our part, or a reproach of their many efforts to achieve their goals. Given the experience of such efforts so far, we have good reason to foresee little but gloom and doom. But, we would be misguided if we believe that nothing can be done, or even should be attempted, to make the world a safer place for our children. The victimization of children and young people in general, or in specifi c forms, may never be totally eliminated, or even signifi cantly reduced. Yet, it can be impacted. And not doing anything could only make matters worse. Doing something is essential. The question then is what to do? We do not have any magical answer to this all important question. Many people have devoted their lives and careers to addressing just this problem. Examples of “successful” efforts are countless and often unknown except, perhaps, to those who have benefi ted from the work of others. Therefore, rather than providing our readers with “the solution,” in this chapter we seek to outline the kinds of approaches that have typically been taken by those seeking to promote the wellbeing of young people throughout the world while discussing some of their strengths and weaknesses. By placing these individual efforts in a broader perspective we hope to help advance the goal sought by all. Refl ecting on the various programs we encountered in researching this volume and discussed, however briefl y in various chapters, a two dimensional typology appears to us to be helpful in organizing our thinking about the question: “What to do?”

C.A. Hartjen and S. Priyadarsini, The Global Victimization of Children: 365 Problems and Solutions, DOI 10.1007/978-1-4614-2179-5_10, © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012 366 10 Combating Victimization

First, regardless of the type of activity child welfare activists are engaged in, they fall into two broad categories: preventive or corrective. Preventive activities seek to avert or deter some kind of victimization from taking place at all by doing “something” that blocks young people from being harmed or removing whatever may allow, enable, or promote their being harmed. Ideally, such intervention occurs before the fact, prior to anyone being harmed at all. Corrective activities, on the other hand, are ex post facto in that they seek to redress the harm that had been done, or to keep it from continuing or reoccurring. Once some form of victimization has taken place these intervention efforts may seek to reduce the likelihood that other youths will suffer the same fate in the future. For those who have already experienced victimization of some type, these efforts would be directed to ameliorating the harm experienced. In this regard, corrective efforts are of two types: (1) providing aid and comfort to victimized individuals and (2) taking steps to eliminate, ameliorate, block, or reduce the conditions or opportunities that lead to victimization, or make it possible for some kind of victimization to reoccur. Of these approaches, preventive activities are most desirable in that they keep young people from experiencing harm at all. However, in most cases preventive activities are initiated only after some form of harm becomes noticeable, or no longer unnoticeable. In that regard, for those whose victimization may have sparked future prevention efforts, the preventive measure comes too late. Second, while “prevention” or “correction” characterize all victimization-response activates, such activities differ from one another also in terms of the focus of action. Thus, whether preventive or corrective in intent, three levels of generality appear to characterize intervention efforts: “individual,” “organizational,” and “systemic.” “Individual” preventive/corrective efforts are directed to youths who are, or may be, victimized as individuals or towards specifi c persons involved in their victimization. Such efforts are similar to treating patients who have contracted an illness, or to vaccinating individuals to prevent them from contracting some virus. One example of this approach would be training young people to intervene in instances of bullying to help protect another student from being harmed. Another example would be providing therapy to demobilized child soldiers to help them adjust to civilian life. Arresting and punishing members of a child pornography ring would also be an example of an “individual” corrective activity. “Organizational” preventive/corrective efforts are directed to changing something about an organization, or type of organization (e.g., school, the military) that promotes, allows, or neglects to do something about harm to youths affi liated with the organization in some way. An example of such an approach would be to implement policies in a juvenile correctional system designed to insure that correctional offi cials do not physically abuse inmates. Firing managerial staff of an organization where staff members have abused inmates or wards of the organization would be another. Training staff of a school system to recognize and intervene in instances of student bullying would also be an instance of an organizational response to the problem. Individual 367

“Systemic” preventive/corrective activities are the broadest in scope, and are possibly the most meaningful as far as having a widespread impact on victimizing activity in some country, or the world’s societies as such. In an analysis of the role young people have in the various armed confl icts that endlessly seem to plague countries in Africa, Angela McIntyre (2003 : 93) astutely notes: …the ease with which young people are abused in the pursuit of political, economic and military goals is not the work of a few reprehensible human rights abusers. It is the result of widespread structural problems; a lack of education and livelihood options, of opportunities for peaceful participation in decision and policymaking. With few modifi cations this observation easily applies to virtually all forms of youth victimization. Quite simply, the pervasive harm infl icted on young people in the world today can ultimately be traced to deep seated cultural ideologies and structural inequalities that impact the lives of young people everywhere. Systemic activities are geared to fundamental socio-cultural changes that, if made, would reduce victimizing behavior, or make such behavior less likely to occur, or to be sustained. The simple ratifi cation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (UN 1989) by almost all the world’s societies is an example of one such effort with the potential of global impact (cf. Alderson 2000 ; Forrester and Harwin 2000 ) . Work by United Nations agencies and other organizations to reduce poverty, provide universal education, change the status of women, or combat the international distribution of weapons are systemic in nature and, if implemented successfully may do more than anything else to render books such as the present volume unnecessary.

Individual

Probably the most frequent of all intervention activities are efforts that focus on specifi c victims. Such efforts target specifi c cases of victimization. As potentially benefi - cial as these efforts may be for individual victims, they are akin to buying the freedom of individual slaves rather than abolishing the institution of slavery as such. For the freed slaves the effort, of course, was benefi cial. But liberating a few slaves from bondage does little to help those still enslaved, or stop the activity from continuing and victimizing still others. In Australia, for example, 107 people were arrested for downloading child pornography from a website located in Luxembourg (BBC 2010 ) . These arrests may have had some effect on the future behavior of the individuals arrested. But unless the website providing the documents is shutdown, and the persons actually producing the images apprehended, the practice of supplying child pornography over the internet is likely to have been little affected. Nor is it likely that individuals seeking pornographic images of children will be greatly or permanently deterred by publiciz- ing the policing activity. Thus, combating various forms of youth victimization by focusing on individual victims or their victimizers is, of course, necessary and worth- while but fails as a strategy to eradicate the behavior causing the harm altogether. Thus, as a strategy to eradicate youth victimization, focusing on individual victims or offenders would mean an endless struggle with little signifi cant impact. 368 10 Combating Victimization

Preventive Measures

Some kind of “educational” program intended to heighten the awareness of potential victims and strengthen their defenses against harm is probably the most common individual-focused preventive approach to combat specifi c forms of youth victimization. As mentioned in Chapter 6 , a plethora of guides, manuals, pamphlets, and full-fl edged course material to teach young people and others about the dangers of porn and sex predators on the net became available when the public in western nations became increasingly concerned with the possible exposure of their young people to pornography and online predators. Numerous “educational” programs designed to help children ward off predators were marketed to individuals and organizations. For example, the State Attorney General of Wisconsin launched a “statewide public education” campaign to “raise awareness” of the danger in response to a report that one in seven Wisconsin children were approached online with some kind of sexual overture (Channel3000 2008 ) . In some cases these “educational” efforts become a commercial activity, such as the twenty minute DVD one organization offers for $79.95, designed to empower “young people with the information they need to stay safe online and offl ine” from sexual predators (cf. Baker 2007 ) . In many cases educational materials are freely provided to individuals or organizations by concerns devoted to combating a specifi c form of victimization, such as school bullying. The US Department of Health and Human Services, for example, addressing the problem of bullying and ways to prevent it in schools provides movies, games, and information to individuals and organizations without charge. On its website, the Foundation for Educational Partnerships has a large list of “resources” readily available to anyone interested in learning about or ways to combat bullying in schools (cf. FEP nd ) . And a simple search of the web turns up links to numerous groups providing similar resources, often for a fee. Some of these focus on a specifi c issue, such as child labor, while others appear to have a more general agenda. For example, bill- ing itself as “..a non-profi t organization established in 1989 that is committed to creating a safer world for everyone,” an organization called Kidpower ( nd ) provides information to parents and others, on how to help protect children from being bullied. The organization offers “…positive and practical workshops, training, and resources to help people of all ages and abilities learn personal safety skills and build self-confi dence.” Advertised as providing “practical solutions on how to protect children from harm and empower them to take charge of their safety,” its e-book is aptly entitled “Bullying - What Adults Need to Know and Do to Keep Kids Safe.” It is unknown how successfully targeted or consciousness-raising “educational” approaches are in combating specifi c cases or forms of child victimization or the victimization of young people in general. It is clear that many people have implicit faith in this strategy. Indeed, a large part of the efforts by United Nations agencies to combat youth victimization in countries around the world consist of educating government offi cials, and the public in general, about the need to take action, and Individual 369 directing them towards hopeful ways of correcting some problem. For example, in 2009 UNICEF ( nd ) sponsored seven “educational” programs in Malaysia to “… inspire the public to ‘Say Yes to Children’ and “No to Violence’. In addition it pub- lishes numerous guides and information pamphlets for any government interested in fi nding resources to combat youth victimization in general, or in specifi c forms. Undoubtedly, raising awareness is often an essential fi rst step in motivating people, and especially governments, to do something. The plight of victimized children is easy to ignore, and governments often thrive on inaction. So public information campaigns, media exposes, and agitation by activist organizations is often necessary for public realization of the need for action. Unfortunately, unless periodic remind- ers that the need continues to exist, or until programs dealing with some problem become fi rmly established organizational activities, raised awareness might have a short life with largely inconsequential impact in either preventing abuse or addressing its underlying causes. Similarly, if they are based on true knowledge and understanding of what needs to be done and how best to do it, programs to train people or the general public on ways to recognize and deal with some problem can have considerable benefi t. Training teachers to recognize and intervene in instances of school bullying is surely benefi cial in reducing its incidence, provided that the people offering the training program actually possess expertise in identifying and intervention. Often, however, charlatans or opportunists quickly become involved in promoting various kinds of programs. They may have little or no expertise but are good at “selling” concerned citizens or organizations a product “guaranteed” (proven) to work. Sorting out what works among such scams itself requires considerable knowledge and effort that is often lacking. The “law” is a second popular preventive approach designed to deter individual victimization. Once some problem is recognized (since it can no longer be ignored) it is almost inevitable that there will be calls for new legislation or enhanced law enforcement to address the problem. Not infrequently freshly aroused public concern leads to the passage of some new law to “solve” the problem. Alternatively, law enforcement crackdowns (with considerable media attention) occur to demonstrate that something is actually being done about the problem. A typical example is the law New Jersey enacted following the national attention paid to a case of suicide that was reportedly caused by a bullying event at the State University. Heralded as “the nation’s toughest law against bullying and harassment in schools,” the state joined four others that had passed similar new legislation that year following public concern over bullying activity (Pėrez-Peña 2011 ). As we addressed in Chapter 2 , legislation is the major weapon that countries use to combat child labor. Practically all countries have legislation that requires children to attend school up to some specifi ed age, and most have some kind of age restriction on when individuals can be employed full-time. Similarly, many countries have legislation regarding neglected, abandoned, or orphaned children. In one instance, as noted in Chapter 2 , the 1987 Haitian Constitution specifi cally requires that “any child is entitled to love, affection, understanding, and moral and physical care” (Kovats-Bernat 2006 ) . Similar laws are found in such diverse societies as Nigeria, 370 10 Combating Victimization

Cuba, Vietnam and other countries. And Human Rights Watch clearly documents that the South African Government has a legal obligation under both international and national law to prevent the pervasive sexual violence against girls in South African schools (Human Rights Watch 2001 ) . But, as with any well meaning (or good sounding) legislation, how much effort is actually devoted to ensuring that everyone actually abides by the law makes all the difference. People vexed by the continued existence of some problem often blame the lax enforcement of protective legislation as the major culprit. Yet, in some cases it is nearly impossible to effectively enforce the law (Englehart 2009 ) . A case in point is the problem of trying to arrest, convict, and punish individuals responsible for using children as soldiers. Practically no one has ever even been prosecuted for this crime, although the offense has been bundled in with other charges brought against the very few offenders actually brought before some court (cf. BBC 2007, 2008) . And attempts to deter offenders with the prospect of criminal prosecution may actually make things worse since they may be reluctant to cease hostilities fearing the prospect of being held criminally liable. As noted by Gates and Rich (2010a : 5), criminalizing the practices of recruiting child soldiers could: … prove an obstacle to peace in the absence of consistently applied enforcement mechanisms, leaving little reason for optimism that deterrence will work unless the risks of using children outweigh the rewards – and the prospects of prosecution are signiﬁ cantly increased. Without a greater capacity to implement new enforcement measures, deterrence and the force of law have limits. Nevertheless, the minimal success that has been achieved in this area could enhance the use of criminal law as a way of deterring future offenders (cf. Clifford and Glassborow 2007 ; HRW 2007 ) . A similar tactic might be useful in combating child sex victimization. As reported in Chapter 6 , law enforcement agencies around the world have devoted considerable effort to locating and apprehending individuals involved with the distribution of child pornography over the internet (see BBC 2005, 2009, 2009a ; MSNBC 2007) . Undoubtedly these efforts have deterred the apprehended individuals. And the wide publicity these cases have received may make others less likely to be involved in such activity. Thus, by making individuals bent on acquiring and distributing pornographic material more cautious, aggressive law enforcement may actually reduce the prevalence of this behavior. It is doubtful however if law enforcement alone will do much to dramatically prevent young people from being victimized by child pornographers in the future. These laws, and their well-publicized enforcement, may make potential offenders more cautious driving the providers of such material underground and, therefore, less easy to detect and apprehend. Yet, an excellent analysis by Jeremy Seabrook (2000 ) of NGOs in combating child-sex tourism by convincing countries to enact “extraterritorial’ legislation designed to punish people who travel abroad to have sex with children exempliﬁ es not only the role that concerned organizations can play in combating any form of youth victimization but also how criminal law can have a potential impact on stopping such activity. Individual 371

But, as criminologists have long known, as a way of “solving” any problem, criminalizing some behavior has a marginal impact at best. The long term failure of America’s “war on drugs” is a case in point. Yet, we have to imagine what the scenario would be if such efforts do not exist. For example, market forces or moral repugnance of the practice may help to reduce the use of child labor. But, the active enforcement of child labor laws may also help reduce not only the use of children but, more signiﬁ cantly, their exploitation as labor. Attesting to this, the number of arrests for trafﬁ cking children for labor appears to be making some headway in Africa (LaFreniere 2006 ) . And, in rare cases, national governments have actually been prosecuted for failing to protect children from being victimized as slave labor (Polgreen 2008 ) . Combined with other efforts, anti-child labor laws provide young people a protective shield against those who would exploit them for their labor and give those who advocate an end to the practice another tool with which they might work to go after victimizers.

Corrective Measures

For individuals who have already been victimized in some ways intervention can do little more than provide them a sense of justice or reduce the negative social, psychological, and/or physical consequences of the harms experienced by them. In many countries, a common remedy is to seek monetary damages for victimizations that may have occurred years earlier. The Boy Scouts of America, for example, has been sued several times for cases of sexual abuse. The largest single award was of $18.5 million was to a man who had been sexually abused by a Scoutmaster when he was a member of a Scout Troup (Green 2010 ; McCall 2010 ) . As part of a “repatriation, rehabilitation and reintegration” program relating to their victimization 879 Bangladeshi former child camel jockeys each received from $1,000 to $10,000 in compensation for their earlier service in the United Arab Emirates and other Middle Eastern countries ( BBC 2009b ) . And in the Jesuit order called the Oregon Province of the Society of Jesus agreed to a settlement of $166.1 million to be paid to hundreds of Native Americans and Natives of Alaska for the abuse they suffered from priests in the order’s schools in the northwestern United States (Blankinship 2011 ) . The sad reality is that most victimized children receive nothing at all, and nothing is done for them. Instead, they are forced to live with the consequences of their victimization the rest of their lives. In other cases, efforts to remedy the damage are quite literally “too little and too late.” The disgraceful efforts the governments of Australia and Newfoundland, Canada made to address the extreme harm experienced by children placed in orphanages in these localities from the nineteenth through much of the twentieth centuries is an extreme case in point. Thousands of children were subjected to all manner of physical, emotional and sexual abuse by their caretakers, exploited as cheap labor, and used as guinea pigs in medical experiments that likely killed many and left others scarred for life. Years after this abuse, 372 10 Combating Victimization the best that survivors have so far received, and will ever likely receive, is an offi cial apology and minuscule fi nancial compensation. A few members of the Christian Brothers organization of the Newfoundland orphanages were ultimately charged with sexual and physical abuse, but only nine were actually convicted (cf. Murray 2007 ; Robinson 2010 ; Shears 2009 ) . The survivors of facilities run by this and other religious organizations throughout Europe and other parts of the world have received similar negligible corrective responses. Many victims have died without ever witnessing their victimization redressed. In some cases of abuse corrective efforts are more direct. Notable among these are so called “rescue” missions where individuals, groups, and sometimes government offi cials actively work to remove victimized youths from the abusive situation. Many organizations are devoted to such pursuits in a number of countries. For example the “Anti-Slavery Society” is an international organization that seeks to relieve the suffering of, free or rescue, and reintegrate child slaves, laborers, prostitutes, and victims of traffi cking, among other activities (see Anti-Slavery Society, http:// www.anti-slaverysociety.addr.com/index.htm ). Another organization engaged in similar activity is “The Harper Organization” (see: http://harperfreedom.org/about. aspx ). And through volunteers who take to the streets to fi nd and help such children improve their lives “StandUp For Kids” (see: http://www.standupforkids.org/about/ default.aspx ) is an organization that aims to help homeless and street kids in cities across America. Most commonly, these efforts are directed toward children found to be involved in labor deemed illegal by local and/or international law, girls or boys found in brothels or engaged in prostitution or the production of pornographic media, and as child soldiers for some militant organization cf. (AAP 2010 ; Miller and Lebovich 2010; Ocowun 2010) . More frequent, but less likely to be publicized in media or other reports, are the uncounted children temporarily or permanently removed from abusive home environments by social service agencies across the globe. It is near to impossible to accurately count how many youths have been “rescued” and removed from situations of victimization each year. Undoubtedly, the combined efforts of organizations such as these have provided numerous young people ways of escaping their plight. Such “rescue” efforts are essential and benefi - cial for individual victims. But, being rescued is only the fi rst step. Follow-up programs are essential, lest all too often rescued children fi nd themselves revictimized to wind up in more dire straits than previously. Thus, simply being “rescued” can be of little help unless the rescued youths receive further help to deal with trauma and are protected from future victimization. Unfortunately, in many cases, well-intended organizations lack the resources to provide such assistance and governments often fail to do so either. For example, the FBI rescued 52 children from sexual slavery in a nationwide crackdown in the United States. Yet more than a month after being rescued none of the victims had received any of the help deemed essential by experts (Markman 2009 ) . Even in European countries coordination among agencies that attempt to help traffi cked children is often absent, and child protection agencies in various countries are often not required to assist traffi cked children (BBC 2009b ; UNHCR 2005 ) . The experience in India, however, may Individual 373 exemplify the potential of rescue efforts if handled correctly. According to media reports, in one Indian district over 1,565 children were “rescued” in an effort to eradicate child labor. Of these 1,300 were studying in special schools set up under the National Child Labor Project. The children are provided books, notebooks, uniforms, footwear, and the like at no cost to encourage them to continue in school (The Hindu 2009 ) . Social welfare agencies and organizations involved with helping street children and those rescued from traffi ckers have long recognized the need for programs tailored to the needs of those they want to help. These efforts take diverse forms. For example, as reported earlier, an organization called RugMark has been active in providing education for street children in South Asia (BBC 2004 ) . NGOs in Zimbabwe have successfully rehabilitated and reintegrated many street children (Committee on International Relations 2005) . School children in Dushanbe, Tajikistan donned secondhand clothes and mingled with street children to blunt the stigma of poverty associated with being on the street and encourage street children to attend school (Saberi 2006 ) . Terre d’Asile in France provides youths traffi cked from Afghanistan with lessons in French as well as accommodation and asylum assistance (Brothers 2009 ) . In Kenya “Solidarity with Women in Distress” provides literacy classes and training in hairdressing girls who had been involved in prostitution. As discussed in Chapter 4 once hostilities have ceased, or rescue efforts succeeded, countries and organizations have sought to help former child soldiers face the formidable task of reintegrating back into civil society. Referred to as Demobilization, Rehabilitation and Reintegration programs, these efforts appear to have met with mixed success in various countries. This, in large part, is the result of the considerable variability in the type and extent of the resources that have been devoted to such efforts. As a result, many “rescued” former child soldiers wind up as gang members often indistinguishable from former militant groups, or they lead marginal lives due to lack of education and marketable skills. Many suffer from un-treated post-traumatic-stress disorder, or fi nd it impossible to return to their former homes and lives (see Wessells 2010 ; Vargas-Barón 2010 ) . A number of the organizations devoted to helping these youths report that their efforts are meeting with success cf. (Hyun 2008 ; Mitani 2008 ; Scott 2008 ) . Signifi cant among these are UNICEF and the activist group called Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers (CSUCS 2008 ) . For example, a report by Williamson ( 2005) for USAID on reintegration efforts of child soldiers following the confl ict in Sierra Leone concluded that demobilized children were doing as well as other children in the country. It is believed that this is largely because of the assistance they received directly in helping them acquire the necessary learning to fi nd meaningful jobs, but also through community outreach programs and creative programs to reintegrate them back into their home communities. But, as reported by Morse (2008) these organizations have also come to realize that the task of reintegrating former child soldiers requires more than simply putting them through some kind of rehabilitation and job training program. Rescue and reintegration efforts are largely stop-gap measures that will have to be made 374 10 Combating Victimization time and time again as the very problems they seek to address continue to reoccur. Truly addressing the problem long-term requires a much broader economic development effort for societies plagued by internal confl ict. Acknowledging this, the Displaced Children and Orphans Fund of USAID seeks ways to change the fundamental economic conditions in various countries that lead to the use of children in armed combat in the fi rst place. But the task is daunting and doing this is beyond the ability of any NGO or even specifi c international aid or United Nations agencies. Children who experience various forms of abuse – from bullying to participating in or witnessing war crimes – suffer from emotional and psychological trauma similar in some cases to post-traumatic-stress disorders. Psychotherapy and counseling are normally needed to help these victims. A vast literature can be found in professional journals describing and assessing various psychological treatment strategies for victimized youths, but it is beyond the scope of this volume to even summarize, much less assess, this work. Suffi ce it to say that many of the youths who experience victimization do indeed suffer from psychological and emotional trauma and proper therapeutic treatments have been shown to help many of these individuals cf. (Hollin and Howells 1991 ; Crawford and Kaufman 2008 ; Cunningham and MacFarlane 1991 ; Leondard 2010 ; Richards and Thyer 2004 ; Tourigny et al. 2005 ; von Weiler et al. 2010 ) . So, psychological interventions where indicated should surely be a part of any corrective efforts directed toward individual victims. Unfortunately, the vast majority of the world’s children subjected to victimization have no such recourse available and, even when available, experts to provide this kind of help are often in short supply.

Organizational

All acts of victimization involve individuals infl icting harm on other individuals. Thus, focusing on individual victims or victimizers is a logical approach to dealing with youth victimization. But typically these individual acts take place in an organizational context – school, care facility, police station house, home – and too frequently the victimizers are the very members of the organizations entrusted with their care. Normally this harm is infl icted by individuals employed by the organization – teacher, correctional offi cer, coach, parish priest, or relative. In this regard the victimization is an instance of “individual” harm. However, just as corporations are recognized in law as being individuals, the organizations to which young people are entrusted can, themselves, be considered victimizers if, and to the extent that, those responsible for the organization (managers, supervisors, overseers) fail to prevent, allow, encourage, or turn a blind eye to the abuse infl icted on those under their care by members of, or others affi liated with, the organization. Given that most of the victimization young people experience takes place in the context of some organizational setting, responses to victimization requires that preventive and corrective action be directed to these organizations. Organizational 375

Preventive Measures

Countries around the world typically have legal measures in place to prevent harm to young people in institutional settings, similar to their efforts to prevent youth victimization by individuals. The Council of Europe, for example, passed a resolution in 2010 aimed at “ensuring full protection of the victims” of potential child abuse in institutions. It recommended that all European Union member states take steps to “ensure legislative protection,” provide “prosecution” for offenses, set up mechanisms for certifying and monitoring people staffi ng institutions, as well as a host of specifi c ways to prevent harm to young people while in institutional care (Council of Europe 2010 ) . Many countries also have explicit and vary detailed legislation regarding the care of children in institutional settings. For example, Salter (2009 ) compiled an extensive summary of such legislation in New Zealand and each Australian territory. In describing this legislation, Slater (2009 : 3) notes that: … organizations … owe a duty of care to all people who make use of their property or activities. This duty of care requires them to take all reasonable steps to reduce the risk of injury from their activities or methods of operation. As required by protective legislation, formal organizations that deal with young people throughout the world typically already have in place a variety of measures that are intended to prevent those under their charge from being harmed, especially by actions of the organization’s staff. The United States Department of Health and Human Services, for instance, provides institutions serving young people with a 50 page manual detailing the kinds of steps such organizations should take to protect wards from child sexual abuse (Saul and Audage 2004 ) . The National Association for the Education of Young Children ( 1996 ) published a “position statement” to guard against any kind of victimization likely to be experienced by children in their care detailing the measures any early childhood program must take to do so. Typical measures used by organizations caring for young people consist of ways to screen out potentially troublesome employees such as background checks, psychological tests, and probation terms of employment. Frequently large organizations have published codes of conduct for staff and well-established disciplinary procedures for violators. UNICEF, in collaboration with the World Tourism Organization (WTO) and the advocacy group ECPT, devoted to ending child pornography and sex traffi cking announced a “Code of Conduct” in 2004 designed to protect children from commercial sexual exploitation for the North American travel industry (UNICEF 2004 ) . Staff training can also be a way of acquainting employees of proper and improper procedures and behavior. For example, in the United States, following passage of the Prison Rape Elimination Act of 2003, a handbook and training curricula were created by the National Institute of Corrections for administrators of corrections facilities to help correctional staff comply with the new law (Smith and Yarussi 2007 ) . In addition, informal instruction by other staff to new members can also inculcate appropriate and inappropriate behavior, although such instruction can also teach new employees ways to circumvent bureaucratic rules. 376 10 Combating Victimization

The effectiveness any of these measures are unknown since it is impossible to know how many young people were not victimized because any, or all, of these measures were in place. Undoubtedly, administrators and offi cials introduce such measures hoping that they will deter abuse. On the other hand, having in place procedures, conduct manuals, staff training programs, and the like helps to protect the organization, or organization offi cials, from lawsuits or disciplinary action. Rationalizations such as guilty employees were not following the rules, fell through the cracks, were aberrant, or in some way deviated from or circumvented protective measures do not absolve those in charge from being parties to the harm some staff member may have infl icted. Nor does the claim that “The organization did what it could!” “Things happen!”

Corrective Measures

As with individual-level responses to victimization, the “law” is often resorted to in dealing with organizations in which young people suffer various kinds of abuse. Usually this involves calls to pass “tougher” laws or increasing penalties for offenders or administrators who failed to report or take action when cases of abuse were brought to their attention, or their failure to put preventive measures into place (Tanner 2008 ) . Sometimes this involves bringing criminal charges against administrators. More often the legal remedy takes the form of lawsuits against the organization. Indeed, the threat of fi nancial penalties may be one of the most effective ways of motivating organizations to take corrective action in past instances of victimization cf. (Bartelme 2000 ) . Besides possible punitive action, many of the “corrective” measures taken by organizations are oriented toward weeding out so called “bad apples” from the organization or instituting more stringent personnel-screening measures to ensure that individuals prone to certain predilections are not inadvertently employed. All such measures, of course, assume that the victimizations are the work of aberrant individuals, and not a product of the culture or structure of the organization itself. But the widespread victimization of young people living in orphanages run by religious organizations, confi ned in correctional facilities, attending schools, or involved with other organizations around the world indicates that the “bad apple” theory is inadequate in explaining the wide prevalence of this behavior. And simply dealing with individual offenders affi liated with some organizations is not a sound basis for remedying the problem. Deep-seated organizational change may be required to protect young people from being abused in the very places designed to care for them. Manthorpe and Stanley (1999 ) suggest that in combating institutional abuse the emphasis should shift from the “bad apple” to enhancing the rights of young people in institutional care. It is essential, they argue, that institutions pursue quality, accountability, and regulations in order to prevent having of deal with “bad apples” in the fi rst place. Organizational 377

No matter how well run or well intended its staff may be, instances of victimization can occur in any organization at any time. And often it is the immediate steps taken by organizations when such abuse comes to light that ensures that the victimizing activity is not repeated while helping those victimized. As regrettable as individual acts of victimization may be, what is really troubling is the frequent, prolonged, and seemingly condoned widespread victimization that takes place in some organizations across the globe. Notable of these has been the horrendous treatment of children in orphanages in places like Romania, Russia, and various Eastern European and Middle Eastern countries, and in those run by religious organizations in Ireland, Canada, Australia, Germany and elsewhere. This list includes the almost worldwide and pervasive sexual victimization of young people by members of the Roman Catholic clergy and other religious organizations. To this we must add the systematic mistreatment of young people in correctional facilities in South American countries, Eastern Europe, and in scattered places across the globe. Less well-documented, but apparently equally pervasive, is the ill treatment of children in physical and mental care facilities worldwide. If bad apples are responsible for all this behavior, human beings are surely rotten to the core. But individual aberration simply cannot explain the prevalence of victimizing behavior, or its persistence. The widespread victimization of young people in schools, orphanages, care facilities, and the like is ultimately a refl ection of the organizational culture of these facilities that allows individual victimizing behavior to occur unchecked. Moreover, in many cases that organizational culture refl ects larger societal attitudes toward the young, or at least the kinds of young people found in these facilities. Correcting the victimization, therefore, requires changing the organizational culture and social ethos that allows it to take place. School bullying may very well exemplify the kind of organizational efforts needed in seriously addressing other forms of victimization in schools or elsewhere. As discussed in Chapter 9 , of all the attempts by organizations in combating school bullying the only approach to meet with any real success is the “school climate- oriented strategies” pioneered by Olweu’s “Bullying Prevention Program”(Olweus 2010 ) . In the United States, both the “Seattle Social Development Program” and the “PeaceBuilders Program” have been modeled on this approach. These programs seek to impact the very cultural orientation of the school (pupils, teachers, staff, and parents) in various ways to create harmonious, supportive relationships and interaction, that draws away from aggression, discrimination, and confl ict, thus reducing bullying behavior on the part of students as well as staff. Such organizational “sea changes” might be necessary if other organizations such as child-care institutions, correctional facilities, religious organizations, and others are serious about mending their ways to prevent future victimizations that may be committed by people affi liated with them. In the United States, for example, federal law to forced correctional facilities housing juveniles (as well as those for adults) to take the problem of “prison rape” seriously and to institute measures to combat it besides systematically reporting their progress in doing so cf. (National Prison Rape Elimination Commission 2009 ) . 378 10 Combating Victimization

But drastic organizational change is not always required to achieve success. Instead, organizations may have to adapt to the needs of those they seek to help, rather than forcing victims of abuse into some pre-arranged program. For example, motivating street children to return to, and stay in, school appears to be a major obstacle in extricating them from a life on the streets. As noted by Mugo (2000 ) educating street children may require authorities to make an honest evaluation of the pros and cons of providing these children with formal education versus teaching them literacy and numeracy with basic linguistic, mathematical, and communication skills that transfer to salable skills. Since the 1980s Brazil has successfully geared its educational program in this regard (Mickelson 2000 ) . Similarly in the Philippines programs specifi cally created to help racially discriminated Amerasian Filippino street-children often the victims of physical and other attack (Committee on International Relations 2005 ) . Even in places where some form of victimization may fi nd broad social, and even legal, support we can fi nd instances where efforts to change organizational behavior can have positive impact. In the Eastern Caribbean, for instance, the public as well as offi cials have generally accepted as appropriate and necessary the use of corporal punishment in schools. Combating the practice in Barbados, UNICEF partnered with the teacher’s union and established a pilot program substituting “positive behavior-management techniques” over corporal punishment as a way to discipline children. The program proved effective and is being duplicated in schools in various Eastern Caribbean countries (Blank 2007 ). These, and numerous other examples, indicate that meaningful improvements can be made to the lives of many young people if administrators of organizations are interested in, and willing to make, even small adjustments in how things are done in their organization. In the end, however, it is the attitudes of organizational members that matter most in preventing or eliminating victimization when it occurs. It is the responsibility of organizational administrators to shape and enforce these attitudes.

Systemic

Helping young people to avoid being victimized or caring for those who have been subjected to harm are certainly necessary activities, and devoting efforts to achieving these ends worthy enterprises. Also, it is essential that the organizations entrusted with the lives of young people take proper precautions to ensure that those in their care are not harmed or, if harm occurs, institute measures quickly and effectively to see that it does not continue and care for victims. In most cases efforts to combat youth victimization are likely to involve only individual or organizational measures. But both are, at best, piecemeal, stopgap, measures that, once discontinued, allow victimization to occur unabated. Exploiting children in military combat, using young people as a source of cheap labor, failing to provide a nation’s young with the proper means to live productive, fulfi lling lives, purposively harming those under one’s care, or doing any of the myriad things that infl ict harm on a society’s young Systemic 379 are ultimately socially embedded activities. Individual members of any society do these kinds of things to young individuals because they are allowed, encouraged, or not prevented from doing so. Children are exploited as soldiers, laborers, sex objects, or commodities for trade because the societies in which these things occur tolerate such behavior, or take ineffective action to prevent or curtail it when it takes place. Teachers beat or sexually abuse students, corrections offi cers do the same to inmates, as do the staff of orphanages or other care facilities not only because they are evil or aberrant individuals, or the organizations in which they work are ill-managed, but also because there is a cultural perception of children shared by people in these societies that makes such abuse to be conceivable at all. Young people are found living on the streets not simply because they are uncontrollable thrill seekers, their parents are too poor to care for them, or they are considered economic commodities to exploit. They make the streets their home because others in their societies have little, if any, interest in their wellbeing. They, like the trash they are often considered to be, are cast off, expendable, and thought to deserve the abuse they often experience. Victimization of any kind to anyone, of course, involves individuals infl icting harm on other individuals. In that regard we must deal with individual offenders and victims in order to prevent, reduce, or correct youth victimization. But, any real or meaningful impact on so doing ultimately requires that we address the underlying causes, the social-cultural ideologies and conditions that support or allow individual behavior. In most cases this would involve systematic changes at a societal level.

Preventive Measures

Preventing youth victimization through changing cultural practices or beliefs does not have to involve major departures from existing structures and, in fact, may often be benefi cial since these structures can be used to bring about change. One example of this can be found in Mauritania where UNICEF has made inroads in reducing the use of corporal punishment in disciplining children, a traditional practice integral to the culture and not frowned upon by people. This was achieved by the reformers in partnership with religious leaders who then became the voice of change in opposition to the practice. After studying Islamic texts on the use of corporal discipline, these leaders concurred that violence against children was prohibited by Islamic doctrine and issued a fatwa decrying the practice. Further, UNICEF succeeded in forging an “unprecedented” number of partnerships with many government agencies, international donors, and a host of NGO in the region helping to make child rights “…consistently visible and cemented a foundation for future action” (UNICEF 2010: 8). And basic changes in one area can potentially have considerable benefi t in fi ghting other forms of youth victimization. For example, besides increasing basic literacy, substantially increasing a nation’s investment in education can also help reduce the prevalence of child labor in that country as well as likely reduce the number of street children, and otherwise improve the lot of a country’s children in general. 380 10 Combating Victimization

Less obvious would be its contribution to reducing the use of child soldiers in nations where such are found. Gates and Reich ( 2010 : 252), for instance, argue that besides being important in helping former child soldiers reintegrate to a normal life: … education may have a preventative component: it can also work to reduce the incidence of child soldiering before confl ict even breaks out. Investment in education in the broadest sense, including the physical protection of schools, can foster what McClure and Retamal refer to as child-friendly spaces. Given the developmental aspects of childhood, education must remain a key policy avenue toward remedying the problem. On the other hand, even attempting to achieve rational changes in the behavior of people who benefi t from making some kinds of victimization possible – even if indirectly – can be a frustrating exercise. For example, as suggested earlier, one approach to preventing countries from employing children in armed combat is to block that county’s access to military supplies by imposing sanctions on countries or organizations that trade with warring parties using children in armed combat (Wessells 2006 : 238–239). Various organizations have attempted to do just this in their efforts to curtail the practice cf. (Groves 2008 ; Human Rights Watch 2008 ) . But, as seemingly rational as this approach may be, succeeding in stopping the fl ow of weapons to countries using child soldiers is quite another matter. Indeed, in a world awash in guns, often produced in the very countries that most ardently call for bans on the use of child soldiers, stopping the trade in fi rearms is nearly impossible. Someone, someplace is always able and willing to supply both governments and insurgents with the means to kill each other. And, such measures may have little impact anyway and can have inadvertent negative consequences such as diverting funds from building schools to buying weapons on the black market. In an analysis of this strategy, Perksen ( 2009: 74) notes that in trying to force respect for human rights in targeted countries “… it appears that economic sanctions not only fail frequently in achieving their intended policy goals ….., but also lead to the unintended negative human rights effects.” This, however, need not always be the case. Sometimes pressure can be brought on countries to do the right thing. For example, Lebocic ( 2009 ) argues that United Nations resolutions regarding human rights abuses to shame some country may not directly have much impact. Even if it does not have widespread impact on forcing compliance with international standards, the “symbolic” UN resolution can actually have tangible impact on such behavior of some governments. As a way of punishing human rights offending administrations, UN resolutions can provide organizations such as the World Bank grounds for withholding aid. And this, in turn, may force the offending government to change its ways. In an analysis of why so many nations have ratifi ed human rights treaties, even when they derive no apparent benefi t in doing so, Hafner-Burton et al. (2008 ) contend that rights violating states may only sign these resolutions because doing so provides them a kind of legitimacy they otherwise lack. Thus, international normative pressure, and imitation of others, can help to positively infl uence human rights causes. It is believe by human rights activists that publically identifying nations that have ratifi ed these treaties but are not living up to their obligations can help to induce compliance with treaties to which Systemic 381 they have agreed. But some repressive governments may cynically feel they have little to loose in signing such agreements even if they have little capacity or inten- tion of abiding by their requirements (Hafner-Burton et al. 2008 ) . Unfortunately, shaming strategies alone have mixed impact on offending governments. As found by Hafner-Burton (2008 : 713): …governments subjected to global publicity efforts often behave in contradictory ways, reducing some violations of political rights afterward – sometimes because these violations are easier or less costly to temper yet some governments continue or expand their use of political terror – sometimes because terror is less in governments’ control or can be used to cancel out other improvements governments make but do not want to work. In short, applying moral or even economic pressure on countries where violations of human rights agreements, such as the CRC, are chronic and widespread may have little meaningful impact in any attempt to prevent continued violations. Yet, in other cases, basic change in the way organizations do business may have some positive impact. For example, the decision by major Internet Service Providers to ban child pornography sites from their servers, even if that meant the loss of considerable revenue to them, is a major step in stopping the distribution of child pornography over the internet (Albanesius 2008 ; Thomson 2008; Williams 2009) . Similarly, trade sanctions and boycotts of employers who use child labor can force corporations to change their ways ( BBC 2007 ; McDougall 2008 ; MSNBC 2007a ) . In one example, a trade-embargo campaign waged against manufacturers in Bangladesh helped produce nation-wide long-term change in the use of child labor in that country with a gradual withdrawal of children’s involvement in the economy while simultaneously improving education, nutrition, and family support. Similarly, the Rugmark Foundation’s label – a mark of good labor practices – assures buyers that no child labor was used in manufacturing goods they may want to purchase (Subbharaman and Witzke 2007 ; Nepal 2007 ; OECD 2003 ) . A similar strategy led to the “Fair Trade Organization’s” mark that identifi es coffee, banana, and other products as being free from the use of child labor. In one ironic case, Nestlé that makes many products using coco was targeted by activist groups for, among other things, using slave-child labor harvesting cocoa used in its infant formula (Orr 2006 ) . Although Nestlé signed the “Cocoa Protocol” in 2001 assuring that children were not being exploited in harvesting the beans, as of 2005 the company had failed to live up to its terms (Fedrau 2008 ) . However, with sustained pressure, these and other efforts appear to have led to fundamental changes, if often grudgingly, in the way many companies do business in countries around the world and, as a result, have freed children from being exploited as a cheap source of labor. Although once implemented and sustained, actions such as eliminating child labor or banning the use of children as soldiers can be considered “preventive,” keeping, or seeking to keep, such abuse from occurring at all. In fact, of course, most such efforts are after the fact, initiated only after widespread abuse was recognized, and some people decide that something ought to be done about it and took action to stop the activity. In that regard, these efforts were actually more “corrective” than preventive in nature. 382 10 Combating Victimization

Corrective Measures

In addressing the problem of how to stop the sexual victimization of girls in South African Schools, in a report for the International Institute for Educational Planning Felicia Wilson (nd. : 11) noted that: To effectively eliminate the abuse of girls there must be a systematic cultural change in the value of girls. There needs to be a change in attitude and behavior among the people of South Africa. There must be economic and social growth that increases the education and fi scal stability of the developing countries. This growth can only come through provision of resources and education. This observation applies to essentially all forms of youth victimization everywhere. Many of the efforts directed to fundamental change in a system or country are long-term and broad in scope. One prominent example is the worldwide campaign initiated by UNICEF guaranteeing every child in the world access to at least a primary education. Similarly, the program “Learn Without Fear” was launched across Africa by an organization called Plan International to stop the physical and sexual abuse by teachers and others at school often experienced by school children (Plan 2008) . And, in the United States, the Prison Rape Elimination Act passed by the U.S. Congress in 2003 is intended to address the problem of rape in both juvenile and adult prisons nationwide by changing the attitudes of prison offi cials and guards and the way they formally handle complaints by inmates. In many cases, what are really minor, but fundamental, changes can have major impact. For example, together the government and industries in Brazil are working with various NGOs to drastically reduce child labor. One strategy is to provide stipends to families to keep their at-risk children in school. In addition, enforcement of child labor laws has been stepped up. While the use of child labor remains a fact of life in Brazil, it is estimated that the number of working children has been reduced by as much as 50% due to these efforts (del Vecchio 2005 ) . As noted in Chapter 8 , a major obstacles for children to attend school in many countries is their inability to pay school fees. Eliminating these fees, or helping people pay them, can effectively remove this obstacle. In some places this is exactly what has happened. Ghana, for example, has eliminated school fees and increased birth registration to provide children with legal identities that enables uncounted numbers to attend school for the fi rst time (LaFreniere 2006 ) . The fate of street children in some countries also has been improved by purposive changes in the general view people have of these youths and their treatment by authorities. A program in Nicaragua, for example, successfully established local agencies to handle street children by identifying and entrust- ing older street children to supply affection, stability, and support to younger youths (Aptekar 1988 ) . Fundamentally altering the way in which these children were treated in the past, funds were also allocated to change the juvenile justice system, providing schooling for incarcerated minors, and for establishing a drop-in center for street children. The abject poverty to which many human beings are subject is, of course, the major cause of and obstacle to overcoming many forms of youth victimization across Systemic 383 the globe. Although youth victimization is not limited to the poor, it is undeniable that the inequitable distribution of the world’s resources is fundamental to the underlying conditions that create the harm children experience. According to Montgomery ( 2001 ), for example, 95% of working children are forced to do so because of poverty (also see Oyaide 2000 ) . Similarly, McManimon (2005) and Wessells (2006 ) contend that abject poverty, and the absence of hope it breeds, is the root cause of most, if not all, the confl icts employing children as soldiers throughout the world (also see: Singer 2005 ) . It is the children of the poor who are likely to be denied proper education. It is the children of the poor who are likely to fi nd themselves living or working on the streets. It is the children of the poor who are likely to be forced or enticed into armed service. It is the children of the poor who are likely to be found working in factories, plantations, mines, and other commercial enterprise around the world. It is the children of the poor who are likely to be enticed or forced in to prostitution or pornography. It is the children of the poor who are likely to be in correctional facilities or orphanages that subject them to abuse. It is the children of the poor who are often ignored when bullied by others in school. It is the children of the poor who not only suffer from simply being poor but also all the disadvantages poverty brings them. Ending youth victimization ultimately means ending world poverty and that means ending the gross inequality in the distribution of wealth both within and across societies. The link between poverty and youth victimization has long been recognized by international organizations and various agencies concerned with the plight of young people across the globe. The question is what can be done about it. The answer, of course, is obvious – redistribute wealth. But, doing this means combating the seemingly impenetrable forces that produce both wealth-inequality and resistance to change. The rich, whether they be individuals or nations, are not about to share, least of all give up, their wealth, even if they (or the members of any country) actually care anything about the plight of the poor. The challenge is to fi nd ways to at least help alleviate the conditions associated with poverty that produce victimization. Some seemingly promising efforts can be found. For many decades the governments of rich nations have sought to alleviate poverty in third world nations by means of massive foreign aid programs. Yet, no matter how much money is “donated” to poor nations, poverty seems to continue and persist in most places. The economist Jeffrey Sachs ( 2005, 2008 ) persuasively argues that giving “foreign aid” as presently done is not the answer. Instead, fi nding ways to help people in poor countries to help themselves is the key. One approach is to help governments provide incentives geared toward alleviating and breaking the cycle of poverty of individuals and help parents keep their children in school. Noting the relationship between poverty, child labor, and education, an organization in the Netherlands, Stop Child Labor has published an “action plan” to combat child labor by companies worldwide (SCL 2008 ) . More specifi cally, a program called PROGRESA in Mexico has motivated the government to spend a massive one-fi fth of its budget on education. The program provides free nutrition, healthcare, books, and housing to poor families, among other initiatives, while dispensing cash grants 384 10 Combating Victimization to parents when youngsters stay in school, attend regularly, and advance in school (Carey 2004 ) . Other programs based on a similar concept have been initiated in Jamaica, Columbia, Nicaragua, and other countries. Reviews have concluded that these programs are very effective (Handa and Davis 2006 ; Legovini and Regalia 2001 ) . The micro-loan program initiated in Bangladesh and emulated in countries across the globe also appears to hold considerable promise. The programs provide fi nancial support in the form of small loans to help poor people (typically women) fi nance enterprises that will pull them out of poverty preventing their children from being cast out on the streets, forced in to labor servitude, or be sold as prostitutes, but instead attend school and ultimately fi nd gainful employment. One example is “Fonkoze,” described as “Haiti’s Alternative Bank for the Organized Poor” (http:// www.fonkoze.org ). As an alternative to simply giving the poor “handouts,” according to Nicholas Kristof ( 2011 ) programs such as Fonkoze are among the ways entire nations can lift themselves out of poverty and consequently potentially reduce the conditions that lead to youth victimizations of many kinds. A similar effort has been launched by the International Rescue Committee (IRC 2010 ) in Northern Uganda. To help tackle underlying poverty that forces families to send out their children to work, thereby, denying them the chance to go to school, this program has funded some sixty savings and loan associations helping village families to increase their economic independence. In addition, the IRC is training community members and schools to conduct public “awareness-raising” events to heighten public consciousness of the importance of education and to stop child abuse (see Jobolingo 2009 ; Polgreen 2011 ) . Some analyses indicate that the micro-lending programs have had encouraging results ( Rosenberg 2011 ) . However, recently microcredit institutions have come under criticism since many have evolved into operations that further bilk the poor by, in effect, further indebting them to the credit organization cf. (Yunus 2011 ) . And, as with many humanitarian efforts, political opponents also try to undermine even promising programs for personal and political gain. This occurred in the case of the Nobel-laureate founder of the idea when the Bangladeshi government he opposed in the past took steps on a technical detail to oust him from the bank he founded (Polgreen and Bajaj 2011 ) . An innovative alternative to both the abuse of micro-lenders and their limitations is by initiating “consignment” enterprises where a supplier of some product enlists a retailer who in turn sells the product to consumers. Earnings are credited to the supplier with the retailer keeping an agreed upon commission ( Rosenberg 2011 ) . This approach does not require the poor retailer to incur debt while avoiding the abuses that have crept into the micro-lending approach while providing impoverished people a measure of economic security. A different problem has challenged an innovative approach to help provide millions of the world’s malnourished children with a cheap, easily distributed food called “Plumpy’nut” that promises to help break the cycle of malnutrition, poverty, and lack of education. The invention of this highly nutritious product was initially believed to be a major advance in the war against malnutrition. However, not long Some Concluding Thoughts 385 after the product was introduced, trademark battles erupted over who had the legal right to profi t from the manufacture of the product. Indeed, no matter how well- intended some innovator may be, “poverty is a business,” as was asserted by a com- petitor to the company holding the Plumpy’nut patent (Rice 2010 ) . Consequently, what could be a boon to local economies in the production and distribution of a product patented by its European manufacturer has instead turned out to be an international money making business. Even if the company producing Plumpy’nut sells and distributes it at near cost, it blocks others from producing the product, shutting off possible avenues of employment in countries that most need, not only the nutrition, but also sources of revenue they could derive from producing the product themselves. Yet another kind of problem confronts those who would combat the use of child soldiers by international-aid agencies seeking to ameliorate the poverty that is often associated with armed insurrections and warfare. Singer (2005 ) argues that a majority of the recipients of international aid use the aid not to improve the lot of those in need but to purchase weapons and fi nance armed forces to maintain themselves in power. Rather than building schools, they buy guns. Rather than seeing that the young are educated, they conscript them into the armed forces. Rather than attempt to address the grievances that lead to confl ict, they bankrupt the country to fi ght the insurgents. Singer argues that nations seeking to help the poor in war-torn countries that use child soldiers, must demand that the funds be spent properly with real threats to withheld fi nancing if they are not. This seemingly reasonable restriction, however, still allows warring parties to use other available funds to continue fi ghting rather than reduce the economic conditions typically causing the confl ict in the fi rst place.

Some Concluding Thoughts

The rather negative appraisals provided here may lead some to conclude that the task of combating youth victimization is either too daunting to be worthy of any effort, or that the authors of this volume are so cynical and pessimistic as to make it appear to be so. To some extent both reactions would be correct. The odds against achieving any real, long term, improvement in the plight of young people throughout the world are staggering. The forces of human greed, and human willingness to exploit anyone weaker than themselves, are pervasive, timeless, and seemingly intractable. If past efforts are any basis for judgment, one could reasonably argue that we have little reason for optimism. So, why bother? Because we must! The simple fact that some improvements have in fact been made, means that the battle is not lost, nor is it unwinnable. Had UNICEF not launched its initiative to guarantee every child in the world an education, many more children today would be illiterate. Had the International Labor Organization not embarked on a worldwide campaign to end child labor, or activists not launched boycotts of goods produced by children, many more young people would be exploited workers, not 386 10 Combating Victimization attending schools, and facing bleak futures. Had governments in North America and Europe not rallied against the threat of widespread child pornography on the internet, the net would likely be awash in such depictions readily available to any who want to view them (and pay for the privilege). Were it not for, possibly frenzied, media-generated concern that school bullying is a world-wide problem faced by millions of young people, school administrators would likely have taken little action to combat it. Had activists not brought the problem of sexual abuse by offi cials in orphanages, or clerics to public attention, little would probably have been done to help those who had been victimized, or signifi cant steps taken to stop it from occurring again. And the examples can be multiplied many fold. Perhaps the most signifi cant event in achieving a meaningful impact on all forms of youth victimization was the passage and ratifi cation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. This document, and its protocols, provide a formula for global cultural and social change, taking seriously the idea that children are not merely the property of parents but are human beings with rights, and they are to be respected and treated as autonomous individuals (Roose and Bie 2008 ) . The victimization of young people will probably never be eradicated from human societies. Vulnerable and powerless young people are simply too easy a target for any who would care to exploit, use, harm, or abuse them. But such harmful behavior can be blunted. Doing so requires that public attention be constantly directed toward specifi c forms of the problem, activism be maintained to “do something” about the problem, and pressure be brought to bear on governments that fail to actually pursue the wellbeing of all the governed.

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A trafﬁ cking minors , 141 Abandoned and street children , 55 African Movement of Working Children in Argentina , 60 (1979) , 85 in Brazil , 55 Amman (Jordan) Declaration on Child children behind numbers , 62–65 Soldiers (2001) , 101–102 age , 63 Amnesty International , 39 characteristics , 64–65 Anti-slavery International , 45 gender , 63–64 “Attorney for Human Rights” , 84 length of stay on streets , 64 deﬁ nition , 57–59 in Kenya , 55–56 B mental health and self-concept , 79–82 Berlin Declaration on the Use of Children as in Nairobi , 55 Soldiers (1999) , 101 in Nepal , 55 Blue Blindfold awareness , 173 numbers , 59–62 Bonded child labor , 39 . See also Child labor problem, addressing , 82 Bullies , 12 basic considerations , 82–83 Bullying prevention programs. See Peer laws , 83–85 victimization role of media and public relations , 89–90 social services , 85–89 C reason for children on streets , 65–68 Capetown Principles (1997) , 101 social network , 73–75 Child abuse , 2 in South Africa , 55 correctional institutions (see Correctional street children as victims , 75–79 institutions, child abuse) health , 76–77 in Egypt , 3 law enforcement , 78–79 in orphanages (see Orphanages and surviving the streets , 69–73 residential care) in Vietnam , 55 prevention ( see Prevention of child Abuse. See Child abuse victimization) Abuse of children in custody. See Institutional in Romania , 3 victimization in South Africa , 9 Adoption in South Korea , 3 illegal, labor exploitation , 141 Child Abuse and Neglect , 6 in India , 142 Child Abuse Review , 6 for organ transplant , 142 Child enslavement , 47

C.A. Hartjen and S. Priyadarsini, The Global Victimization of Children: 393 Problems and Solutions, DOI 10.1007/978-1-4614-2179-5, © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012 394 Index

Child exploitation. See Child abuse Child Sexual Abuse-Prevention Project Child labor , 17 Dunkelfeld (CSA/PPD) , 222 in Afghanistan , 31 Financial Coalition Against Child in Africa , 23, 44 Pornography (FCACP) , 219 in Asia , 23 internet usage , 217 in Bangladesh , 44 through education , 220 children, working , 18, 20–22, 24–26 using fi lters, in internet , 218 in China , 17, 24, 28 watch organization , 218 defi nition , 18 victims in developing countries , 29 characteristics , 202–203 economic development , 28–29 impact on , 203–205 elimination , 43–46 Child prostitution. See Child traffi cking extent and prevalence , 22–24 Children’s rights , 11, 26, 27, 40, 41 in Germany , 23 Child Rights Information Network of in India , 22, 24, 25, 34 Switzerland , 45 in Latin America , 23 Child sex-slave workers, plight of , 38 laws , 40–42 Child Sexual Abuse-Prevention Project rural vs. urban disadvantage , 30–31 Dunkelfeld (CSA/PPD) , 222 victimization of children , 31–39 Child sexual exploitation. See Child denial of education , 32–33 pornography hazardous work , 33–36 Child Soldier Prevention Act (2007) , 102 traffi cking for child labor , 36–39 Child soldiers western concept , 26–28 becoming a child soldier vs. working children , 29–30 in Burma , 117 Child Labour Prohibition and Regulation in Chechnya , 115 Act , 42 in Columbia , 113 Child Law , 84 desperation , 113 Child Maltreatment , 6 duty to carry “jihad” , 116 Child neglect. See Child abuse false monetary promises , 113–114 Child pornography in Iraq , 114 direct victimization kidnapped children , 113 child-sexual victimization , 191 LTTE, Sri Lanka , 115 internet , 189–190 Maoist, India , 115 pornography , 189 one person per family , 116 sex traffi cking , 188 orphanages and refugee camps , 114 tortures , 189 reasoned decision to join , 115 extent of problem recruitment strategies , 113 data source , 193 in Russia , 115 prevalence , 196–197 in Sierra Leone , 116 scope , 194–195 in Sri Lanka , 116 trends , 197–198 targeting religious schools , 114–115 indirect victimization train as suicide bombers , 114 cyberstalking , 191 in Uganda , 116, 117 as pornographical material , 191 combating measures sextexting/sexting , 192 Coalition to Stop the use of Child international law , 206–207 Soldiers (CSUCS) , 118 internet and child sex-victimization , 186–187 poverty reduction , 118 national and local legislation , 207–211 prevention , 119–123 offenders treating victims , 123–128 characteristics , 201 defi nition , 98–99 types , 199–201 demobilization programs , 118, 125–127 problem handling extent and prevalence described , 211–212 CSUCS report , 103 legislating morality , 212–216 Democratic Republic of the Congo solution for , 216–222 confl ict , 105 Index 395

FARC and ELN confl ict , 104 global fi gures , 144–145 Human Rights Watch report , 103 health hazards in India , 106 beaten injury , 162 Liberian confl icts , 104–105 burns , 164 in Myanmar , 107 drug addiction , 163 in Pakistan , 106 environmental hazards , 162 in Sri Lanka , 106 organ harvesting , 163 Sub-Saharan Africa confl icts , 104 sexual and physical abuse , 162 in Sudanese wars , 105 sexually transmitted disease , 163 in UK , 107 helping victims , 173–175 United Nations report , 103 laws in US , 107 enforcement , 167–169 insurgent armies , 106–108, 121 international laws , 164–165 modern warfare , 121 national laws , 165–167 prohibiting laws national estimates impact of law , 102–103 in Africa , 146 international agreements , 99–101 in Armenia , 145 regional and national laws , 101–102 in Bangladesh , 147 rehabilitation programs , 125, 127 in China , 146 reintegration programs , 118, 125–127 in India , 147 victimization, nature of in Malaysia , 145 in Burma , 110 in Mexico , 146 cannon fodder , 109 in Myanmar , 147 in Colombia (South America) , 109 in Thailand , 147 denial of education , 112 in UK , 145 as human bombs , 109 prevention in Liberia , 109, 111 biometric census in India , 171 post-traumatic stress disorder (PSD) , Blue Blindfold awareness , 173 111 End Child prostitution, Child sexual atrocities , 111–112 Pornography and Traffi cking of Sierra Leone’s Revolutionary United Children for Sexual Purposes Front (RUF) atrocities , 110 (ECPAT) , 170 specifi c roles , 108 International Organization for taught to kill , 110 Migration (IOM) , 171 in Uganda , 108, 109, 111 multi-lingual website in Asia , 173 UNICEF Report , 110 UNICEF guidelines , 170 voluntary soldiers , 97 The United Nations Offi ce on Drugs The Child Soldiers Accountability Act (2008) , and Crime (UNODC) , 172 102 problem of counting , 143–144 Child traffi cking victimizers , 156 age , 148–149 in Cambodia , 157 causes in Ireland , 157 economic benefi t , 151–152 in Netherland , 157 poverty , 150 origins , 152–153 virgin girl, HIV prevention , 149 transit points and destinations , 153–154 war and confl ict , 150–151 victims commodifi cation , 139 destinations , 154 defi nition , 137–138 in India , 154 forms origins , 154 adoption , 141–142 orphans , 154 commercial labor exploitation , in Poland , 155 139–141 recruiting and controlling , 158–162 commercial sexual exploitation , runaways , 155 142–143 transit points , 154 gender , 147–148 in US , 155 396 Index

“City of God” , 90 E Coalition to Stop the Use of Child Soldiers Economic development and child labor , 28–29 (CSUCS) , 103, 104, 118 ECPAT. See End Child prostitution, Child Code of Childhood and Youth (1978) , 83 Pornography and Traffi cking of Commodifi cation , 139 Children for Sexual Purposes Compulsory Primary Education Act (ECPAT) (1990) , 303 Education Consortium for Street Children costs (see Costs of education) (Nicaragua) , 57 denial of , 32–33 Correctional institutions, child abuse formal , 17 described , 247–248 initiatives ( see Education policy) detention laws (see Laws on education) in America , 252 Education policy in Brazil , 256 amenities lacking , 281–282 in Burundi , 257 classroom size , 289 Government Accountability Offi ce confl ict and chaos , 284 (GEO) , 254–255 decentralization and quality of education , Human Rights Watch , 254 289–291 in Pennsylvania , 253 educating children, barriers to , 276 private for-profi t enterprises , 254 enrollment, attendance and completion of justice denied , 257–258 school , 291 police abuse free/fee in Brazil , 251 annual cost , 287 brutality , 248 asylum-seekers , 288 in Bulgaria , 249 charitable organization , 288 in Egypt , 249 economic burden , 286 in India , 251 fee abolishing , 287 mistreatment , 249 free primary education , 287 in Nepal , 251 legal age, schooling , 288–289 in Papua New Guinea , 250 per student cost of education , 287 Costs of education gender and education abolishing fees , 287 in Afghanistan , 298 annual cost , 287 in Bangladesh , 296 asylum-seekers , 288 boys vs. girls , 297–298 charitable organization , 288 in South Asia , 295–296 economic burden , 286 in Uganda , 299 free primary education , 287 in Zimbabwe , 296 legal age, schooling , 288–289 geographic location , 278–279 per student cost of education , 287 health issues , 282–283 Crime surveys , 2–3 importance of education , 272–273 Crime victimization rates, in United international agreements , 300–302 States , 2 international laws and initiatives , 300 Crime victimization survey, in United States , 2 lack of access , 279–280 Cyberstalking , 191 money involved , 293–295 poverty , 276–278 primary school enrollment , 274–275 D regional and local laws Declaration by the Nordic Foreign Ministers Compulsory Primary Education Act Against the Use of Child Soldiers (1990) , 303 (1997) , 101 Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan , 302 “Defender of the Rights of the Child” , 84 UNESCO, compulsory education , 302 Department of Probation and Childcare , 43 resource control , 285–286 Displaced Children and Orphans Fund , 64, secondary school enrollment , 276 89, 374 social stratifi cation power , 299–300 Index 397

systemic discrimination , 283–284 organ harvesting , 163 type of education , 284–285 sexual and physical abuse , 162 universal education achievement sexually transmitted disease , 163 “Earn and Learn” program , 307 Helping victimized children. See Prevention of economic development , 305 child victimization family income , 307 Hine, Lewis , 18, 24 literacy rate , 304 Human Rights Watch , 21, 32, 35, 103, 106, media role , 304 107, 109–111, 122, 125, 150, 211, safe school environment , 305 237–240, 246, 249–251, 254–257, The Citizens Foundation (TCF) , 309 349, 370 WorldTeach , 308 unqualifi ed teachers , 280–281 violence and school , 291–293 I youth education issues , 284 ILO. See International Labor Organization EEC. See European Economic Commission (ILO) (EEC) Individual change, child victimization End Child prostitution, Child Pornography and corrective measures Traffi cking of Children for Sexual Anti-Slavery Society , 372 Purposes (ECPAT) , 170 psychotherapy , 374 European Economic Commission (EEC) , 89 reality in , 371 European Human Rights Convention , 42 rescue program , 372–373 European Parliament Resolution on Child RugMark , 373 Soldiers (1998) , 101 preventive measures awareness spread , 369 education program , 368 F war on drugs , 371 Fair Trade Organization , 44 Indo-German Export Promotion Family Code (1975) , 83 Council , 44 The Federal Children and Young Persons Act , Infant homicides , 3 83 Initiatives on education. See Education policy Financial Coalition Against Child Institutional victimization Pornography (FCACP) , 219 defi nition , 234–235 Formal education , 17 detention and correctional institutions Free The Children , 44 detention , 251–257 justice denied , 257–258 police abuse , 248–251 G orphanages and residential care Gamino/a(s). See Street children description , 240–242 Geneva Convention (1949) , 100 national cruelty , 243–247 Global March against Child Labor , 44 target on children , 242–243 Government crime , 8–13 . See also Individual schools change, child victimization blatant discrimination , 239 Government’s role, in victimization of corporal punishment , 236–239 children , 8–9 sexual abuse , 236 voluntary labor , 239–240 stopping abuse H international agencies effort , 260 Haitian Constitution , 83 in Ireland , 258 Hazardous work , 33–36 prevention , 262–263 Health hazards, traffi cking in Russia , 261 beaten injury , 162 UNICEF campaign, in Malawi , 260 burns , 164 The International Centre for Missing drug addiction , 163 and Exploited Children (ICMEC environmental hazards , 162 2008) , 212 398 Index

International Labor Organization (ILO) , 18, Federal laws in US , 210 19, 34, 40, 41, 44, 46, 100–101 in Philippines , 208 International Labor Rights Fund , 45 Sexual Offences Act (2003), in UK , International law , 5, 7, 8 209 International Organization for Migration Sexual Offenses and Crimes Against (IOM) , 171 Children Act (DCD 2002), in Papua International Programme on the Elimination of New Guinea , 209 Child Labour (IPEC) , 41 in United Kingdom , 209 The International Year of the Child , 41 in Zambia , 208 Internet and pornography. See Child Laws on education pornography international agreements , 300–302 IPEC. See International Programme on the international laws and initiatives , 300 Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC) regional and local laws , 302–303 Irish Child Traffi cking and Pornography Act Laws on traffi cking (1998) , 165 enforcement Islamic law (Iran) , 42 arrest in Reggio-Calabria , 168 international agreements and national laws , 167 J jail sentence , 168 Jubilee Action of Guillford , 90 tracing and returning victims , 169 Juvenile Delinquency Law (1999) , 84 international laws Juvenile Justice Act (1974) , 84 Optional Protocol to the Convention for the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination (CEDAW) , 165 K The United Nations Convention on the “Khates”. See Street children Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (1979) , 164 L United Nations Convention on the Labor exploitation Rights of the Child , 164 in Burma , 141 national laws child traffi ckers , 140 in Africa , 167 economic benefi t , 139 in India , 166–167 in European Union , 140 Irish Child Traffi cking and illegal adoption , 141 Pornography Act (1998) , 165 as maids , 140 in Romania , 166 sex-slaves , 140 in Southeast Asia , 166 Labor traffi cking , 36–39 in UK , 166 Latin American Street Children Organisation Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) , (LASCO) , 86 106, 115, 116 Law for the Integral Protection of Children and Adolescents , 42 Law on Child Protection, Care and Education , M 83 Malnutrition, in children , 33 Laws on children and sex Maltreatment, victims of , 2 international law “Malunde”. See Street children ECPAT , 206 Maputo (Mozambique) Declaration International Labor Organization , 207 on the Use of Child Soldiers United Nations Convention on the (1999) , 101 Rights of the Child , 206 Media’s role, in educating public and street national and local legislation children , 89–90 Child Abuse Law (1991) , 208 Mexican Constitution , 42 community notifi cation laws , 211 Ministry of Social Welfare , 43 Index 399

Minor girls, prostitution of , 21 in India , 246 Montevideo (Uruguay) Declaration on the Use in isolated location , 243 of Child Soldiers (1999) , 101 in Liberia , 246–247 Mugabe, Robert , 66 outright neglect , 245 in Russia , 245 target on children , 242–243 N UNICEF on , 247 NAG Home , 86 National Child Protection Authority , 43 National Liberation Army (ELN) , 104 P NGO RugMark , 86 “Parking boys”. See Street children NGOs. See Non-governmental Organizations Pedophilia. See Child pornography (NGOs) Peer victimization Nigerian National Agency for the anti-bullying industry , 352–353 Prohibition of Traffi c in Persons approach to , 353–354 (NAPTIP) , 160 bullying, in care institution , 332–333 Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) , bystanders , 342–343 41, 44 Columbine Massacre , 345 conditions conducive to , 347–349 cross-national research O in China and Korea , 330 OECD. See Organization for Economic cultural variation , 329, 330 Cooperation and Development Olweus method , 326–327 (OECD) prevalence rates , 329 Olweus approach , 325, 354 dealing with individuals , 351–352 Optional Protocol to the Convention defi nition , 324–326 for the Elimination of all forms involvement in bullying of Discrimination (CEDAW) , 165 aggressive bully , 335 Organizational change, child victimization followers , 335 corrective measures impulsive/reactional bullying , 337 bad apple , 376 multiple victimization , 336 laws , 376 passive victims , 336 positive behavior-management provocative victims , 336 techniques , 377–378 isolation of , 343 prison rape , 377 national and local studies school bullying , 377 in Africa , 330, 331 preventive measures , 375–376 in Ankara , 331 Organization for Economic Cooperation and in Canada , 331 Development (OECD) , 28 in Germany , 331 Organization for Security and Cooperation in in United States , 330 Europe (OSCE) , 144 problem handling , 349–350 Organization of African Union (OAU) school violence reduction , 350–351 Resolution on the Plight of African victimization patterns , 333–334 Children in Situations of Armed victimizers Confl ict (1996) , 101 in Canada , 339 Organization of American States (OAS) chronic aggressive bullies , 338 Resolution on Children and Armed offensive behavior , 339 Confl ict (2000) , 101 research on youth , 339 Orphanages and residential care whipping boys , 337 children as medical trial , 242 victims , 340–341 description , 240–242 Pervasive poverty , 29 national cruelty Physical abuse in schools. See Schools, in Germany, during war , 244 institutional victimization 400 Index

The Plight of Street Children 1993/81 , 90 corporal punishment Police abuse disciplinary action , 236 in Brazil , 251 Human Rights Watch (HRW) , 238 brutality , 248 National Policy on Education, in India , in Bulgaria , 249 238–239 in Egypt , 249 torture by teachers , 236–237 in India , 251 World Corporal Punishment Research , 237 mistreatment , 249 described , 235 in Nepal , 251 sexual abuse , 236 in Papua New Guinea , 250 voluntary labor , 239–240 Post-traumatic stress disorder (PSD) , 111 Self-help Groups (SHGs) , 45 Poverty , 13, 21 Sextexting/sexting , 192 Prevention of child victimization Sex trafﬁ cking. See Child trafﬁ cking individual Sexual abuse corrective measures , 371–374 of children (see Child pornography) preventive measures , 368–371 rates, by countries , 195 organizational in schools (see Schools, institutional corrective measures , 376–378 victimization) preventive measures , 375–376 schools, institutional victimization , 236 systemic Sexual exploitation corrective measures , 382–385 female centric , 142 preventive measures , 379–381 in India , 142–143 PROGRESA , 45 Sexual predators. See Child pornography Property crime, victims of , 3 Sex victimization. See Child pornography Protecting children in institutions. See SHGs. See Self-help Groups (SHGs) Institutional victimization Sibling violence , 7 Public relations’ role, in educating public and Slave trade, in children , 37 street children , 89–90 Social network , 73–75 South Korean constitution and laws , 42 Statute of Children and Adolescents (1990) , 84 R Stevenson, Echoing R.L , 90 Radde Barnen of Sweden , 44 Stopping abuse in institutions. See Institutional Rape in schools. See Schools, institutional victimization victimization Street children , 21, 55 . See also Abandoned Refugee children , 21 and street children “Rescue Dada for Girls” (Nairobi) , 82 in Africa , 60 Revolutionary Armed Forces of Columbia in Asia , 60 (FARC) , 104 in Australia , 61 Rome Statute of the International Criminal in Bangladesh , 61 Court of Justice (ICCJ) , 101 in Brazil , 70 Rugmark Foundation , 44 in Canada , 61 The “Runaway and Homeless Youth Act” , 84 categories of , 57 Runaways. See Street children in China , 61 Rural vs. urban disadvantage , 30–31 in Cuba , 60 Russian Federation , 42 in Democratic Republic of Congo , 61 developed countries , 56 in developing countries , 56 S in Egypt , 60 Save the Children , 44 in Ethiopia , 61 School attendance , 291 female street children , 60 School bullying , 350–351 in India , 61 School drop-outs. See Costs of education in Indonesia , 61 Schools, institutional victimization in Kenya , 61 blatant discrimination , 239 in Latin America , 60 Index 401

in Mongolia , 61 Children for Sexual Purposes Mozambique , 61 (ECPAT) , 170 in Nepal , 61 International Organization for number , 59–65 Migration (IOM) , 171 age , 63 multi-lingual website in Asia , 173 characteristics , 64–65 UNICEF guidelines , 170 gender , 63–64 The United Nations Offi ce on Drugs length of stay on streets , 64 and Crime (UNODC) , 172 in Philippines , 61 Treating bullying victims. See Peer in Port au Prince , 61 victimization reality of , 56 runaways , 59 in Russia , 61 U in Rwanda , 61 UN declarations on education , 301 in South Africa , 61 UNDP. See United Nations Development in Tanzania , 61 Programme (UNDP) in Uganda , 61 UNICEF , 19, 23, 41, 44, 58, 89 in United States , 61–62 United Farm Workers Union , 23 as victims , 75–79 United Nations Committee on the Rights of health , 76–77 the Child , 107 law enforcement , 78–79 The United Nations Convention on the vs. working children , 58–59 Elimination of All Forms of in Zambia , 61 Discrimination against Women in Zimbabwe , 61 (1979) , 164 “Streets Ahead” , 61, 87 United Nations Convention on the Rights Sudan’s civil war , 28 of the Child , 8, 14, 32, 33, 37, 41, Systemic change, child victimization 100, 164 corrective measures The United Nations Declaration of the Rights free food , 383 of the Child , 10 learn without fear program , 382 United Nations Development Programme micro-loan plan , 384 (UNDP) , 45 plumpy nut , 384 The United Nations Offi ce on Drugs and UNICEF program , 382 Crime (UNODC) , 172 preventive measures United Nations Traffi cking Protocol , 37 child soldiers , 380 Universal Declaration of Human Rights , 10 symbolic UN resolution , 380 Universal education achievement UNICEF program , 379 “Earn and Learn” program , 307 United Nations Convention on the economic development , 305 Rights of the Child , 381 family income , 307 literacy rate , 304 media role , 304 T safe school environment , 305 TBP. See Time-bound program (TBP) The Citizens Foundation (TCF) , 309 Time-bound program (TBP) , 40 WorldTeach , 308 Trade union movements , 28 Urban vs. rural disadvantage , 30–31 Traffi cking. See also Child traffi cking USAID , 64, 89 for child labor , 36–39 defi ned , 138 laws (see Laws on traffi cking) V prevention of Victimization of children , 2, 5, 19, 28, 31–39, biometric census in India , 171 43, 44 Blue Blindfold awareness , 173 as crime , 6–7 End Child prostitution, Child denial of education , 32–33 Pornography and Traffi cking of extent of , 2 402 Index

Victimization of children (cont.) recruiting and controlling government crime , 8–13 child prostitution , 158 hazardous work , 33–36 in Iran , 158 individual change ( see Individual change, Nigerian National Agency for the child victimization) Prohibition of Traffi c in Persons organizational change (see Organizational (NAPTIP) , 160 change, child victimization) physical and mental abuse , 162 prevention ( see Prevention of child public offi cials , 161 victimization) as relatives , 159 problems in , 1–4 second wave , 159 addressing , 13–15 sex traffi cking , 158 surveys , 2, 4 slaves , 158 systemic change (see Systemic change, runaways , 155 child victimization) transit points , 154 traffi cking for child labor , 36–39 in US , 155 varieties , 4–6 Victims of bullying. See Peer victimization Victimizers, child traffi cking in Cambodia , 157 described , 156 W in Ireland , 157 WHO. See World Health Organization (WHO) in Netherland , 157 Working children , 18–22, 24–26, 30, 41, 47 origins , 152–153 vs. child labor , 29–30 transit points and destinations , vs. Street children , 58–59 153–154 World Health Organization (WHO) , 3, 41, 84 Victims, child traffi cking Worst Forms of Child Labor destinations , 154 Convention 182, 40 in India , 154 origins , 154 orphans , 154 Y in Poland , 155 “Youth Rehabilitation Centers” , 87