The Civil Concord
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Immigration Matters
ISSUE 8 • MAY 2008 Immigration Matters C A I I • THE CHURCHES’ AGENCY ON INTERNATIONAL ISSUES: RESOURCING CHURCHES AND CONGREGATIONS ON GLOBAL CONCERNS Seeking Refuge in a Strange Land – the experiences of refugees and asylum seekers hroughout history innocent people cleansing and crimes against humanity. Nicholson have been forced from their homes The Responsibility to Protect is becoming Tto seek safety and refuge in the an important issue for collective face of violence. Despite the United discussion and action when states and Nations (UN) agreeing in 1951 to the the international community have failed Convention relating to the Status of to prevent catastrophe. Refugees, civilians continue to be The United Nations High Commission for caught up in horrifying wars, whole Refugees (UNHCR) currently recognises communities are displaced within their some 14 million refugees. In addition, own countries and many live or are an estimated 24.5 million people are “warehoused” in makeshift refugee displaced within their own countries. camps relying on humanitarian aid With the large numbers of displaced for their very survival. Displacement people and increasing insecurity, there has become a strategy of war. Some, is a lot of pressure on governments, the especially those with more resources, international community, the churches, have sought refuge in developed and concerned people to uphold the countries but many more have entered Responsibility to Protect. Facing these neighbouring developing countries where challenges as a faith community is part often they are competing for limited of the continuing Christian commitment resources with those living in the host to help those made vulnerable by country. -
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ALGERIA: ADVERSARIES IN SEARCH OF UNCERTAIN COMPROMISES Rémy Leveau September 1992 © Institute for Security Studies of WEU 1996. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo-copying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the Institute for Security Studies of WEU. ISSN 1017-7566 TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface Introduction The context of coup d'état The forces involved in the crisis Questions and scenarios Postscript PREFACE Earlier this year the Institute asked Professor Rémy Leveau to prepare a study on `Algeria: adversaries in search of uncertain compromises.' This was discussed at a meeting of specialists on North African politics held in the Institute. In view of the continuing importance of developments in Algeria the Institute asked Professor Leveau to prepare this revised version of his paper for wider circulation. We are very grateful to Professor Leveau for having prepared this stimulating and enlightening analysis of developments which are also of importance to Algeria's European neighbours. We are also grateful to those who took part in the discussion of earlier drafts of this paper. John Roper Paris, September 1992 - v - Algeria: adversaries in search of uncertain compromises Rémy Leveau INTRODUCTION The perception of Islamic movements has been marked in Europe since 1979 by images of the Iranian revolution: hostages in the American Embassy, support for international terrorism, incidents at the mosque in Mecca and the Salman Rushdie affair. The dominant rhetoric of the FIS (Islamic Salvation Front) in Algeria, which has since 1989 presented a similar image of rejection of internal state order and of the international system, strengthens the feeling of an identity of aims and of a bloc of hostile attitudes. -
Co-Opting Identity: the Manipulation of Berberism, the Frustration of Democratisation, and the Generation of Violence in Algeria Hugh Roberts DESTIN, LSE
1 crisis states programme development research centre www Working Paper no.7 CO-OPTING IDENTITY: THE MANIPULATION OF BERBERISM, THE FRUSTRATION OF DEMOCRATISATION AND THE GENERATION OF VIOLENCE IN LGERIA A Hugh Roberts Development Research Centre LSE December 2001 Copyright © Hugh Roberts, 2001 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of the publisher nor be issued to the public or circulated in any form other than that in which it is published. Requests for permission to reproduce any part of this Working Paper should be sent to: The Editor, Crisis States Programme, Development Research Centre, DESTIN, LSE, Houghton Street, London WC2A 2AE. Crisis States Programme Working papers series no.1 English version: Spanish version: ISSN 1740-5807 (print) ISSN 1740-5823 (print) ISSN 1740-5815 (on-line) ISSN 1740-5831 (on-line) 1 Crisis States Programme Co-opting Identity: The manipulation of Berberism, the frustration of democratisation, and the generation of violence in Algeria Hugh Roberts DESTIN, LSE Acknowledgements This working paper is a revised and extended version of a paper originally entitled ‘Much Ado about Identity: the political manipulation of Berberism and the crisis of the Algerian state, 1980-1992’ presented to a seminar on Cultural Identity and Politics organized by the Department of Political Science and the Institute for International Studies at the University of California, Berkeley, in April 1996. Subsequent versions of the paper were presented to a conference on North Africa at Binghamton University (SUNY), Binghamton, NY, under the title 'Berber politics and Berberist ideology in Algeria', in April 1998 and to a staff seminar of the Government Department at the London School of Economics, under the title ‘Co-opting identity: the political manipulation of Berberism and the frustration of democratisation in Algeria’, in February 2000. -
Care Ethics and Narratives of the 'Grateful Refugee' and 'Model Minority'
62 Care ethics and narratives of the ‘grateful refugee’ and ‘model minority’: A postcolonial feminist observation of New Zealand in the wake of the Christchurch terror attacks NISHHZA THIRUSELVAM Abstract In this article, Nishhza Thiruselvam interrogates Aotearoa/New Zealand politics in the last decade and a half, attempting to make sense of the events leading up to March 15, referred to by Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern as ‘New Zealand’s darkest day’. She argues that the terror attacks perpetrated on this day were, paradoxically, both shocking yet unsurprising, given that racist and Islamophobic scapegoating and anti-Māori rhetoric are consistently manipulated by Aotearoa/New Zealand’s political elite in a strategy to maintain power. Informed by postcolonial feminist analysis, Thiruselvam argues that social discourses in the wake of March 15, such as Ardern’s insistence that ‘This is not who we are’, constitute forms of institutional gaslighting, which invalidate the author’s own lived experience of occupying the space of the ‘Other’ in Aotearoa/New Zealand. Key words Christchurch, ‘grateful refugee’, ‘model minority’, gaslighting, (post)colonialism, Islamophobia In the aftermath of the March 15 Christchurch terror attacks, those of us living in Aotearoa/New Zealand persevere with our grief as we try to make sense of a senseless event. Our centre-left government’s immediate response to the attacks – banning semi-automatic weapons – gained us worldwide praise. Such an appropriate response strengthened Aotearoa/New Zealand’s reputation as a peaceful nation far down in the Pacific. On the day of the attacks, Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern addressed the nation, repeating in her speech the lines ‘This is not who we are’ and ‘They are us’ (see e.g. -
Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State
Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State By Neil Grant Landers A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in French in the GRADUATE DIVISION of the UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY Committee in charge: Professor Debarati Sanyal, Co-Chair Professor Soraya Tlatli, Co-Chair Professor Karl Britto Professor Stefania Pandolfo Fall 2013 1 Abstract of the Dissertation Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State by Neil Grant Landers Doctor of Philosophy in French Literature University of California, Berkeley Professor Debarati Sanyal, Co-Chair Professor Soraya Tlatli, Co-Chair Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State addresses the way the Algerian civil war has been portrayed in 1990s novelistic literature. In the words of one literary critic, "The Algerian war has been, in a sense, one big murder mystery."1 This may be true, but literary accounts portray the "mystery" of the civil war—and propose to solve it—in sharply divergent ways. The primary aim of this study is to examine how three of the most celebrated 1990s novels depict—organize, analyze, interpret, and "solve"—the civil war. I analyze and interpret these novels—by Assia Djebar, Yasmina Khadra, and Boualem Sansal—through a deep contextualization, both in terms of Algerian history and in the novels' contemporary setting. This is particularly important in this case, since the civil war is so contested, and is poorly understood. Using the novels' thematic content as a cue for deeper understanding, I engage through them and with them a number of elements crucial to understanding the civil war: Algeria's troubled nationalist legacy; its stagnant one-party regime; a fear, distrust, and poor understanding of the Islamist movement and the insurgency that erupted in 1992; and the unending, horrifically bloody violence that piled on throughout the 1990s. -
The Dynamics of the Democratic Process in Legal Politics in Indonesia and Egypt
JURNAL CITA HUKUM (Indonesian Law Journal) FSH UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta Vol. 8 No. 3 (2020), pp. 627-654, DOI: 10.15408/jch.v8i3.17071 The Dynamics of The Democratic Process In Legal Politics In Indonesia and Egypt Nahrowi1, Masyrofah2, Nurul Handayani3 Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University Jakarta Indonesia 10.15408/jch.v8i3.17071 Abstract The implementation of democratic systems in several Muslim countries has obstacles. This is due to the development of people's thinking patterns about understanding democracy itself. Islam as a religion emphasizes the establishment of harmonious relations, but when applying the relationship of Islam and democracy in the life of the state does not necessarily be smooth at the level of practice. But on the other hand, It faced with the reality of the problems in implementing democratization in the Islamic world. Some countries claimed to succeed as democratic countries, generally after going through a transition period of transfer of government power. But on the contrary, not a few countries that have not or are not ready to accept change as a process of democratization are trapped in the struggle for power and lead to conflict and violence. Therefore it is important to discuss the challenges and obstacles of democratization in the Islamic world. With a normative-empirical approach, this article aims to analyze the problems of the democratization process in two Muslim countries, namely Indonesia and Egypt. This study found that the process of democratization as a part of the legal-political system in Muslim countries must adapt to the culture and political conditions of each country. -
1997 Human Rights Report - Algeria Page 1 of 11
1997 Human Rights Report - Algeria Page 1 of 11 The State Department web site below is a permanent electro information released prior to January 20, 2001. Please see w material released since President George W. Bush took offic This site is not updated so external links may no longer func us with any questions about finding information. NOTE: External links to other Internet sites should not be co endorsement of the views contained therein. U.S. Department of State Algeria Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1997 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, January 30, 1998. ALGERIA President Liamine Zeroual, a former general, was elected in November 1995 to a 5-year term. Zeroual had previously served as president of a transition government established by the army in 1994, which included a National transition Council (CNT) as a surrogate parliament. The President controls defense and foreign policy, appoints and dismisses the Prime Minister and cabinet ministers, and may dissolve the legislature. The presidential election was competitive. Three opposition candidates had some access to state-controlled television and radio and also received heavy coverage in the independent press. According to government figures, Zeroual received 61 percent of the votes; losing candidates claimed that there were instances of fraud but did not contest Zeroual's victory. The Government does not always respect the independence of the judiciary. After gaining independence in 1962, Algeria had a single-party state dominated by the country's military leadership and supported by the bureaucracy and the National Liberation Front (FLN). Under the 1989 Constitution, there was to be a transition to a pluralist republic with a strong president. -
1 Copyright by Camille Alexandra Bossut 2016
Copyright by Camille Alexandra Bossut 2016 1 The Thesis committee for Camille Alexandra Bossut Certifies that this is the approved version of the following thesis: Arabization in Algeria: Language Ideology in Elite Discourse, 1962- 1991 APPROVED BY SUPERVISING COMMITTEE: Supervisor: ______________________________________ Benjamin Claude Brower ______________________________________ Mahmoud Al-Batal 2 Arabization in Algeria: Language Ideology in Elite Discourse, 1962-1991 by Camille Alexandra Bossut, B.A. Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts The University of Texas at Austin May 2016 3 Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank my supervisors, Dr. Benjamin Claude Brower and Dr. Mahmoud Al-Batal, for their time and willingness to guide me through this project. Dr. Brower’s continued feedback and inspiring discussions have taught me more about Algeria than I ever expected to learn in one year. Dr. Al-Batal has been an inspiration to me throughout my two years as a graduate student. I credit much of my linguistic development to his tireless encouragement and feedback. To Dr. Kristen Brustad, I extend my deepest gratitude for not only teaching me Arabic, but also teaching me how to think about language. Our many discussions on language ideology stoked my curiosity for exploring the topic of Arabization in more detail. Thank you for showing me how debates over language are rarely ever about language itself. I would also like to thank the Department of Middle Eastern Studies, the Center for Middle Eastern Studies, and the Arabic Flagship Program for their continued commitment to providing a high-quality, supportive, and enjoyable environment in which to learn Arabic. -
The Left and the Algerian Catastrophe
THE LEFT AND THE ALGERIAN CATASTROPHE H UGH R OBERTS n explaining their sharply opposed positions following the attacks on the IWorld Trade Center and the Pentagon on 11 September 2001, two promi- nent writers on the American Left, Christopher Hitchens and Noam Chomsky, both found it convenient to refer to the Algerian case. Since, for Hitchens, the attacks had been the work of an Islamic fundamentalism that was a kind of fascism, he naturally saw the Algerian drama in similar terms: Civil society in Algeria is barely breathing after the fundamentalist assault …We let the Algerians fight the Islamic-fascist wave without saying a word or lending a hand.1 This comment was probably music to the ears of the Algerian government, which had moved promptly to get on board the US-led ‘coalition’ against terror, as Chomsky noted in articulating his very different view of things: Algeria, which is one of the most murderous states in the world, would love to have US support for its torture and massacres of people in Algeria.2 This reading of the current situation was later supplemented by an account of its genesis: The Algerian government is in office because it blocked the democratic election in which it would have lost to mainly Islamic-based groups. That set off the current fighting.3 The significance of these remarks is that they testify to the fact that the Western Left has not addressed the Algerian drama properly, so that Hitchens and Chomsky, neither of whom pretend to specialist knowledge of the country, have THE LEFT AND THE ALGERIAN CATASTROPHE 153 not had available to them a fund of reliable analysis on which they might draw. -
New Zealand Page 1 of 7
New Zealand Page 1 of 7 2005 Human Rights Report Released | Daily Press Briefing | Other News... New Zealand Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2005 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 8, 2006 New Zealand is a parliamentary democracy with a population of approximately 4.1 million. Queen Elizabeth II is chief of state and is represented by the governor general. Citizens periodically choose their representatives in free and fair multiparty elections. The 121-member Parliament is elected in a mixed-member, proportional representation system, with 7 seats reserved for members of the native Maori population. The most recent elections were held in September. The Labor Party won 50 parliamentary seats and formed a minority coalition government; Helen Clark remained prime minister. The civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces. The government generally respected the human rights of its citizens, and the law and judiciary provide effective means of addressing individual instances of abuse. The following human rights problems were reported: disproportionate societal problems for indigenous people RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS Section 1 Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom From: a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life There were no reports that the government or its agents committed arbitrary or unlawful killings. There were no further developments in the August 2004 police killing of a man who attacked his wife and police officers with a knife. For the 12-month period ending June 30, 9 new cases of death involving a police officer were received and under investigation at year's end. -
The Algerian Armed Forces: National and International Challenges
THE ALGERIAN ARMED FORCES: NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL CHALLENGES Carlos Echeverría Jesús Working Paper (WP) Nº 8/2004 1/4/2004 Area: Mediterranean & Arab World / Defence & Security – WP Nº 8/2004 (Trans. Spanish) 1/4/2004 The Algerian Armed Forces: National and international challenges ∗ Carlos Echeverría Jesús THE ROLE OF THE ARMED FORCES: FROM INDEPENDENCE TO THE FIRST STEPS TOWARD DEMOCRACY (1962-1988) The Algerian Armed Forces arose from the National Liberation Army (ALN), particularly from the so-called ‘border army’ which, as General Jaled Nezzar recalls in his Memoirs, began to play a dominant role under the command of Colonel Houari Boumedienne in late 1959: this army relentlessly waged war on the French forces deployed on the borders of Morocco and Tunisia until the conflict ended in 1962 (1). Although the creation of the ALN itself dates back to 1954, it was not until the Summam Congress, on August 20, 1956, that its structure was determined and it became considered an instrument for implementing the policies developed by the party: the National Liberation Front (FLN). The internal struggles within the FLN-ALN tandem, both in and outside Algeria, have been described by many authors: both the confrontations within the National Council of the Algerian Revolution (CNRA) and those at the various FLN congresses during and immediately after the war –the Summam Congress (1956), Tripoli Congress (1962) and Algiers Congress (1964)– aimed at taking control of the embryo of the future Armed Forces. According to Mohamed Harbi, the session of the CNRA held in December 1959 – January 1960 was crucial, as it abolished the Ministry of the Armed Forces, replacing it with an Inter-Ministerial War Committee (CIG), directed by military officers of a General Chiefs of Staff (EMG) led by Boumedienne, who went on to become Defense Minister of the first independent government and, starting in June 1965, President until his death in 1978. -
A Travesty of Justice - the Case of Ahmed Zaoui by David Small
A Travesty Of Justice - The Case Of Ahmed Zaoui by David Small Peace Researcher 28 – December 2003 Ahmed Zaoui, an Algerian Islamic politician, has been in custody since he was arrested upon arrival, in Auckland, in late 2002. He has never been charged or tried for any offence. He arrived on false papers, and claimed refugee status, which he has been granted by the appropriate official body. The Government chose to override that decision, citing the woebegotten Security Intelligence Service (SIS) as its preferred authority on the case. Zaoui is wanted by Algeria (site of a particularly murderous civil war, one where the West now backs the regime because it is fighting Islamic fundamentalists). For most of the 1990s Zaoui was shunted from exile to exile, in Europe and Africa. The Intelligence agencies of various European countries, principally France, plus the Algerians and NZ’s more usual Intelligence allies, have all contributed to Zaoui remaining in prison in Auckland, and facing imminent deportation (with the very real prospect of death, should he be returned to Algeria, which has sentenced him to death in absentia). Zaoui’s plight has become a national cause celebre, and there is any number of appalling aspects to it (such as the racist and shoddy Immigration laws and procedures exposed for all to see). Peace Researcher has a longstanding interest in the SIS and the Inspector-General of Intelligence and Security, so we decided to concentrate on that aspect. David Small is well known to PR readers because of his involvement in the case of Aziz Choudry (it was David who caught the SIS agents breaking into Aziz’s Christchurch home, in 1996).