Oil and the Eruption of the Algerian Civil War: a Context-Sensitive Analysis of the Ambivalent Impact of Resource Abundance
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MDE 28/08/93 Distr: UA/SC UA 174/93
EXTERNAL (for general distribution) AI Index: MDE 28/08/93 Distr: UA/SC UA 174/93 Death Penalty 27 May 1993 ALGERIA: 41 people sentenced to death: Abderrahim Hocine Rachid Hechaichi Karim Fennour Jamal Chikou Belkacem Tahri Jamal Laskri Mabrouk Bakour Ahmed Dahmoun Meliani Mansouri Youcef Boulesbaa Redha Boucherif Said Soussan (sentenced to death twice) Mohamed Aimet (sentenced to death twice) and 28 in absentia Amnesty International is gravely concerned that 41 people were sentenced to death on 26 May 1993 by the special court in Algiers in two separate trials. Thirty-eight of those sentenced to death (26 in absentia) were accused of participating in the bombing of Algiers airport on 26 August 1992, in which nine people died and over 120 were injured. Said Soussan and Mohamed Aimet, who were among the 38 sentenced to death in the first trial, and three others (two in absentia) were accused of terrorist attacks, including planting a bomb in the television station in June 1992. Following the bombing of the airport, six individuals were arrested and the confessions of some of them were shown on Algerian television. There were allegations that the confessions had been extracted under torture. These individuals have no right of appeal, but may seek a review by "cassation" by the Supreme Court; if successful the case will be retried by another special court. Cassation rules only on procedures, and does not reexamine facts, thus failing to safeguard the detainees' right of appeal. Once the death sentences have been upheld by the Supreme Court, executions may not be carried out until a plea for clemency has been presented to the President and refused. -
Boko Haram Beyond the Headlines: Analyses of Africa’S Enduring Insurgency
Boko Haram Beyond the Headlines: Analyses of Africa’s Enduring Insurgency Editor: Jacob Zenn Boko Haram Beyond the Headlines: Analyses of Africa’s Enduring Insurgency Jacob Zenn (Editor) Abdulbasit Kassim Elizabeth Pearson Atta Barkindo Idayat Hassan Zacharias Pieri Omar Mahmoud Combating Terrorism Center at West Point United States Military Academy www.ctc.usma.edu The views expressed in this report are the authors’ and do not necessarily reflect those of the Combating Terrorism Center, United States Military Academy, Department of Defense, or U.S. Government. May 2018 Cover Photo: A group of Boko Haram fighters line up in this still taken from a propaganda video dated March 31, 2016. COMBATING TERRORISM CENTER ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Director The editor thanks colleagues at the Combating Terrorism Center at West Point (CTC), all of whom supported this endeavor by proposing the idea to carry out a LTC Bryan Price, Ph.D. report on Boko Haram and working with the editor and contributors to see the Deputy Director project to its rightful end. In this regard, I thank especially Brian Dodwell, Dan- iel Milton, Jason Warner, Kristina Hummel, and Larisa Baste, who all directly Brian Dodwell collaborated on the report. I also thank the two peer reviewers, Brandon Kend- hammer and Matthew Page, for their input and valuable feedback without which Research Director we could not have completed this project up to such a high standard. There were Dr. Daniel Milton numerous other leaders and experts at the CTC who assisted with this project behind-the-scenes, and I thank them, too. Distinguished Chair Most importantly, we would like to dedicate this volume to all those whose lives LTG (Ret) Dell Dailey have been afected by conflict and to those who have devoted their lives to seeking Class of 1987 Senior Fellow peace and justice. -
Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State
Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State By Neil Grant Landers A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in French in the GRADUATE DIVISION of the UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY Committee in charge: Professor Debarati Sanyal, Co-Chair Professor Soraya Tlatli, Co-Chair Professor Karl Britto Professor Stefania Pandolfo Fall 2013 1 Abstract of the Dissertation Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State by Neil Grant Landers Doctor of Philosophy in French Literature University of California, Berkeley Professor Debarati Sanyal, Co-Chair Professor Soraya Tlatli, Co-Chair Representing the Algerian Civil War: Literature, History, and the State addresses the way the Algerian civil war has been portrayed in 1990s novelistic literature. In the words of one literary critic, "The Algerian war has been, in a sense, one big murder mystery."1 This may be true, but literary accounts portray the "mystery" of the civil war—and propose to solve it—in sharply divergent ways. The primary aim of this study is to examine how three of the most celebrated 1990s novels depict—organize, analyze, interpret, and "solve"—the civil war. I analyze and interpret these novels—by Assia Djebar, Yasmina Khadra, and Boualem Sansal—through a deep contextualization, both in terms of Algerian history and in the novels' contemporary setting. This is particularly important in this case, since the civil war is so contested, and is poorly understood. Using the novels' thematic content as a cue for deeper understanding, I engage through them and with them a number of elements crucial to understanding the civil war: Algeria's troubled nationalist legacy; its stagnant one-party regime; a fear, distrust, and poor understanding of the Islamist movement and the insurgency that erupted in 1992; and the unending, horrifically bloody violence that piled on throughout the 1990s. -
The Dynamics of the Democratic Process in Legal Politics in Indonesia and Egypt
JURNAL CITA HUKUM (Indonesian Law Journal) FSH UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta Vol. 8 No. 3 (2020), pp. 627-654, DOI: 10.15408/jch.v8i3.17071 The Dynamics of The Democratic Process In Legal Politics In Indonesia and Egypt Nahrowi1, Masyrofah2, Nurul Handayani3 Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University Jakarta Indonesia 10.15408/jch.v8i3.17071 Abstract The implementation of democratic systems in several Muslim countries has obstacles. This is due to the development of people's thinking patterns about understanding democracy itself. Islam as a religion emphasizes the establishment of harmonious relations, but when applying the relationship of Islam and democracy in the life of the state does not necessarily be smooth at the level of practice. But on the other hand, It faced with the reality of the problems in implementing democratization in the Islamic world. Some countries claimed to succeed as democratic countries, generally after going through a transition period of transfer of government power. But on the contrary, not a few countries that have not or are not ready to accept change as a process of democratization are trapped in the struggle for power and lead to conflict and violence. Therefore it is important to discuss the challenges and obstacles of democratization in the Islamic world. With a normative-empirical approach, this article aims to analyze the problems of the democratization process in two Muslim countries, namely Indonesia and Egypt. This study found that the process of democratization as a part of the legal-political system in Muslim countries must adapt to the culture and political conditions of each country. -
1997 Human Rights Report - Algeria Page 1 of 11
1997 Human Rights Report - Algeria Page 1 of 11 The State Department web site below is a permanent electro information released prior to January 20, 2001. Please see w material released since President George W. Bush took offic This site is not updated so external links may no longer func us with any questions about finding information. NOTE: External links to other Internet sites should not be co endorsement of the views contained therein. U.S. Department of State Algeria Country Report on Human Rights Practices for 1997 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, January 30, 1998. ALGERIA President Liamine Zeroual, a former general, was elected in November 1995 to a 5-year term. Zeroual had previously served as president of a transition government established by the army in 1994, which included a National transition Council (CNT) as a surrogate parliament. The President controls defense and foreign policy, appoints and dismisses the Prime Minister and cabinet ministers, and may dissolve the legislature. The presidential election was competitive. Three opposition candidates had some access to state-controlled television and radio and also received heavy coverage in the independent press. According to government figures, Zeroual received 61 percent of the votes; losing candidates claimed that there were instances of fraud but did not contest Zeroual's victory. The Government does not always respect the independence of the judiciary. After gaining independence in 1962, Algeria had a single-party state dominated by the country's military leadership and supported by the bureaucracy and the National Liberation Front (FLN). Under the 1989 Constitution, there was to be a transition to a pluralist republic with a strong president. -
Jihadism in Africa Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances
SWP Research Paper Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber (Eds.) Jihadism in Africa Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances RP 5 June 2015 Berlin All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2015 SWP Research Papers are peer reviewed by senior researchers and the execu- tive board of the Institute. They express exclusively the personal views of the authors. SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 34 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] ISSN 1863-1053 Translation by Meredith Dale (Updated English version of SWP-Studie 7/2015) Table of Contents 5 Problems and Recommendations 7 Jihadism in Africa: An Introduction Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 13 Al-Shabaab: Youth without God Annette Weber 31 Libya: A Jihadist Growth Market Wolfram Lacher 51 Going “Glocal”: Jihadism in Algeria and Tunisia Isabelle Werenfels 69 Spreading Local Roots: AQIM and Its Offshoots in the Sahara Wolfram Lacher and Guido Steinberg 85 Boko Haram: Threat to Nigeria and Its Northern Neighbours Moritz Hütte, Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 99 Conclusions and Recommendations Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 103 Appendix 103 Abbreviations 104 The Authors Problems and Recommendations Jihadism in Africa: Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances The transnational terrorism of the twenty-first century feeds on local and regional conflicts, without which most terrorist groups would never have appeared in the first place. That is the case in Afghanistan and Pakistan, Syria and Iraq, as well as in North and West Africa and the Horn of Africa. -
The Algerian Armed Forces: National and International Challenges
THE ALGERIAN ARMED FORCES: NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL CHALLENGES Carlos Echeverría Jesús Working Paper (WP) Nº 8/2004 1/4/2004 Area: Mediterranean & Arab World / Defence & Security – WP Nº 8/2004 (Trans. Spanish) 1/4/2004 The Algerian Armed Forces: National and international challenges ∗ Carlos Echeverría Jesús THE ROLE OF THE ARMED FORCES: FROM INDEPENDENCE TO THE FIRST STEPS TOWARD DEMOCRACY (1962-1988) The Algerian Armed Forces arose from the National Liberation Army (ALN), particularly from the so-called ‘border army’ which, as General Jaled Nezzar recalls in his Memoirs, began to play a dominant role under the command of Colonel Houari Boumedienne in late 1959: this army relentlessly waged war on the French forces deployed on the borders of Morocco and Tunisia until the conflict ended in 1962 (1). Although the creation of the ALN itself dates back to 1954, it was not until the Summam Congress, on August 20, 1956, that its structure was determined and it became considered an instrument for implementing the policies developed by the party: the National Liberation Front (FLN). The internal struggles within the FLN-ALN tandem, both in and outside Algeria, have been described by many authors: both the confrontations within the National Council of the Algerian Revolution (CNRA) and those at the various FLN congresses during and immediately after the war –the Summam Congress (1956), Tripoli Congress (1962) and Algiers Congress (1964)– aimed at taking control of the embryo of the future Armed Forces. According to Mohamed Harbi, the session of the CNRA held in December 1959 – January 1960 was crucial, as it abolished the Ministry of the Armed Forces, replacing it with an Inter-Ministerial War Committee (CIG), directed by military officers of a General Chiefs of Staff (EMG) led by Boumedienne, who went on to become Defense Minister of the first independent government and, starting in June 1965, President until his death in 1978. -
Salafism in the Maghreb Politics, Piety, and Militancy Xwx
Salafism in the Maghreb CARNEGIE ENDOWMENT FOR INTL PEACE The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace offers decision makers global, independent, and strategic insight and innovative ideas that advance international peace. Founded in 1910 as the first inter national affairs think tank in the United States, it is a global institu tion with centers in Beijing, Beirut, Brussels, Moscow, New Delhi, and Washington. Carnegie’s network works together to provide analysis, shape policy debates, and propose solutions to the most consequential global threats. The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace does not take in stitutional positions. Its scholars embody a variety of national and regional outlooks as well as the issues that transcend them. All views expressed in its publications are solely those of the author or authors. Salafism in the Maghreb Politics, Piety, and Militancy xwx Frederic Wehrey & Anouar Boukhars 1 1 Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and certain other countries. Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America. © Oxford University Press 2019 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction rights organization. -
Stabilizing Mali Neighbouring States´Poliitical and Military Engagement
This report aims to contribute to a deeper understanding of the Stabilising Mali political and security context in which the United Nations’ stabili- sation mission in Mali, MINUSMA, operates, with a particular focus on the neighbouring states. The study seeks to identify and explain the different drivers that have led to fi ve of Mali’s neighbouring states – Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, Niger and Senegal – contributing troops to MINUSMA, while two of them – Algeria and Mauretania – have decided not to. Through an analysis of the main interests and incentives that explain these states’ political and military engagement in Mali, the study also highlights how the neighbouring states could infl uence confl ict resolution in Mali. Stabilising Mali Neighbouring states’ political and military engagement Gabriella Ingerstad and Magdalena Tham Lindell FOI-R--4026--SE ISSN1650-1942 www.foi.se January 2015 Gabriella Ingerstad and Magdalena Tham Lindell Stabilising Mali Neighbouring states’ political and military engagement Bild/Cover: (UN Photo/Blagoje Grujic) FOI-R--4026--SE Titel Stabiliser ing av Mali. Grannstaters politiska och militära engagemang Title Stabilising Mali. Neighbouring states’ political and military engagement Rapportnr/Report no FOI-R--4026--SE Månad/Month Januari/ January Utgivningsår/Year 2015 Antal sidor/Pages 90 ISSN 1650-1942 Kund/Customer Utrikesdepartementet/Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs Forskningsområde 8. Säkerhetspolitik Projektnr/Project no B12511 Godkänd av/Approved by Maria Lignell Jakobsson Ansvarig avdelning Försvarsanalys Detta verk är skyddat enligt lagen (1960:729) om upphovsrätt till litterära och konstnärliga verk. All form av kopiering, översättning eller bearbetning utan medgivande är förbjuden. This work is protected under the Act on Copyright in Literary and Artistic Works (SFS 1960:729). -
If Our Men Won't Fight, We Will"
“If our men won’t ourmen won’t “If This study is a gender based confl ict analysis of the armed con- fl ict in northern Mali. It consists of interviews with people in Mali, at both the national and local level. The overwhelming result is that its respondents are in unanimous agreement that the root fi causes of the violent confl ict in Mali are marginalization, discrimi- ght, wewill” nation and an absent government. A fact that has been exploited by the violent Islamists, through their provision of services such as health care and employment. Islamist groups have also gained support from local populations in situations of pervasive vio- lence, including sexual and gender-based violence, and they have offered to restore security in exchange for local support. Marginality serves as a place of resistance for many groups, also northern women since many of them have grievances that are linked to their limited access to public services and human rights. For these women, marginality is a site of resistance that moti- vates them to mobilise men to take up arms against an unwilling government. “If our men won’t fi ght, we will” A Gendered Analysis of the Armed Confl ict in Northern Mali Helené Lackenbauer, Magdalena Tham Lindell and Gabriella Ingerstad FOI-R--4121--SE ISSN1650-1942 November 2015 www.foi.se Helené Lackenbauer, Magdalena Tham Lindell and Gabriella Ingerstad "If our men won't fight, we will" A Gendered Analysis of the Armed Conflict in Northern Mali Bild/Cover: (Helené Lackenbauer) Titel ”If our men won’t fight, we will” Title “Om våra män inte vill strida gör vi det” Rapportnr/Report no FOI-R--4121—SE Månad/Month November Utgivningsår/Year 2015 Antal sidor/Pages 77 ISSN 1650-1942 Kund/Customer Utrikes- & Försvarsdepartementen Forskningsområde 8. -
Djerbal Yasmine S 201401 MA.Pdf (1.085Mb)
WOMEN’S CITIZENSHIP: BETWEEN BLOODLINES AND PATRIARCHAL CONDITIONING IN POSTCOLONIAL ALGERIA by Yasmine S. Djerbal A thesis submitted to the Department of Gender Studies In conformity with the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Queen’s University Kingston, Ontario, Canada (January, 2014) Copyright ©Yasmine S. Djerbal, 2014 Abstract My thesis maps a genealogy of patriarchal structures that underpin Algerian history, culture, and institutions between the war of independence and the 1991-2001 civil war. More specifically, I contextualize the ways in which patriarchal lineages and origin stories—and thus the symbolic and structural promises of the family—underpin political struggle. In mapping these symbolic lineages found at work in the promise of independence, and the ways in which they underpin political struggle, I demonstrate how the war of independence reified and redefined familial and patriarchal kinships within political and social structures. I suggest that historical and social conditionings found at work at these different historical moments have legitimated, to a certain extent, the domination over women and a normalization of violence against them. My thesis examines social and political discourses at four central moments in Algerian history. Firstly, in the constructions of the Algerian nation-state post independence in 1962; secondly, in the Islamic Renaissance of the 1980s and the creation of the Family Code; and in a third moment, I draw connections between the Family Code, violent political clashes of 1990s and the civil war that ensued. Finally, I analyze laws and discourses created after the civil war and the resistance movements that have continuously contested power and oppression throughout these different periods. -
Middle Eastern Politics & Culture
Middle Eastern Politics & Culture: TODAY & YESTERDAY By Origins: Current Events in Historical Perspective origins.osu.edu Table of Contents Page Chapter 1: Middle Eastern Politics 1 The Secular Roots of a Religious Divide in Contemporary Iraq 2 A New View on the Israeli-Palestine Conflict: From Needs to Narrative to Negotiation 15 Erdoğan’s Presidential Dreams, Turkey’s Constitutional Politics 28 Clampdown and Blowback: How State Repression Has Radicalized Islamist Groups in Egypt 40 A Fresh Start for Pakistan? 51 Alawites and the Fate of Syria 63 Syria's Islamic Movement and the 2011-12 Uprising 75 From Gaza to Jerusalem: Is the Two State Solution under Siege? 88 The Long, Long Struggle for Women's Rights in Afghanistan 101 Egypt Once Again Bans the Muslim Brotherhood, Sixty Years Later 112 Understanding the Middle East 115 Afghanistan: Past and Prospects 116 Ataturk: An Intellectual Biography 117 A History of Iran: Empire of the Mind 120 Chapter 2: Water and the Middle East 123 Baptized in the Jordan: Restoring a Holy River 124 Who Owns the Nile? Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia’s History-Changing Dam 139 Outdoing Panama: Turkey’s ‘Crazy’ Plan to Build an Istanbul Canal 150 Chapter 3: Islam, Christianity, and Culture in the Middle East 163 Two Popes and a Primate: The Changing Face of Global Christianity 164 What's in a Name?: The Meaning of “Muslim Fundamentalist” 177 Tradition vs Charisma: The Sunni-Shi'i Divide in the Muslim World 185 The Dangers of Being a Humorist: Charlie Hebdo Is Not Alone 192 Civilizations of Ancient Iraq 196 Chapter 4: Maps and Charts 200 About Origins 222 Chapter 1 Middle Eastern Politics (Image: Siria Bosra by Jose Javier Martin Esparto, Flickr.com (CC BY-NC- SA 2.0)) Section 1 The Secular Roots of a Religious Divide in Contemporary Iraq EDITOR’S NOTE: By STACY E.