DOCSLIB.ORG

Le FIS Du Peuple

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Le FIS Du Peuple Au nom de Dieu Tout Miséricordieux, Très Miséricordieux. [Que soit issue de vous une communauté qui appelle au bien, ordonne le convenable, et interdit le blâmable. Car ce seront eux qui réussiront.] (Coran, 3:104) Le FIS du peuple « Mon emprisonnement ne prendra fin que lorsque le peuple algérien, qui se trouve moralement prisonnier, recouvrira sa liberté, et qu'il ne restera plus un seul détenu politique en prison. » Madani Abbassi, mai 2003. « La prise et l'accaparement du pouvoir par la force sont parmi les grandes causes du déclenchement des guerres civiles et des conflits armés internes. Se jouer de la volonté populaire a des conséquences des plus fâcheuses et des plus dramatiques. » Ali Benhadj, juillet 1999. « Il s’agit de savoir si le peuple algérien, après cent trente-deux ans de nuit coloniale, trente années de plomb, va enfin connaître dans les faits et non dans les proclamations un véritable Etat de droit. » Maître Ammar Bentoumi, 1992. « Le jour du procès, à Blida, l'on m'interdit l'entrée du tribunal militaire. On m'avait donc menti. Devant les policiers en armes, je réalisais que, pour certains, la fraternité d'hier devait devenir une complicité sans principes. Les écailles sur mes yeux tombèrent ce jour- la. » Maître Jacques Vergès, dans Lettre ouverte à des amis devenus tortionnaires, Albin Michel, Paris 1993. Politique, droit et prison en Algérie © FIS, 2003. www.fisweb.org Front Islamique du Salut Peinture par Abdelhadi Chahid © 2003 Front Islamique du Salut Fax : +44 870 169 72 66 Sites Internet : www.fisweb.org & www.fis-info.net ii ?????o? t??o? o? ?? ½ÊVg·> ?g·>>½kF Au nom de Dieu Tout Miséricordieux, Très Miséricordieux. Front Islamique du Salut Dédicace La veille de l’impression de ce livre, l’Algérie a été frappée d’un terrible Le FIS du peuple tremblement de terre. Nous rendons hommage aux milliers de Politique, droit et prison victimes de cette tragédie, en Algérie qu’Allah leur accorde Sa miséricorde. Mai 2003 iii iv Table des matières Partie VI. Annexes, 241 A1. Lettre de cheikh Madani Abbassi au Congrès du « Martyr Préface, vii Abdelkader Hachani », 243 Partie I. Introduction, xi A2. Discours décisif dans la confrontation de l’injustice des gouvernants (table des matières) (Lettre de cheikh Ali Benhadj 1. De la prison des généraux : Entretien avec cheikh Madani de 1992), 247 Abbassi, 1 A3. Lettre de cheikh Ali Benhadj au Président Zeroual (1994), Partie II. Présentation des chouyoukh, 25 249 2. Cheikh Madani Abbassi tel que je l’ai connu, Dr Mostafa A4. Réponse et correctif de cheikhs Madani Abbassi et Ali Brahami, 27 Benhadj suite à la déclaration du porte-parole officiel du gouvernement du 26 octobre 1994 (Lettre de 1994), 257 3. Cheikh Ali Benhadj : Trajectoire d’un épris de justice, Abdelhafid Larioui, 43 A5. Réponse de cheikh Ali Benhadj au porte-parole officiel du « gouvernement » (Lettre de 1995), 259 Partie III. Sur le procès, 71 A6. Apport de clarifications nécessaires et formulation de griefs 4. Procès et souffrances d’un peuple, Me Ahmed Simozrag, 73 (Lettre de cheikh Ali Benhadj de 1996), 267 5. Procès des dirigeants du FIS, Déclaration des avocats de la défense , 129 A7. Lettre de cheikh Ali Benhadj à M. Abdelaziz Bouteflika (1999), 283 6. Le procès des dirigeants du FIS, Me Abdennour Ali-Yahia, 137 A8. Lettre de c heikh Ali Benhadj à l’opinion publique (2003), 7. Procès des dirigeants du FIS : L’évacuation totale du droit, 341 Me Bellarif, 149 A9. Appels du Front Islamique du Salut au peuple algérien au 8. Procès des dirigeants du FIS : La nature politique du procès a sujet de la grève de juin 1991, 343 été rigoureusement démontrée, Me Brahim Taouti, 151 A10. Procès verbaux de confrontation de cheikhs Madani 9. Procès des dirigeants du FIS : Va-t-on enfin connaître l’Etat Abbassi et Ali Benhadj avec M. Mouloud Hamrouche, 345 de droit ?, Me Ammar Bentoumi, 157 A11. Décision du ministre de la Défense nationale du 14 juillet 10. L'incarcération de Madani Abbassi ou la loi de la jungle, Me 1997 portant libération de cheikh Madani Abbassi, 355 Abderrahmane Adjrid, 161 A12. Lettre de cheikh Madani Abbassi à M. Kofi Anan (1997), 11. Le procès des dirigeants du FIS, Amnesty International, 167 357 Partie IV. Sur les conditions de détention, 169 A13. Décision administrative du ministre de l’Intérieur du 31 août 1997 portant assignation à résidence de cheikh Madani 12. Regard dans le tombeau des vivants : Témoignage sur la Abbassi, 359 détention d’Ali Benhadj, Me Rachid Mesli, 171 A14. Avis du Groupe de travail de l’ONU sur la détention Partie V. Sur la libération, 183 arbitraire No. 28/2001, 363 13. Après douze ans de détention, que réserve la justic e des A15. Appel de soutien aux cheikhs Madani Abbassi et Ali généraux aux dirigeants du FIS ?, Me Rachid Mesli, 185 Benhadj par des oulémas, écrivains, penseurs et notables 14. De la liberté et ses ennemis : Réflexions sur l’arrivée à musulmans (2002) , 369 terme de l’emprisonnement des leaders du FIS, Selmane A16. Appel d’une dizaine de personnalités algériennes pour la Amrani, 209 libération de cheikhs Madani Abbassi et Ali Benhadj (2003), 373 v vi Préface Dans les chapitres deux et trois, Dr M. Brahami et M. A. Larioui nous présentent des biographies et les Préface itinéraires politiques des cheikhs Abbassi et Benhadj. Dr Mourad Dhina Dans le chapitre quatre, Me Ahmed Simozrag aborde Responsable du Bureau Exécutif National du F IS l’aspect politique de l’instruction et du procès des choyoukh et met, pour la première fois, à disposition du lecteur des extraits des procès verbaux officiels des Au nom d’Allah le Tout Miséricordieux, le Très Miséricordieux interrogatoires des chouyoukh ainsi que divers es auditions de témoins, tels que MM. Mouloud Hamrouche « Nous vous éprouverons certes afin de distinguer et Mohammed-Salah Mohammedi. ceux d’entre vous qui luttent pour la cause de Dieu et qui endurent. » (Saint Coran, 47-31). Les chapitres cinq à dix sont une ré-édition d’articles et de communiqués de diverses sources et signés par Me Cheikh Madani Abbassi et Cheikh Ali Benhadj, Abdennour Ali-Yahia, feu Abderrahmane Adjerid, et Mes respectivement président et vice-président du Front Bellarif, Bentoumi et Taouti. Ils abo rdent dans le détail Islamique du Salut (FIS), doivent recouvrer leur liberté les aspects juridiques et politiques du procès des tout entière le 3 juillet 2003. Nous estimons que leur chouyoukh. emprisonnement décidé à la suite d'un jugement dont nous contestons et la forme et le fond a été une injustice Dr Rachid Ziani-Cherif nous présente dans le chapitre flagrante à leur égard. Ce livre, qui se présente sous la onze une interview qu’il a réalisée auprès de Me Rachid forme d'articles rédigés par des avocats et des Mesli, membre du collectif de défense des dirigeants du universitaires, dont certains sont membres du FIS, se FIS, et dans laquelle il nous présente son témoignage sur donne pour mission de faire connaître ces deux hommes, les conditions de détention de cheikh Ali Benhadj. de revenir sur leur procès et d'aborder divers aspects liés Les chapitres douze et treize abordent la question de à leur libération. la libération des chouyoukh sous, respectivement, des Nous avons choisi de publier ce livre en langue angles juridique et politique. Le premier aspect, abordé française car il nous est paru nécessaire de présenter au par Me Mesli, démontre que rien, sur un plan légal, ne lecteur francophone des faits vérifiables ainsi que des pourra empêcher les chouyoukh de recouvrer totalement analyses qu’une vile propagande s’est fixée comme leur liberté. Le second aspect, qu’analyse M. S. Amrani, objectif d’occulter ou de déformer. En abordant le cas des se veut être une réponse aux ennemis de la liberté, ceux chouyoukh à travers une étude que nous avons voulu qui croyaient « clore définitevement le dossier du FIS » conforme à une rigueur académique, nous espé rons en condamnant les chouyoukh à douze années de prison provoquer un débat de fond sur la réalité algérienne. et qui se retrouvent aujourd’hui dans une impasse. Il est L’ampleur de l’injustice, du drame et des horreurs qui ont ahurissant de constater à quel point la haine qui ronge fait le quotidien des citoyens algériens lors de cette certains éradicateurs les a fait sombrer dans une hystérie dernière décennie nous interpelle tous pour faire en sorte qui leur a fait perdre toute raison. que l’Algérie sorte de son marasme. Plusieurs documents, appels et communiqués ainsi Cet ouvrage commence par une interview exclusive et qu’un recueil inédit en français de lettres de cheikh Ali toute récente de cheikh Abbassi. Il s’y exprime Benhadj sont présentés en annexe de cet ouvrage. longuement sur son arrestation, son emprisonnement et Evoquer le cas des chouyoukh ne saurait être aussi et surtout sur la nature de la crise politique que vit considéré co mme l’expression d’un certain culte de la l’Algérie. personnalité. Eux -mêmes ne sauraient tolérer une telle viii Mourad Dhina Préface attitude qui n’est pas en conformité avec les enseignements de notre religion, Dieu ne dit -il pas : « Ne vantez pas vous-mêmes votre pureté; c'est Lui qui connaît mieux ceux qui [Le] craignent » (Saint Coran, 53 -32). Il convient cependant de reconnaître à ces deux hommes de s’être dévoués pour une cause, pour leur peuple et de n’avoir jamais cédé ni aux pressions ni aux tentations. Ils ont dû en payer de leur propre personne un prix particulièrement élevé. Ce livre ne peut prétendre avoir pleinement discuté de la crise multi-dimensionnelle que vit l’Algérie.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Download Document
    ALGERIA: ADVERSARIES IN SEARCH OF UNCERTAIN COMPROMISES Rémy Leveau September 1992 © Institute for Security Studies of WEU 1996. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo-copying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the Institute for Security Studies of WEU. ISSN 1017-7566 TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface Introduction The context of coup d'état The forces involved in the crisis Questions and scenarios Postscript PREFACE Earlier this year the Institute asked Professor Rémy Leveau to prepare a study on `Algeria: adversaries in search of uncertain compromises.' This was discussed at a meeting of specialists on North African politics held in the Institute. In view of the continuing importance of developments in Algeria the Institute asked Professor Leveau to prepare this revised version of his paper for wider circulation. We are very grateful to Professor Leveau for having prepared this stimulating and enlightening analysis of developments which are also of importance to Algeria's European neighbours. We are also grateful to those who took part in the discussion of earlier drafts of this paper. John Roper Paris, September 1992 - v - Algeria: adversaries in search of uncertain compromises Rémy Leveau INTRODUCTION The perception of Islamic movements has been marked in Europe since 1979 by images of the Iranian revolution: hostages in the American Embassy, support for international terrorism, incidents at the mosque in Mecca and the Salman Rushdie affair. The dominant rhetoric of the FIS (Islamic Salvation Front) in Algeria, which has since 1989 presented a similar image of rejection of internal state order and of the international system, strengthens the feeling of an identity of aims and of a bloc of hostile attitudes.
    [Show full text]
  • Co-Opting Identity: the Manipulation of Berberism, the Frustration of Democratisation, and the Generation of Violence in Algeria Hugh Roberts DESTIN, LSE
    1 crisis states programme development research centre www Working Paper no.7 CO-OPTING IDENTITY: THE MANIPULATION OF BERBERISM, THE FRUSTRATION OF DEMOCRATISATION AND THE GENERATION OF VIOLENCE IN LGERIA A Hugh Roberts Development Research Centre LSE December 2001 Copyright © Hugh Roberts, 2001 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form other than that in which it is published. Requests for permission to reproduce any part of this Working Paper should be sent to: The Editor, Crisis States Programme, Development Research Centre, DESTIN, LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE. Crisis States Programme Working papers series no.1 English version: Spanish version: ISSN 1740-5807 (print) ISSN 1740-5823 (print) ISSN 1740-5815 (on-line) ISSN 1740-5831 (on-line) 1 Crisis States Programme Co-opting Identity: The manipulation of Berberism, the frustration of democratisation, and the generation of violence in Algeria Hugh Roberts DESTIN, LSE Acknowledgements This working paper is a revised and extended version of a paper originally entitled ‘Much Ado about Identity: the political manipulation of Berberism and the crisis of the Algerian state, 1980-1992’ presented to a seminar on Cultural Identity and Politics organized by the Department of Political Science and the Institute for International Studies at the University of California, Berkeley, in April 1996. Subsequent versions of the paper were presented to a conference on North Africa at Binghamton University (SUNY), Binghamton, NY, under the title 'Berber politics and Berberist ideology in Algeria', in April 1998 and to a staff seminar of the Government Department at the London School of Economics, under the title ‘Co-opting identity: the political manipulation of Berberism and the frustration of democratisation in Algeria’, in February 2000.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Copyright by Camille Alexandra Bossut 2016
    Copyright by Camille Alexandra Bossut 2016 1 The Thesis committee for Camille Alexandra Bossut Certifies that this is the approved version of the following thesis: Arabization in Algeria: Language Ideology in Elite Discourse, 1962- 1991 APPROVED BY SUPERVISING COMMITTEE: Supervisor: ______________________________________ Benjamin Claude Brower ______________________________________ Mahmoud Al-Batal 2 Arabization in Algeria: Language Ideology in Elite Discourse, 1962-1991 by Camille Alexandra Bossut, B.A. Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts The University of Texas at Austin May 2016 3 Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank my supervisors, Dr. Benjamin Claude Brower and Dr. Mahmoud Al-Batal, for their time and willingness to guide me through this project. Dr. Brower’s continued feedback and inspiring discussions have taught me more about Algeria than I ever expected to learn in one year. Dr. Al-Batal has been an inspiration to me throughout my two years as a graduate student. I credit much of my linguistic development to his tireless encouragement and feedback. To Dr. Kristen Brustad, I extend my deepest gratitude for not only teaching me Arabic, but also teaching me how to think about language. Our many discussions on language ideology stoked my curiosity for exploring the topic of Arabization in more detail. Thank you for showing me how debates over language are rarely ever about language itself. I would also like to thank the Department of Middle Eastern Studies, the Center for Middle Eastern Studies, and the Arabic Flagship Program for their continued commitment to providing a high-quality, supportive, and enjoyable environment in which to learn Arabic.
    [Show full text]
  • The Left and the Algerian Catastrophe
    THE LEFT AND THE ALGERIAN CATASTROPHE H UGH R OBERTS n explaining their sharply opposed positions following the attacks on the IWorld Trade Center and the Pentagon on 11 September 2001, two promi- nent writers on the American Left, Christopher Hitchens and Noam Chomsky, both found it convenient to refer to the Algerian case. Since, for Hitchens, the attacks had been the work of an Islamic fundamentalism that was a kind of fascism, he naturally saw the Algerian drama in similar terms: Civil society in Algeria is barely breathing after the fundamentalist assault …We let the Algerians fight the Islamic-fascist wave without saying a word or lending a hand.1 This comment was probably music to the ears of the Algerian government, which had moved promptly to get on board the US-led ‘coalition’ against terror, as Chomsky noted in articulating his very different view of things: Algeria, which is one of the most murderous states in the world, would love to have US support for its torture and massacres of people in Algeria.2 This reading of the current situation was later supplemented by an account of its genesis: The Algerian government is in office because it blocked the democratic election in which it would have lost to mainly Islamic-based groups. That set off the current fighting.3 The significance of these remarks is that they testify to the fact that the Western Left has not addressed the Algerian drama properly, so that Hitchens and Chomsky, neither of whom pretend to specialist knowledge of the country, have THE LEFT AND THE ALGERIAN CATASTROPHE 153 not had available to them a fund of reliable analysis on which they might draw.
    [Show full text]
  • The French Revolution in the French-Algerian War (1954-1962): Historical Analogy and the Limits of French Historical Reason
    City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 9-2016 The French Revolution in the French-Algerian War (1954-1962): Historical Analogy and the Limits of French Historical Reason Timothy Scott Johnson The Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/1424 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] THE FRENCH REVOLUTION IN THE FRENCH-ALGERIAN WAR (1954-1962): HISTORICAL ANALOGY AND THE LIMITS OF FRENCH HISTORICAL REASON By Timothy Scott Johnson A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty in History in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The City University of New York 2016 © 2016 TIMOTHY SCOTT JOHNSON All Rights Reserved ii The French Revolution in the French-Algerian War (1954-1962): Historical Analogy and the Limits of French Historical Reason by Timothy Scott Johnson This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in History in satisfaction of the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Richard Wolin, Distinguished Professor of History, The Graduate Center, CUNY _______________________ _______________________________________________ Date Chair of Examining Committee _______________________
    [Show full text]
  • Albert Camus and the Anticolonials: Why Camus Would Not Play the Zero Sum Game James D
    University of Nebraska - Lincoln DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln Faculty Publications, Department of History History, Department of 2014 Albert Camus and the Anticolonials: Why Camus Would Not Play the Zero Sum Game James D. Le Sueur University of Nebraska-Lincoln, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/historyfacpub Part of the Continental Philosophy Commons, European Languages and Societies Commons, French and Francophone Literature Commons, History Commons, and the Race, Ethnicity and Post-Colonial Studies Commons Le Sueur, James D., "Albert Camus and the Anticolonials: Why Camus Would Not Play the Zero Sum Game" (2014). Faculty Publications, Department of History. 192. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/historyfacpub/192 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the History, Department of at DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications, Department of History by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@University of Nebraska - Lincoln. WHY CAMUS WOULD NOT PLAY THE ZERO SUM GAME / LE SUEUR 27 Albert Camus and the Anticolonials: Why Camus Would Not Play the Zero Sum Game1 James D. Le Sueur, University of Nebraska, Lincoln IN 1994, I RETURNED FROM PARIS TO HYDE PARK just in time to catch a lecture about Albert Camus that an esteemed colleague, the late Tony Judt, was giving at the University of Chicago. I was much younger then, eager to engage in debate, and I had just spent most of the past two years turning over the recently opened pages of Camus’ private papers in Paris and trolling through the private papers of other prominent French intellectuals, as well as newly declassified state archives for what was to become my first book,Uncivil War.2 I had also done dozens of interviews with Camus’ friends and fellow travelers (Jean Daniel, Germaine Tillion, Jean Pélégri, etc.), as well as old adversaries (including Françis Jeanson).
    [Show full text]
  • The Civil Concord
    THE CIVIL CONCORD: A PEACE INITIATIVE WASTED 9 July 2001 Africa Report N° 31 (Original Version in French) Brussels Table of Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS ............................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION........................................................................................................................1 II. THE ORIGINS OF THE CIVIL CONCORD..........................................................................3 A. THE AIS TRUCE (1997) AND THE SECURITY STANCE OF THE ANP ..............................................4 B. THE ELECTION OF BOUTEFLIKA AND THE CIVIL CONCORD (1999)..............................................5 III. THE FAILURE OF THE LAW ON CIVIL CONCORD AND THE SENSE OF BETRAYAL AMONGST ISLAMIC SUPPORTERS OF THE CONCORD ...............................................8 IV. THE ARMY’S STRATEGY: MILITARY VICTORY, POLITICAL DEADLOCK .........10 A. ERADICATE AND "TERRORISE THE TERRORIST"..........................................................................11 B. DIVIDING THE ISLAMISTS ...........................................................................................................12 C. MISTAKES MADE .......................................................................................................................12 1. Interruption of the Electoral Process in December 1991................................................................13 2. Sant’Egidio: A Failed Initiative .....................................................................................................13
    [Show full text]
  • ALGERIA Algeria Is a Multiparty Republic of Approximately 36 Million
    ALGERIA Algeria is a multiparty republic of approximately 36 million citizens whose head of state and government (president) is elected by popular vote for a five-year term. The president has the constitutional authority to appoint and dismiss cabinet members and the prime minister. A 2008 constitutional amendment eliminated presidential term limits, and in April 2009 President Abdelaziz Bouteflika won reelection to his third term in office. Some opposition parties boycotted the election, arguing that restrictions on freedom of association skewed the election outcome in favor of the incumbent. While the state of emergency law implemented in 1992 remained in effect during the year, the government concentrated its enforcement on the provisions restricting assembly and association. Security forces reported to civilian authorities. Principal human rights problems included restrictions on freedom of assembly and association, which significantly impaired political party activities and limited citizens' ability to change the government peacefully through elections. There were reports of arbitrary killings. Failures to account for persons who disappeared in the 1990s and to address the demands of victims' families remained problematic. There were reports of official impunity, overuse of pretrial detention, poor prison conditions, abuse of prisoners, and lack of judicial independence. Additionally, widespread corruption accompanied reports of limited government transparency. Authorities used security grounds to constrain freedom of expression and movement. Women faced violence and discrimination, and the government maintained restrictions on workers' rights. Terrorist groups committed a significant number of attacks against government officials, members of security forces, and, to a lesser extent, civilians. RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From: a.
    [Show full text]
  • Algeria's Uprising: a Survey of Protesters and the Military
    ALGERIA’S UPRISING: A SURVEY OF PROTESTERS AND THE MILITARY SHARAN GREWAL M. TAHIR KILAVUZ ROBERT KUBINEC GOVERNANCE | JULY 2019 ALGERIA’S UPRISING: A SURVEY OF PROTESTERS AND THE MILITARY SHARAN GREWAL M. TAHIR KILAVUZ ROBERT KUBINEC EXECUTIVE SUMMARY On April 2, Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika resigned from office, becoming the fifth Arab president to fall to a mass uprising since 2011. Protests have continued since his resignation, calling for the fall of the entire regime. We conducted an online survey of over 9,000 Algerians, gauging their attitudes towards the protests and their goals. The survey also includes a large sample of 1,700 military personnel, allowing us to compare and contrast their attitudes with the protesters. The majority of Algerians in our survey support the protest movement and want a complete change of the political system. Protesters and non-protesters alike are fed up with corruption and would prefer a transition to democracy. The lower ranks of the military—the soldiers and junior officers—largely agree with the protesters on these demands, but the senior officers are more resistant. However, moving forward, protesters are likely to come into conflict with military personnel of all ranks over the military’s political and economic privileges post-Bouteflika. INTRODUCTION Algeria today is in the throes of revolution. Having ousted President Abdelaziz Bouteflika on April 2, mass protests have continued since, demanding the overthrow of the entire regime. The military, having begrudgingly endorsed protesters’ calls for Bouteflika’s resignation, is now attempting to shepherd the transition to best preserve its interests. Major questions remain open.
    [Show full text]
  • Algeria: President Bouteflika's Second Presidential Term
    DANSK INSTITUT FOR INTERNATIONALE STUDIER STRANDGADE 56 •1401 København K 32 69 87 87 • [email protected] • www.diis.dk DIIS Brief Algeria: President Bouteflika’s second presidential term Ulla Holm November 2004 Abstract For the second time, the Algerian president, Bouteflika has been elected president. He has now another five years for restoring the economy and for demonstrating that the army and the security forces no longer will be the hidden puppeteers of politics. The Algerians are asking themselves whether Algeria is on the way to further democratization after the sacking of the influential army Chief, Lamari. This Brief discusses whether there is a possibility of withdrawal of the army to the barracs due both to Bouteflika’s and the army’s wish to getting closer to the EU and to the US. Ulla Holm is Senior Researcher at DIIS, Department of European Studies On 8 April 2004, the Algerian President Abdelaziz Bouteflika gained a second five-year term with a surrealistic 84.99 per cent of the votes cast. Bouteflika therefore claimed a landslide general election victory even if the turnout among Algeria’s 18 million voters was only 59.26 per cent. In the Berber region of Kabylia, the Socialist Forces Front (FFS), a party associated with the region and the Berber organization La Co-ordination des Archs, Daira et Commune (‘The co-ordination of the tribes, the districts and the municipalities’), had called for boycotting the elections. As a result of the general mistrust of the regime because of its ever-brutal repression of Berber opposition, the number of votes cast was only recorded 17 per cent.
    [Show full text]
  • Algerian Islamism. Analysis of Elites and Resources in Major Political Parties and Social Movements (1990-2016)1
    ALGERIAN ISLAMISM. ANALYSIS OF ELITES AND RESOURCES IN MAJOR POLITICAL PARTIES AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS (1990-2016)1 Rafael Bustos Lecturer in International Relations at UCM Researcher at UAM [email protected] SUMMARY This chapter represents an analysis, from the standpoint of the sociology of power, of the resources of Islamist elites in Algeria, specifically focusing on the three most important political parties: FIS, MSP (HAMAS) and en-Nahda between 1990 and 2016. This analysis, intentionally excluding armed groups, will try to explain the fundamental differences between the former party – a true mass movement – and the other two, which are circumscribed by their grassroots support and the circular logic of their relations with power. The different origins of their elites, their grassroots supporters and above all their political strategy all throw a light on the different paths followed by these three tendencies of the Islamist movement. Key words: Algeria, political Islam, Islamism, elites, resources, strategies, democracy, political parties, social movements INTRODUCTION Under the new president Chadli Bendjedid, who ruled during the 1980s, the Islamist movement began to show a strength that is still emerging. One example was the mass demonstration of students in Algiers in 1982, which was brought to an end by the publication of a 14-point document of Islamist demands. This led to the house arrest of Sheikh Abdelatif Soltani, one of the document’s signatories, and who died soon after while under arrest. The funerals held for Soltani in 1984 were attended by huge numbers of people, which represented another sign of Islamist strength. These two events were important moments in terms of the Islamist movement’s visibility and affirmation in Algeria.
    [Show full text]
  • Algeria' Multi-Dimensional Crisis
    The Journal of Modem African Studies, 32, 4 (1994), pp. 741—747. Copyright © 1994 Cambridge University Press ALGERIA'S MULTI-DIMENSIONAL CRISIS: THE STORY OF A FAILED STATE-BUILDING PROCESS L'Algerie et son destin - croyants et citoyens by MOHAMMED HARBI Paris, Arcantere editions, 1993. Pp. 247. FF 120.00 paperback. Le Sabre et le Turban — l'avenir du Maghreb by REMY LEVEAU Paris, Francois Bourin, 1993. Pp. 274. FFi 19.00 paperback. Histoire de PAlgerie independante by BENJAMIN STORA Paris, Reperes, 1994. Pp. 122. FF60.00 paperback. Algerie: la democratic interdite by JEAN-J ACCRUES LA VENUE Paris, L'Harmattan, 1993. Pp. 280. FF 140.00 paperback. Following the tragic events that shook the country in October 1988 and forced the authoritarian regime to initiate a seeming democratisation process, a great deal has been written about Algeria. Several observers have used the developments there to advance their own academic or journalistic careers without, however, enriching our knowledge about a very complex, and today extremely tragic, situation. The four books under review are in many respects the best accounts that have been published since the suspension of the electoral process by the military in January 1992. As is now well-known, this would have allowed the candidates of the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS), the main contender to the single ruling party, the National Liberation Front (FLN), to control the National Popular Assembly that it had hitherto dominated. Although the Islamist violence antedated the cancellation of the second round of legislative elections their revocation precipitated a wave of violence and terror - not seen since the end of Algeria's anti-colonial struggle against France in 1962-which by September 1994 had resulted in over 10,000 deaths and $2,000 million in damages.
    [Show full text]