Place Attachment in Rural Estonia: Qualitative Samples from Lustivere, Adavere and Obinitsa

ESTONIAN UNIVERSITY OF LIFE SCIENCES Institute of Agricultural and Environmental Sciences

Enri Uusna

PLACE ATTACHMENT IN RURAL ESTONIA: QUALITATIVE SAMPLES FROM LUSTIVERE, ADAVERE AND OBINITSA

KOHASEOTUS EESTI MAAPIIRKONDADES: KVALITATIIVNE VALIMIUURING LUSTIVERE, ADAVERE JA OBINITSA NÄITEL

THE THESIS For applying the degree of Master of Science in Landscape Protection and Preservation

Supervisor: Mart Külvik PhD Co-supervisor: Joanna Storie MSc

Tartu 2015 ABSTRACT

Modern Estonia represents a Post-Soviet society where the framework of participation in local communities is not well organised. This absence in participation practices is related to the lack of participation in the Soviet era and the unawareness of the people-place relationships within the local authorities hampers the successful introduction of participatory practices. To understand these people-place relationships the theory of place attachment (or sense of place) was applied, through Scannell and Gifford‟s “Person-Process-Place” model.

A total of 23 qualitative semi-structured interviews were conducted in the study areas of Lustivere, Adavere and Obinitsa to answer 2 research questions: (1) Which factors strengthen or weaken the place attachment of the inhabitants of the study areas; (2) How do these factors influence the inhabitants‟ will to participate in local development processes?

Place attachment in Lustivere was demonstrated through the feelings and cognitional experiences of the locals, the cultural setting, the community and the environment, whilst poor local infrastructure was the main issue. Obinitsa strengths were the feelings and cognitional experiences of the locals, the cultural setting, the community and the environment, with the main issue being discord in the local municipal council. The local environment was highlighted in Adavere, but exhibited issues within the local community, culture and infrastructure.

The correlations were strong between the interviewees‟ motivations to participate and the “Person” and “Place” dimensions. The “Process” themes were too case-specific for correlation.

This study concludes it would be necessary to examine the “Process” of how the locals develop attachment towards their place in developing a more functional participation framework in a community.

LÜHIKOKKUVÕTE

Tänapäeva Eesti näol on tegemist sotsialismijärgse ühiskonnaga ajstul, mil avalikkuse kaasamine kohalikes kogukondades ei ole kuigi pädevalt organiseeritud. See kaasamispraktika puudujääk on seotud puuduliku Nõukogudeaegse kaasamisega ning teadmatus kogukondade elanike seostest sealse elukeskkonnaga raskendab kaasamispraktika edukat introdutseerimist. Mõistmaks paremini seoseid inimeste ja nende elukeskkonna vahel, lähtuti antud väitekirjas kohaseotuse teooriast, rakendades Scannell & Giffordi „isik-psühholoogia-paik“ („Person- Process-Place“) mudelit.

23 poolstruktureeritud intervjuud viidi läbi Lustivere, Adavere ja Obinitsa kantides, et vastata kahele uurimisküsimusele: (1) Millised kohaseotuse tegurid tugevdavad või nõrgestavad uurimispiirkondade elanike kohaseotust; (2) Kuidas mõjutavad need tegurid uurimispiirkondade elanike valmidust olla kaasatud kohalikus arendustegevuses?

Lustivere elanike kohaseotust tugevdavad tegurid olid sealsete elanike emotsioonid ja kognitiivsed kogemused; sealne kultuuriareen, kogukond ja keskkond. Puudujäägid infrastruktuuris olid Lustivere peamiseks kohaseotust nõrgestavaks teguriks. Obinitsa elanike kohaseotust tugevdavad tegurid olid sealsete elanike emotsioonid ja kognitiivsed kogemused; sealne kultuuriareen, kogukond ja keskkond. Lahkhelid kohalikus vallavolikogus olid Obintsa peamiseks kohaseotust nõrgestavaks teguriks. Adavere elanike kohaseotust tugevdavaks teguriks oli sealne keskkond, kuid omas puudujääke kogukonnas, kultuuritaustas ja infrastruktuuris.

Kohaseotuse isiku ja asupaiga dimensioonide ja intervjueeritute kaasatuse valmiduse vahel olid tugevad seosed. Kohaseotuse psühholoogilises dimensioonis kajastatud teemad olid liiga indiviidipõhised, et näidata korrelatsiooni.

Uurimusest võib järeldada, et loomaks edukamaid kaasamismetoodikaid, tuleks kogukonna piires põhjalikumalt pühenduda sealsete elanike psühhoogilise kohaseotuse mõõtme teguritesse. Põhjalikud teadmised protsessist, kuidas ühe kogukonna elanike side oma elukeskkonnaga on välja kujunenud, võivad aidata luua selle kogukonna elanike jaoks vastuvõetama ja motiveerivama metoodika kaasamispraktikaks. TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ...... 1 LÜHIKOKKUVÕTE ...... 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... 4 INTRODUCTION ...... 6 1. A SENSE OF PLACE / PLACE ATTACHMENT ...... 8 1.1. Terminology ...... 8 1.2. The concept of “place“ ...... 9 1.3. What is sense of place? ...... 10 1.4. The tripartite framework ...... 12 1.4.1. Person ...... 13 1.4.2. Process ...... 13 1.4.3. Place ...... 15 1.5. Conclusion ...... 15 2. MATERIAL AND METHODS ...... 17 2.1.Study areas ...... 17 2.2. Data collection ...... 18 2.3. Data analysis ...... 20 3. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION ...... 24 3.1 The narrative of Lustivere ...... 24 3.1.1. Community resources ...... 24 3.1.2. Engagement in Lustivere ...... 26 3.1.3. Connection themes ...... 29 3.1.4. Reasons for staying in Lustivere ...... 38 3.1.5. Power ...... 39 3.2. The narrative of Adavere ...... 41 3.2.1. Community resources in Adavere ...... 41 3.2.2. Engagement in Adavere ...... 43 3.2.3. Connection themes ...... 49 3.2.4. Reasons for staying in Adavere ...... 57 3.2.5. Power ...... 58 3.3. The narrative of Obinitsa ...... 59 3.3.1. Community resources in Obinitsa ...... 59

3.3.2. Engagement in Obinitsa ...... 62 3.3.3. Connection themes ...... 66 3.3.4. Reasons for staying in Obinitsa ...... 76 3.3.5. Power ...... 77 3.4. Differences and commonalities of study areas ...... 79 3.4.1. Differences and commonalities: community resources, local issues and the past .. 79 3.4.2. Differences and commonalities: engagement and connection themes ...... 86 3.4.3. Differences and commonalities: reasons for staying and power ...... 91 3.4.4. Differences and commonalities: Conclusion ...... 94 3.5. Correlation between engagement and place attachment factors ...... 96 CONCLUSION ...... 101 REFERENCES ...... 105 Papers ...... 105 Books ...... 108 Web sources ...... 109 Other ...... 110 SUMMARY IN ESTONIAN ...... 111 APPENDIX A: THEMES OF THE INTERVIEWS ...... 115 APPENDIX B: THEMES OF THE INTERVIEWS IN ESTONIAN ...... 119

INTRODUCTION

Place attachment (or sense of place) is a concept, which aims to synthesise the many possible facets of people-place relationships into a single, comprehensive framework in order to enable a structured analysis of those place-associated themes (Scannell & Gifford 2010). Having an overview of an individual‟s or group‟s attachment towards a specific place will contribute relevant information about the inhabitant‟s behavioural patterns within that place and reasons behind it.

Modern Estonians are living in a Post-Soviet environment during an age when the outworking of public participation in local communities cannot be considered satisfactory (Fox & Murphy 2012); the locals lack the confidence to attend public assemblies and the population is decreasing in the municipalities (Palang et al. 2010), especially among the younger generations (Nugin 2014). The concept of place attachment could provide answers to why such a state has come to be and possible solutions to solve this issue of meaningless participation.

This thesis aimed to test the functionality of the framework of place attachment in rural Estonian conditions. In order to test how this model is applicable in this country, three villages – Lustivere, Adavere and Obinitsa – were chosen as the study areas. The goals of this research were to identify the factors, which strengthen or weaken the place attachment of the inhabitants of these selected rural areas and to find a correlation between these factors and the inhabitants‟ will to participate in local development processes. Thus, the research questions were:

 Which factors strengthen or weaken the place attachment of the inhabitants of the study areas.  How do these factors influence the inhabitants‟ will to participate in local development processes?

To answer these questions, a total of 23 semi-structured interviews were conducted among the inhabitants of Lustivere, Adavere and Obinitsa. The age of the interviewees ranged between 20-82 years and they were found via convenience sampling and snowball methods (Neuman 2014). The questions of the interviews were open-ended and were based on the subthemes of Scannell & Gifford‟s (2010) tripartite place attachment framework which separates the concept of place attachment into three subcategories: “Person”, “Process” and “Place”. The transcripts of the interviews were processed with the help of coding software and synthesised into narratives for each study area. The narratives were composed with a similar structure to enable comparison between study areas.

The main body of this thesis starts with a literature review and a detailed explanation about material and methods used. The results and discussion chapter is divided into three sections. The first section includes the narratives for each study area. The second section includes comparison between the study areas in order to find commonalities and differences between the place attachment themes of the locals of these villages. The third section includes the correlation analysis between the interviewees‟ place attachment themes and their local participation activity. All these results are summarised in the conclusion chapter of the main body.

Acknowledgements I would like to express my gratitude to the following people who contributed to the completion of this thesis.

Firstly I would like to thank my first supervisor Mart Külvik for all the guidance, support and faith in me. I also thank him for helping me navigate in the study area of Obinitsa.

Secondly, I am thankful for my second supervisor Joanna Tamar Storie for her constructive criticism and all the lessons in British English.

I owe many thanks to my mother and father who helped me to choose interviewees from Lustivere and Adavere.

Lastly, I thank Zane Eglāja for providing the data on Tūja, Svētciems and Dagda from the Latvian parallel study. 7

1. A SENSE OF PLACE / PLACE ATTACHMENT

Recent years have shown an apparent growth of interest in people-place relations (Lewicka 2011). This interest is partially caused by the awareness of how fragile person-place bonds have become – the causes being globalisation, increased mobility and increasing environmental problems (Scannell & Gifford 2010). The state of the people-place bonds is also reflected through the decrease of rural population in Estonia – the smallest municipalities have less than 1000 inhabitants according to recent statistics (Palang et al. 2010). A lack of awareness of person-place bonds may result in public participation practices which are not always compatible to the local community values, such as individual values of community members, connectedness within a community and power relationships both within and outside the community (Fox & Murphy 2012). In the case of Post-Soviet Estonia, Palang et al. (2010) have noted a lack of confidence to attend public proceedings regarding local landscapes with its roots of influence lying in the Soviet totalitarian regime. Ever since the collapse of the Soviet regime, Estonia‟s rural areas have been subjects to the closure of local socially relevant structures and youth migration outwards (Nugin 2014). According to Scannell & Gifford (2010), such issues might be addressed by categorising and analysing them using a comprehensive framework of people-place relationships known as “place attachment“. Understanding these relationships in the place attachment context maybe useful for developing new and more efficient approaches for public participation.

1.1. Terminology

In recent decades there have been attempts to describe a concept that is often referred to as “sense of place“ (Williams et al. 1992; Hummon 1992). Other frequently used terms include “community attachment“ (Kasarda & Janowitz 1974), “sense of community“ (Sarason 1974), “place attachment“ (Gerson et al. 1977), “place identity“ (Proshansky 1978) and “place dependence“ (Stokols & Shumaker 1981). There has been no agreement regarding its name –

8 whilst some authors use one of the terms as a generic concept that embraces others, others have often used them without distinction (Lewicka 2011). There have also been diverse approaches for evaluating place attachment at both theoretical and empirical levels; this diversity of approaches has lead to confusion with the concept that has previously hampered advances within the field of place attachment studies (Hidalgo & Hernandez 2001).

Brown & Werner (1985) and Stedman (2003) for example have treated place attachment and place identity as synonyms. On the other hand, Lalli (1992) considered the former a subcomponent of the latter. Some authors (Jorgensen & Stedman 2001) have described place attachment as a sub-concept of sense of place, along with place dependence and place identity (Scannell & Gifford 2010), whereas others have distinguished place attachment from place dependence (Lin & Lockwood 2014). For the sake of clarity in this thesis, “sense of place“ and “place attachment“ will be handled as synonymous terms, with “sense of place” being used from the perspective of the place itself, whilst “place attachment” is used from the perspective of an individual.

1.2. The concept of “place“

Place research is partly concerned with defining places and reflecting on their meaning to individuals (Lewicka 2011), but it is important to differentiate the term “place“ from physical space. According to Tuan (1977) physical space becomes “place“ when there is a meaning attached to it. Place is a centre of meaning which is formed by individual experience (Manzo 2005; Williams et al. 1992). As noted by Marcheschi et al. (2015), when a particular place has acquired meaning for an individual, he or she generally starts to associate the place with feelings of security, control and opportunities for privacy and restoration.

There have been studies that only considered place as a social environment (Hidalgo & Hernandez 2001). The problem with such a perspective is that it might generate assumptions that place attachment is directed solely towards people and not towards a particular location.

However, other studies exist that support the idea that the place's physical component should be taken into account as well (Hidalgo & Hernandez 2001). Additionally there have been attempts to go beyond the concept of place as a “residence“, to include other meaningful places such as sacred sites, workplaces and even virtual or imagined places. Whilst human experiences and aspirations are indeed the key factors to which meaning is attributed for a place, it is still clear that this process involves both the physical and social dimensions (Lin & Lockwood 2014).

1.3. What is sense of place?

Sense of place (or place attachment) is, in essence, a multi-faceted concept that consists of a complex of people-place relations (Lin & Lockwood 2014). It is a bond between an individual or group and a particular place (Scannell & Gifford 2010). The concept is commonly associated with an individual's emotional connection to a particular place. For example, Russell and Ward (1982) described it as the “unity of a geographical environment“ perceived by an individual on a psychological level. Steel (1981) however saw it more as a process where a person combines his or her own experience with a setting, essentially creating one‟s own place for oneself, that does not in fact exist separately, on its own (Williams et al 1992). Regardless of the different concepts, many scholars have accepted place attachment as a combination of social/emotional and physical/functional forms.

Affective or emotional attachment represents the social/emotional form. It is a socially constructed response that includes a deep connection to a place, which ultimately may become a part of an individual's identity (Williams & Vaske 2003). Thus, a relationship with a place is based on mood and emotion (Russell & Snodgrass 1991). Place dependency represents the physical/functional part, which includes a functional attachment to a place's physical attributes or resources. This is connected to satisfying one‟s personal needs (Kaltenborn 1998).

Place attachment as a study is relevant to several important processes (Scannell & Gifford

2010). For example on an emotional level, analysis of place attachment has been able to clarify the distress and grief of those forced to relocate (Fullilove 1996). Such knowledge can be applied in disaster psychology or mobility studies (Scannell & Gifford 2010). Some research (Kyle et al. 2005; Williams & Stewart 1998) of place attachment has been used to plan and encourage the use of public spaces. Place attachment can also shed light on an individual's environmental perception and in extreme cases, people with a strong sense of place have experienced a heightened sense of safety, even when residing in a war zone (Scannell & Gifford 2010). An individual can experience different levels of place attachment. These levels can vary strongly from an initial sense of belonging to willingness to sacrifice for the place (Marcheschi et al 2015). It has also been concluded by Hernandez et al (2007) that the duration of a time period spent in a certain place influences an individual's sense of place, thus giving it a temporal dimension.

Sense of place is commonly viewed as a spatially localised phenomenon, in which attachment is associated with a specific location (Farnum et al 2005). However, the spatial range of analysis for place attachment is a question that has not always received much attention from researchers (Hidalgo & Hernandez 2001; Lewicka 2011). As home environments are commonly considered symbols for self-continuity and positive self-image, researchers have often applied the place attachment concept to the study of home environments (Marcheschi et al. 2015). Many studies have also been conducted in the neighbourhood or at community levels, with the former being the more popular of the two. (Hidalgo & Hernandez 2001). However, since aesthetically pleasant landscape or areas with intensely exploited amenities are regarded as strong factors for place attachment, these have also been focal points for many place attachment studies (Lewicka 2011).

1.4. The tripartite framework

One of the more recent approaches to place attachment is the “Person-Process-Place” (Scannell & Gifford 2010) framework. This particular framework attempts to highlight the multidimensionality of the place attachment concept. The first dimension would be the person. In this dimension, place attachment occurs both on individual and group levels. The second dimension displays a combination of psychological processes that are manifested in place attachment such as affect, cognition and behaviour. The third dimension concerns the object, towards which the attachment has formed. In this dimension, place characteristics are explored, such as the nature of the place and specific elements of the place that have become objects for attachment (Scannell & Gifford 2010).

Figure 1: The tripartite framework of place attachment (Scannell & Gifford 2010)

1.4.1. Person

For an individual, a place becomes meaningful through personal experiences. As Manzo (2005) comments: “It is not simply the places themselves that are significant, but rather what can be called 'experience-in-place' that creates meaning“. This can include realisations, milestones and experiences of personal growth (Scannell & Gifford 2010). At the group level, it is the shared set of symbolic meanings of a place that forms attachment (Low 1992). These meanings have come from historical events, religious cultural backgrounds and other experiences that are shared with group members and which in time becomes a legacy for future generations (Scannell & Gifford 2010). Some researchers such as Jorgensen & Stedman (2001) use the term “place identity” to refer to the person dimension.

Place attachment may be based solely on religion as well. Religion can give certain places a sacred status as is demonstrated by Mecca or Jerusalem for example. It is apparent that besides bringing worshippers closer to their gods, the meaning attributed to such places motivates the followers of these gods to also play their cultural part towards the place by revering and protecting it (Mazumdar & Mazumdar 2004). This connection can display itself on an individual level as well, through personal experiences. Cultural place meanings can influence place attachment, as an individual can have personal experiences within a place. When these experiences are positive, it can help maintain, if not strengthen, cultural place attachment (Scannell & Gifford 2010).

1.4.2. Process

It is essential to explore how individuals and groups relate to a place. There are psychological interactions that occur between people and environments important to them. Some researchers such as Jorgensen & Stedman (2001) use the term “place attachment” to refer to this dimension. The three aspects that are commonly distinguished are affect, cognition and behaviour (Jorgensen & Stedman 2001; Scannell & Gifford 2010).

The aspect of affect manifests in emotions that people feel towards a particular place. Among humanistic geographers, such as Tuan (1974), belongingness is described in emotional terms such as “topophilia“ and “love of place“ (Scannell & Gifford 2010). Environmental psychologists tend to define place attachment in affective terms such as “emotional investment in a place“ by Hummon (1992) or “feelings of pride ... and a general sense of well- being“ (Brown et al 2003). However, emotions towards a place need not necessarily be positive. The range can vary from love and contentment to fear, hatred or ambivalence (Manzo 2005). Still, attachment is usually defined in positive terms (Scannell & Gifford 2010).

According to Scannell & Gifford (2010), cognition in place attachment manifests in the construction of place meaning and bonding to it. It also includes cognitions that facilitates closeness to a place. Memory is the bridge that connects place meaning to the person's sense of self (Manzo 2005; Scannell & Gifford 2010). A favourite place can be associated with certain knowledge and beliefs, which represents the character of a place and the person's connection to it. These cognitions can ultimately be synthesised into one's self-concept. When individuals draw similarities between self and place and refine them through memories, thoughts, values, preferences and categorisations, it can lead to a self-definition derived from that particular place. Unique features of a place such as architecture or historical monuments can be attached to one's self-concept (Scannell & Gifford 2010).

On the behavioural level, attachment is expressed through actions and the most defining of these actions is proximity-maintaining behaviour. According to Riemer (2004) staying far from a place towards which attachment has been formed, can result in homesickness and great desire to return or to visit the place, regardless of effort or cost. However, in some cases one may be attached to a place, yet depart from it regularly. Journeys away can sometimes help to better understand and appreciate routine aspects of their place, thus suggesting a balance between journeys and proximity-maintaining (Scannell & Gifford 2010).

Reconstruction of place is another behavioural expression of place attachment (Scannell & Gifford 2010). This can manifest in post-disaster situations where victims of a disaster aim to reconstruct their home environment in a familiar way (Geipel 1982). Another form of place reconstruction displays itself when individuals choose to relocate. When place attachment towards a person's home is strong, when selecting a new residential location, one may select a 14 location with similar characteristics to relocate to (Gans 1962). Behavioural expressions however need not necessarily be territorial. Territorial behaviours indicate a form of ownership and include marking, personalisation, aggression and territorial defence. However, place attachment behaviours can be expressed without a purpose of control, which include pilgrimages, social support and place restoration (Scannell & Gifford 2010).

1.4.3. Place

The place dimension or “place dependence” (Jorgensen & Stedman 2001) is commonly divided into two levels. The first is at the social level of place attachment. People are attached to places that facilitate social relationships and group identity. Hidalgo & Hernandez (2001) have suggested that the strength of attachment is stronger at the social level, rather than the physical one. Nevertheless, spatial level should be considered when measuring place attachment. According to Stokols & Shumaker (1981) the physical level should not be overlooked since it provides amenities or resources to support one's goals. Still, physically based place attachment generally concerned with given meaning to a certain place. The available physical characteristics themselves merely display the possible meanings a place can adopt (Scannell & Gifford 2010).

1.5. Conclusion

The concept of place attachment has been defined and applied by numerous authors in the scientific literature over time. To overcome the confusion brought by different perspectives, a tripartite framework has been developed by Scannell & Gifford to synthesise the various existing definitions of place attachment into a single, comprehensive model. The framework employs three dimensions for describing place attachment. The dimension of “person”

15 concerns the historical and cultural background of a person or a community as well as experiences of personal growth. The dimension of place explores the physical and spatial features of a place as well as the meanings, which are attached to a place as a side effect of the local social network. The dimension of process bridges the gap between the dimensions of place and person. It defines the ways in which place attachment is formed and then expressed through a person‟s emotions and behaviour towards a particular place, as well as through the meanings attributed to that place.

As different environmental problems, globalisation and mobility have increased in recent years, there has been a growing interest towards people-place relationships. Public participation in local development processes is currently lacking and understanding the relations that local individuals have with their environment may enable more efficient participation approaches to be taken. These people-place relations are based on the values of both individuals and the community as well. As sense of place or place attachment is essentially a complex of people-place relationships, it could be used to develop approaches based on the analysis of these relationships. In the case of participation it could shed light on why the current participation standards are not compatible to a particular community.

2. MATERIAL AND METHODS

2.1. Study areas

Three village or borough vicinities in Estonia (kant in Estonian) were chosen as study areas for this research. The areas were chosen based on their distance from the nearest population centre as well as their proximity to a main road. All the study areas were more than 60 km away from the nearest large cities. The vicinities of Adavere and Lustivere were chosen, as they reside within the same municipality and are both situated near the Tallinn-Tartu-Võru- Luhamaa main road. This would display commonalities and differences within a single municipality and in similar logistical conditions. The vicinity of Obinitsa was chosen as a periphery area. A similar separate study in Latvia was undertaken in three corresponding Latvian villages with similar geographic positions for comparison.

Adavere is situated in Jõgeva county, Põltsamaa municipality. Adavere was chosen as a study area near a town –Põltsamaa, which is within 8 km from the borough of Adavere. Adavere is also an example of a heavy transit area since the Tallinn-Tartu-Võru-Luhamaa highway runs directly through the borough. The local landscape is flat and open, mainly consisting of agricultural land. In 2011, the borough had 567 inhabitants according to the population studies (PC003:… 2013). The local services include a kindergarten, a primary school, a grocery store, a culture centre, a chemist‟s branch and a G.P. There is also a petrol station, a sports centre and a library. The principal local employers are the grocery store, Adavere Primary School and the agricultural enterprise “Adavere Agro AS”. Most locals, however, work in Põltsamaa.

Similar to Adavere, the immediate vicinity of Lustivere is situated in Jõgeva county, Põltsamaa municipality. The village of Lustivere is approximately 8 km from Põltsamaa. Lustivere is also near the Tallinn-Tartu-Võru-Luhamaa highway, but not in its direct vicinity. Likewise to Adavere, the local landscape is relatively flat and open and the majority of the land is used for agriculture. Lustivere had 444 inhabitants, based on the population studies in 2011 (PC003:… 2013). The local services include a kindergarten, a primary school, culture centre and a grocery store with regular visits from a hairdresser. The school also provides a

17 gym and a stadium. The local employers are the grocery store, Lustivere Primary School and the agricultural enterprise “Lustivere Agro OÜ”. Most locals, however, work in Põltsamaa.

Obinitsa is situated in Võru county, Meremäe municipality. The closest Estonian population centre is Võru town, which is within 30 km from the village of Obinitsa. The local landscape consists of hills and valleys and therefore, there proportionally has less agricultural land. The village had a population of 135 inhabitants based on the population studies in 2011 (PC003:… 2013). The local services include a kindergarten, a grocery store, a post office, a G.P., a culture centre, a restaurant offering Seto cuisine, a baker‟s shop and an ATM. There is also a gym, a library, a museum and a church. A hairdresser visits the village as well. The primary employer is the local agricultural enterprise “Obinitsa Farmid OÜ” as well as the grocery store.

The Latvian areas selected that were equivalent to Lustivere and Adavere were Tūja and Svētciems. Both are situated in the proximity of the main Riga-Pärnu road. Similarily to Lustivere, Tūja is slightly off the road while Svētciems is directly on the road. Dagda was chosen as the periphery comparison area for Obinitsa as it is situated 78 km from the city of Daugavpils and is close to the Belorussian border.

2.2. Data collection

The method of semi-structured interviews was chosen for data collection. To gain initial insight about places in different contexts, it was necessary to be able to obtain qualitative data from the study areas while keeping it structured in some manner in order to compare the results of these different areas. As Scannell & Gifford‟s (2010) tripartite framework of place attachment is multi-faceted and comprehensive, it was taken as the basis for the structure of those interviews. Thus, the subtopics were based on the “Person”, “Place” and “Process” dimension of the tripartite framework. Similarly to the example of Lin & Lockwood (2014), the questions were left open-ended and the interviewees were encouraged to explain their answers in order to find any significant place associations.

The interview subtopics of “Person” included:

• The religious background of the interviewee and the study area; • The history of the study area; • How the interviewee‟s family connects; • Engagement experiences in local planning processes; • The nature of the interviewee‟s job; • The interviewee‟s status in community; • Individual realisations and milestones regarding rural life.

The subtopics of “Place” included:

• The interviewee‟s participation in the local cultural/social arena (choirs, theatre, etc.); • How does the study area represent Estonian national symbolism/does the place have a local identity; • The local natural environment; • The local conservation practices; • The influence of anthropogenic development on local landscape; • The social influences of anthropogenic development.

The subtopics of “Process” included:

• How does the interviewee perceive the local community; • Which emotions does the interviewee have towards the study area; • Which childhood memories can the interviewee recall regarding the study area; • Which experiences has the interviewee had with rural lifestyle; • What does the interviewee value in life and how these values were formed; • How does the interviewee behave regarding the study area (proximity maintaining, homesickness etc.).

A total of 23 face-to-face interviews were conducted – 6 in Lustivere, 7 in Adavere and 10 in Obinitsa. 22 of them were single interviews; one interview in Obinitsa was conducted with a group of 3 people. Out of all the interviews, 3 were not recorded as the interviewees refused the usage of the recording device. As Palang et al. (2010) have demonstrated, the usage of the snowball method is justified in Post-Soviet Estonia, as Estonians tend to consider themselves introverts and trust is an issue. Thus, the first interviewees of each area were located using the convenience method (Neuman 2014) – the author‟s or the supervisors‟ previously established social connections to the populace of the study areas provided easy access to the initial interviewees. After the first contact was made, the snowball method (Neuman 2014) was used, where the following interviewees were located through recommendations from the first subjects.

The interviewees had to fill one of the following criteria:

 Lives in the village or the immediate vicinity;  Works or studies in the village;  Has a strong connection to the village (family, social activities).

The interviewees were chosen from different age groups to allow for more variety of responses. From each study area the age groups represented were:

 25 and below;  25-50;  50 and above.

2.3. Data analysis The interview transcripts were coded using QDA Miner software (Provalis Research). The codes used in the transcripts were grouped by the nature of the topics behind the codes: community resources, engagement, connection, reasons for staying and power. The codes were chosen in order to better structure relevant place-associated information gained from the interviewees. In stages where new themes emerged and the existing codes would not suffice, new codes were added to the list. 20

The connection codes were chosen to arrange the general place attachment themes from Scannell & Gifford‟s (2010) tripartite framework. The community resources codes highlighted the local resources and their progression through time. Reasons for staying and power codes were created to sort “Process” aspects of the interviewees‟ place attachment. Lastly, as one of the research goals was to find a correlation between the interviewees‟ place attachment and engagement activity, it was also necessary to extract any information regarding their local engagement.

The codes for community resources were attached to the transcripts when:

 The interviewee described the past differences in the local community;  The interviewee described the current resources within the local community;  The interviewee described the absence of certain resources within the local community;  The interviewee described past resources within the community;  The interviewee displayed concerns about the future of local community resources.

The engagement codes were applied when the topics discussed were concerning:

 The interviewee‟s reasons for engaging in local development;  The interviewee‟s reasons for not engaging in local development;  How the interviewee engages in local development;  Is the interviewee fulfilling a role of a deputy;  How the relevant information for engagement is accessed.

The connection codes were used when the interviewee displayed:

 Positive connection to the local natural or anthropogenic environment;  Dissatisfaction with the local environment;  Positive social connection within study area;  Family connections both within and outside the study area;  Dissatisfaction with the local social circle;

 Positive connection to the local culture;  Dissatisfaction with the local culture, passiveness in cultural activities;  Positive emotions (affect) towards the place;  Negative emotions towards the place;  Positive memories about the place;  Negative memories about the place;  Any kind of connection towards another place.

The codes regarding an interviewee‟s reasons for staying in the study area were used when the subject was resident in the area because of:

 Local employment;  Family connections within study area;  Lifestyle choices.

The power codes were applied when the interviewee expressed:

 Struggle within the community;  Signs of empowerment;  Signs of hopelessness;  The belief that the state policies determined the local development;  The belief that god determined the fate of the given place.

The results from the coding generated narratives for each of the study areas. The chapters of the narratives were structured in a similar fashion to enable comparison between different study areas. The themes displayed in all three study areas were condensed into MS Excel spreadsheets, while keeping the chapter order of the narratives intact. This would place each narrative in a separate column with matching themes placed within the same rows for easier visual comparison. The spreadsheets were created in two different colour codes. A five-level colour code was used to rate the impacts of each of the narrative subthemes to the place

22 attachment of the respective study areas. A three-level colour code was used to identify overlapping themes between the narratives of different study areas.

The correlation between the place attachment themes of the interviewees and their engagement activity was studied case by case and condensed into a separate MS Excel spreadsheet. Where possible, the engagement activity mentioned in the narratives was rated by Arnstein‟s (1969) ladder of citizen participation. However, it should also be noted that the term “engagement” or “participation in local development processes” was not strictly limited to planning proceedings and intervention in local governance. The term was left open to alternate interpretations such as actively organising local cultural events or independent actions towards developing the local community if any of these were to be displayed during the study.

Figure 2: The ladder of citizen participation (Arnstein 1969)

3. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

3.1 The narrative of Lustivere

3.1.1. Community resources

The local manor park was a commonly mentioned resource. Since several structures of the manor complex remain and have been renovated, the manor territory represents the union between natural environment and local cultural heritage. The former granary of the manor complex now serves as the local cultural centre. The park along with the manor complex was considered the core element of Lustivere‟s environment. The natural environment in Lustivere‟s immediate vicinity was generally considered precious, though it was also admitted that it does not include any rich and distinctive elements such as the Southern-Estonian hilly landscape for example.

The only downside that I could point out, is that we don’t have very good forests. I miss the beautiful pine forests of Lääne-Virumaa, in Viitna, these are clean and the trees are high. Unfortunately we don’t have that here. We have mixed coniferous forests and shrubs... I would like more forest (Female, 60 years old).

The agricultural land was considered to represent the local image of Lustivere‟s rural fringe. The local agricultural enterprise “Lustivere Agro“ was seen as a positive influence on the landscape, as it keeps the agricultural land maintained and tidy. The only slight criticism was aimed at the use of modern pesticides and herbicides. Also, there was some nostalgia regarding animal keeping, which has become non-existent in the village. There were some among the locals who maintained their backyards and grow vegetables or fruit as a hobby. It is rare to see any of these backyards untended. Lustivere was considered a fine example of a human-influenced landscape, with only a few spots being covered by shrub.

Yes. It is a whole. The pond, the park, the surroundings of the schoolhouse. It is very lovely. Though there used to be old ski tracks where now there is thicker forest. But that

is good as well. So I would say beautiful as a whole, no matter from which side you approach (Female, 37 years old).

The local village society was considered a resource, as was the Lustivere Primary School. Not only did the school ensure the presence of children in the population, it also was responsible for organising events and summer camps. The school also provided a gym and a stadium, though it was admitted that it still cannot compete with the opportunities in Põltsamaa. “You can play football here as well, but in Põltsamaa they have a coach. And a swimming pool as well. They go there as well” (Male, 58 years old).

Lustivere was reported to have a strategic location near the main road between Tartu and Tallinn. However, it was said to be isolated from the road by the landscape, thus keeping heavy traffic away. Põltsamaa offers employment and its close proximity is also considered an asset. “It influences more through employment. It is good that Põltsamaa is close by and many go to work there. In that regard it has an influence as an employer” (Male, 58 years old).

There were issues with the bus services, which were considered unsatisfactory. Lustivere had limited employment opportunities and even more so towards disabled individuals. People went to work in Põltsamaa, Adavere, Tartu, Tallinn or even abroad which isolates them from local activities. Lustivere had no doctor, chemist‟s or bank – these were accessed in Põltsamaa. Life in Lustivere was considered expensive, as there was a need to access such services elsewhere. Additionally it was said that it is difficult to market one‟s own agricultural goods. An ironic problem was the lack of apartments and housing in the village – reportedly there would be more people living in Lustivere if they had a place to stay in. ”Lustivere is full, but for example, three kilometres away, Sulustvere has several deserted houses” (Female, 62 years old).

The comparison of past Lustivere to the present one brought up the local kolkhoz era, which was remembered in a positive way. People recalled how the locals used to be more united through work and social-cultural events. This effect, however, has been replicated since the formation of the Lustivere Village Society in 2003. The only concern for the future seemed to be the planned unification of Põltsamaa town and the municipality of Põltsamaa. When that occurs, Põltsamaa would be likely to draw more attention away from Lustivere.

3.1.2. Engagement in Lustivere

The most direct example for participating in local development was having a position in the local municipal council. However, the most significant institution through which locals engaged in development was the local village society. The village society members reportedly organised different cultural events and volunteered through workgroups, such as the environmental clean-up campaign “Let‟s do it“ (Teeme ära).

There was active participation in local meetings such as the development plan proceedings and community members have also teamed up for greater causes for instance campaigning against a quarry being built in Pudivere. This would indicate the 4th level of participation by Arnstein – consultation. There have also been community efforts towards maintaining the local manor park. In the case of Lustivere it was possible to notice an interesting trend: At some point, certain activists emerged and acted towards improving the local community life, others started to follow suit, especially regarding the manor park and the local natural environment.

Look, I had positive experiences when people started to think how to make Lustivere more beautiful. Then they created the Umbusi river project. A local worked in the Environmental Board and they built a fish ladder. So the river was maintained and the riverbanks as well. Thanks to that we have everything mowed around here and the Estonian Road Administration made us a road for light traffic so the children could reach the bus stop safely. As one started to develop something, others started to emerge and generate their own ideas as well (Female, 60 years old).

There have also been cases of participation regarding the local school. The graduates of the local school have been invited back to share their experiences in their education field and there was even an example of a local graduate returning to teach in the local school via the “Back to school“ (Tagasi kooli) project which offers former pupils the chance to assume the role of a teacher. It was also reported that there have been camps organised for children at the local school, which teach them about nature and rural lifestyle.

3.1.2.1. Reasons for engagement

The primary reason for engagement was the wish to improve the local community. This was a result of the local positive attitude. It was believed that if there is something wrong, effort should be directed towards fixing it. “Who has the will, has the ability”. Another typical reason was the need to stay active to avoid becoming too comfortable. Curiosity about community events was also a motivator. Sometimes the locals demonstrated a team spirit by allowing their friends or family members to drag them along. Lastly, some people reported having an interest in local participation due to their upbringing.

Certainly. I think it is connected to my upbringing, so to speak. Since childhood I have been taught to behave that way back home. Therefore it must have set an example to me (Male, 58 years old).

It was suggested that occasionally, participation depends on the topic, as different people have their own preferences. However, the local natural environment and the manor park within the village have always been the key targets for active maintenance. The environment of Lustivere was associated with a “tidy“ image and the community continues to keep it that way.

Trees in the park. Lustivere is beautiful as a whole. You cannot just bring up any details. It is tidy as a whole. I don’t know any ugly part of it (Female, 37 years old).

3.1.2.2. Reasons for disengagement

The locals were generally active in engagement, but in some cases work schedules could restrict participation in some events or public discussions. Health or age could also have a similar effect, though these mostly restrict participation in more physical activities such as volunteer work campaigns.

There are different opportunities to participate. I used to be part of the clean-up bees in the spring. Now I can’t because of my health, then I find other things to do, for the village. Whatever I can manage both physically and mentally (Female, 50 years old).

In the case of the younger generations, work and education were reasons for disengagement. During primary school or high school, the younger locals did not display the initiative to engage and whilst they nurtured their personalities during their university experiences in Tartu or Tallinn, they were slowly building up a connection with these cities and did not feel their voices were needed in the community of Lustivere. “Now that I am away? Since the time I have been in Tartu, I don’t feel the purpose personally” (Female, 37 years old).

3.1.2.3. Access of information

The main source of accessing local engagement-related information was the engagement process itself. Face to face communication seemed to play an important role. Community members actively participated in public discussions such as local planning proceedings where they can share and receive different perspectives. Participation in the local events were also a way to receive information. The local activists were known and approached when information was needed and they were willing to share it of their own accord as well. Regarding media channels, the Internet was mentioned, though it seemed to be more relevant to the younger locals.

3.1.3. Connection themes

3.1.3.1. Environmental

The native locals had fond memories regarding the natural environment of Lustivere. Many of the locals remembered special places such as meadows or forest patches that were connected to their childhood experiences. Those who did not live in Lustivere anymore, admit to seeking those places out when returning. A theme mentioned by newcomers was that the environment of Lustivere reminds them of their birthplace. The place was associated with peace and freedom.

In my youth I used to herd cows and walk through all the fields with my herd. And those riverbanks where I played with the flowers. All of my youth plays a part. It is probably the reason why I feel connected to this environment (Female, 60 years old).

The area in Lustivere‟s immediate vicinity was said to be a typical agricultural landscape. The native locals had childhood memories of farm work, which increases their attachment towards the landscape. The human influence on the landscape was considered to be a positive factor, which was even considered to be lacking where there were still some patches of shrub where maintenance had not occurred. However, these areas were usually areas with no clear owner after the end of Soviet era. Inside the village, the local gardens and backyards further contributed to the rural image. “I even remember how we would do some weeding during school breaks. We could earn some pocket money” (Female, 25 years old).

The natural areas, outside of the agricultural areas, were not considered particularly distinctive, but many accounts claimed that “the predictability“ had its own charms. Interviewees did not perceive it as a tourist attraction, but still good enough for local recreational activities such as walking or jogging. “When you think about it, there is not much to say about it. But this “ordinary” landscape has its own charms as well” (Female, 50 years old).

The natural environment was highly regarded in Lustivere, such as the local plant life, which was considered rich in protected species and people have had to work together to conserve it.

For example, there was an active campaign against a quarry in Pudivere, which was a threat to the local water table. The locals were also aware of the karst area in the vicinity, which exposes the groundwater to possible pollution from the surface.

There were reports of a few mishaps such as overprotection of the local park or individual trees by the Environmental Board.

[We] also had issues with the park. It is preserved here like all the manor parks. But I think the Environmental Board forgot that we had this park here. Shrub invaded heavily. It wasn’t the same park anymore, the estate owners back then would’ve never let it grow like that. And then when we cleaned this mess up, we fixed it – not by ourselves, we had park designers to guide us here… and then the Environmental Board suddenly discovered it and now the preservation is so tight you cannot even cut a single branch (Female, 60).

Whilst the Soviet era had positive effects on the local social life, it was said that the greatest damage to the local environment was done during that time period. The mentality at that time was reportedly less directed towards conserving nature and thus, the local plant life suffered greatly, even though it is still considered plentiful. Currently there were some issues with the local forest areas due to some felling and because there were still those who use the natural environment for waste disposal. “I mostly jog in the forest so if I see something out of place, it is usually waste that has been dropped there. It’s a bit disturbing” (Female, 25 years old).

3.1.3.2. Social

The local community was seen as strong. Among the activists there had emerged both leaders and followers who allow themselves be dragged along and directed in order to support the local community. The locals associated their fellow community members with empathy and there were many who were actively willing to help and support others in need. Strong relationships between neighbours and different families were not uncommon. It was also said

30 that since the community was not too big, it was easy to prove oneself to the social circle and find support. Newcomers reported integration to Lustivere‟s community to be easy. “I can’t say that they don’t welcome newcomers or that they look at them in a suspicious way. It is up to each person, how they are welcomed” (Female, 50 years old).

Participation in the village society was an important opportunity to facilitate and maintain local relationships. The society had unified all the 7 villages in the immediate vicinity and had even brought results, as Lustivere was chosen as the Village of the Year in 2013. The local culture centre had become the gathering place for cultural events and it is said that the locals participate actively in events throughout the year. The local agricultural enterprise was also seen as a part of the community for its participation and support in local volunteer workdays.

It is nice that we have this agricultural enterprise here. It is possible to ask for transport there and in some ways it connects… If you need to transport something for the work bees they won’t stand apart from the community. We try to get them involved from time to time (Female, 60 years old).

Those who had left the village because of education or work still reported maintaining ties to the village through their families. When they returned, they were generally recognised by other locals and even have retained their reputations. “Perhaps I am more known as the artist” (Female, 25 years old). However, there were slight issues involved with recent newcomers who viewed the young returnees as strangers.

I do feel as a native and one of their own. But maybe these young ones who are 20 and so. They don’t know me and view me as an outsider. I personally feel a part of the community (Female, 37 years old).

Family was valued strongly in Lustivere and the locals had a respect towards their roots. There were influences from their upbringing and the locals demonstrated the will to pass simple family values on to their offspring. Newcomers reported having family ties elsewhere, but no serious disconnection issues from Lustivere regarding these bonds.

But family ties, I have connections with other families. But my own… I don’t have siblings here. Not in this region. They live farther away. And I communicate with them

all the time. But here I have ties with other families and friendships (Male, 58 years old).

Newcomers reported that the general attitude of a Lustivere local was more reserved than in some other places in Estonia, for example Setomaa. There were still some people who were passive, mostly recent newcomers. In the case of younger Lustivere natives, work and education opportunities elsewhere created a distance from their community. It was also said that modern agriculture did not support interaction as much, since there were more machines and less farmworkers around.

Well, inevitably, to be able to succeed in agriculture, you need technology. A lot of technology and only a few workers. It is inevitable, you can’t simply do it like we used to. Like we used to work in the summers with our own hands. You won’t go far (Female, 37 years old).

3.1.3.3. Cultural

There was little to no religious background in Lustivere and people were not really aware of the religious affiliations of their community members. Religious themes were tied mostly to newcomers whose previous community had a religious background. However they kept their religious practices within their previous community, if at all. However there were themes of spirituality and simple affection towards nature. Religion was not despised and there were even some ideas that religion might unify a place such as Lustivere if coordinated by the right kind of people. In conclusion, Lustivere was seen more as a cultural and historical place rather than a religious one.

But in Setomaa it was strongly rooted in [religion] and I remember how my parents visited the church almost every Sunday. They went to the church and brought their children along... it is a sacred place after all. Even today when we have visited the

church, there are a lot of people. Young and old. Not to mention the big holidays. Here the church holidays and such... it isn’t happening here (Male, 58 years old).

It was known that Lustivere has a long history and there are people who have documented it. However this was not a general trait, as there were people who were not aware of the history or people who only knew some part of it. The manor history was one aspect of history that was more well known among the locals. Another strong theme was the importance of one‟s roots.

And now I wish that everything would become documented one day and the locals could read where they really live. Because I think roots are important. It is something precious. If one does not know his roots, it is not a proper life. One must know. That’s why I recommend to find your roots at a young age (Female, 60 years old).

The village society hosted several events throughout the year, most of which were held in the culture centre. The local audience had many members and even those who were not currently living in Lustivere sometimes participated in these events. Folkdance had always been considered the trademark activity of Lustivere and there had been many local dance festivals. Another tradition was to have a “village days” festival every four years. Many of the locals valued the fact that there are such consistent traditional events held in Lustivere.

The folkdance. There are folkdance festivals every two years, since the first ones started, the emergence of these cultural traditions… it has been the greatest developments for me. It left me a deep impression and we have other traditions as well here (Female, 50 years old).

The locals had a chance to participate in dance groups and ensembles, though lately it was reported to be difficult to gather enough people for an ensemble since many former members had left the village because of work. There were also a few of those who liked to engage in sports, rather than cultural events.

When asked about the identity of Lustivere, many agreed that the locals of Lustivere are “typical Estonian rural people.“ However, it was also suggested that the trademark of the locals is folkdance. It was claimed that when an event is held around Põltsamaa, the people from Lustivere are always the first ones on the dance floor.

3.1.3.4. Affect

The inhabitants of Lustivere seemed to have positive feelings towards their village. They expressed happiness and satisfaction with the place. Pride was also shown, but there were those who did not boast as much and simply expressed genuine joy and contentment. Those who lived in the village mostly saw it as the right place to stay in – it was loved the way it currently was. Lustivere was known as the place where people come to stay. Thus, the locals had usually stayed for a long time in the village and had time to adapt.

The positive emotions were connected to the environment and the lifestyle it offers. The locals enjoyed a peaceful life and rural chores or activities that require doing things for themselves, such as gardening. It was also added that newcomers felt they were accepted into the community within a short time and there was a trust between locals. The young who had left, expressed gratitude for growing up in Lustivere and sometimes harboured thoughts of returning one day.

Yes, they gather in their backyards and have a barbecue and socialise, this is a summer-time activity. It unites and brings people together. And the neighbours as well (Male, 58 years old).

The village was held in high regard and some locals were not ashamed to compare it to other village vicinities in the municipality. Younger generations had high opinions of the local school and its education.

Perhaps I got a stronger educational basis. The school was small and even when I went to high school in Põltsamaa, I could feel that my education was stronger than that of my peers (Female, 25 years old).

The villagers who engaged in the activities of the village society expressed a wish to further develop the local village life. Achieving the Village of the Year title in 2013 was a reward for those efforts and continued to motivate locals. The place offered plenty of cultural self- actualisation for those seeking it.

There were strong feelings towards Lustivere's environment, which was considered to be beautiful and well maintained as a whole, for instance the manor buildings and park were warmly regarded by the locals. People's memories of the place tended to be positive ones and were connected to the environment and a selection of special places from the past.

But nowadays I still... I used to go and see where the first primulas would bloom, where they used to be. I go to see different flowers, I know where they bloom during spring. I think I might go see them this spring as well, not this weekend, but the next maybe (Female, 37 years old).

The main source of disappointment was a contingent of locals who simply did not participate in events or local development, despite the welcome from the locals. Some of the newcomers had only recently moved there and there had been a few who left as well, due to personal difficult circumstances.

Yes, perhaps they had some faults with them, maybe they just had problems with alcoholism and then they left… But those who manage their lives have not left (Male, 58 years old).

3.1.3.5. Memory

Those born in Lustivere had warm memories from their childhood. These memories were connected to upbringing and rural lifestyle, as they were taught to handle different chores around the household and fields. Upbringing was a source of life values that are still followed in the later stages of life. Those who had stayed or had moved in from elsewhere, have, depending on their age, managed to stay in the area for quite a while and had even seen the older generations being replaced with younger ones. There were some locals who still stayed in their ancestral home, even if they were in their later years themselves.

Fortunately we don’t have those drifters and passers-by. What I always hear regarding Adavere school and such… we don’t have people like that. Our population is aging 35

though, but everyone has stayed here a long time, we have a lot of people. So the roots are here and that is why we have this unity (Female, 60 years old).

Those who remembered the Soviet times, admitted that there were times when there used to be more social activity, connected with agricultural and cultural life. The transition from the local kolkhoz to the village Lustivere is today, had left a mark. However, the foundation of the village society was considered an important milestone, which had started to restore the cultural activity the village used to have. Even the younger generations, who had left the village, remembered participating in local events or cultural groups. Some still visited such events when possible. “There were performances and events. Nowadays maybe on summer festivals I go to some events, but not to perform” (Female, 25 years old).

The environment played a part in the memories of the villagers. Many natives had fond memories of special places in the vicinity they used to visit. The Soviet influences to the landscape had been upsetting since reportedly the local plant life was less diverse than it used to be before the kolkhoz. There were both good and upsetting memories of the Environmental Board's conservation activities regarding the local park and other natural objects – these activities had not been forgotten and were still recalled.

It is right here, in front of the culture centre, there is this walkway with streetlights and all… the construction of the walkway was halted, because the preservation officials came there and all other activists, whatever they did there. One official after the other. So it seems that somebody cares that the things would be preserved here. I guess they reached a compromise (Female, 50 years old).

Newcomers had strong memories associated with their previous communities, but these had not stopped them from integrating in Lustivere. In some cases there were similarities between a newcomer's past community and Lustivere, regarding the community activities. Similarities had been spotted at the environmental level as well – Lustivere's environment reminded people of the environment of their previous community.

From the negative perspective, there were some newcomers in the village that had not fully integrated into the society, seen as strangers by some. When members of the younger

36 generation occasionally returned to the village, they themselves were seen as strangers by the recent newcomers. The lack of the newcomers' contact to the community had caused them to remain outside of the local context – they were not part of the memories of the villagers who have inhabited Lustivere for a longer period of time.

So yes, I am one of their own among older people. But these younger ones. 10 years ago if I didn’t know a child, I still knew his or her parents. But now I don’t know the child, nor the father or mother (Female, 37 years old).

3.1.3.6. Connection to other places

Members of the younger generations often left the area due to education and work since universities are in larger cities such as Tartu or Tallinn and even a high school education was obtained in Põltsamaa. Cities also had a better range of work opportunities, which kept the younger generations there after graduating from university. In some cases this led to a lifestyle balanced between workdays spent in the city and the weekends in the countryside. However, as young people tend to find partners and start their own families at that stage of life, the weekends might not always been spent in Lustivere, if the partner also had come from a rural settlement.

This is a crossroad now. Possibly at one point I would want to go to Mulgimaa (Viljandimaa) instead, I have two choices – my line or my husband’s line. I don’t have a vacant farm awaiting me in Lustivere though. Perhaps there would be some place to stay in, but... this is a choosing point. Either this rural area or that one (Female, 37 years old).

The older generation of newcomers in Lustivere occasionally had connections with their past communities which occasionally took them away, even if not for long. Though Lustivere was considered a satisfying place to live in, there were some statements of it not being the “one and only“ as any other Estonian rural area might also seem attractive.

I have not really lived elsewhere, besides Võrumaa. When I travel around Estonia, I sometimes have thoughts that “I could live here“. I just recently visited Äksi and was driving next to lake Saadjärv. It was pleasant. But I am very pleased with Lustivere. Cosy (Female, 62 years old).

3.1.4. Reasons for staying in Lustivere

The principal reason for staying in Lustivere seemed to be lifestyle. The older generations felt that Lustivere was a good place for engaging in a rural lifestyle such as food production, even as a hobby. It was also said that Lustivere was a good place for raising children – an attitude which had come from growing up in the same place or another place with a similar environment. Younger people who did not live in Lustivere found that a lifestyle balanced between the city and the countryside was also desirable. “I find the current life to be my optimum. During the week you stay in the city, during weekends you go to the countryside. A balance” (Female, 37 years old).

The interviewees of Lustivere described that one of the positive aspects of rural community life, was that it was easier to stand out and voice your opinion. It was said that a rural environment was a good place for growing one‟s character. It was, however, acknowledged that there are downsides such as the lack of employment and nearly non-existent possibilities to sell one's agricultural products. It was said that to be successful in a rural environment, one has to be enterprising and creative or simply wealthy enough.

Family bonds did not seem to be the dominating reason for staying in Lustivere. Staying for employment used to be more relevant in the Soviet era when people were appointed or invited to Lustivere to accept a certain job offer. Currently this rarely was the case.

3.1.5. Power

The theme of empowerment was strongly represented in Lustivere. People felt part of the community and there was pride towards the community and its members. There was also a basis of trust between the locals since they had experience from working together to achieve a greater goal – such as the campaign against the quarry in Pudivere. The locals felt they have comrades to count on.

When they wanted to create the quarry – this brought people together. Dear god! They wanted to open a quarry in Pudivere – and they did eventually. And this was strongly opposed, because we have lots of quarries in the vicinity. We have karst areas here and they even discovered an underground lake near the culture centre. And people were afraid of the explosions and what it might do to the karst area. And this brought the people… and also new members for the village society. To fight against the quarry (Female, 60 years old).

The locals seemed to be self-aware and capable in their endeavours. There was a general positive way of thinking, and a firm belief that when life is unsatisfactory, it should be fixed by personal effort. Some individuals were even upbeat and there was also a certain level of self-esteem, even signs of regarding Lustivere's area of immediate vicinity in a better light than the neighbouring areas. Some of the locals felt the need to work for the community's sake as well as for the sake of not becoming too passive and comfortable. “Yes, precisely. The important thing is to stay active and alive, because it is easier to just sit back at home” (Female, 50 years old). The locals also displayed an open-mindedness towards new ideas. For example, some individuals would not have minded if the village had some religious activities, if organised well. There was also a generally positive attitude towards modern agricultural technology.

It was apparent that the Lustivere Village Society is running the local events and was seen as a central organisation to the village. “Definitely no repercussions. The village society acts, R. always welcomes everyone who returns there. There is no spoiled younger generation” (Female, 37 years old).

Some of the locals considered the founding of the village society to be a historically important event. It was mentioned that as some people started to work out new ideas in local development, others were inspired and followed suit. Inspiration through example was also apparent through the title of Village of the Year 2013. Whilst it was a credit to the local activists for their community input, it also was said to have inspired those locals who had not contributed anything towards gaining the title.

Several interviewees held the idea of a rural lifestyle in high regard. However, the lack of local infrastructure services resulted in some criticism being directed towards the state's policies and their way of running local services. The absence of medical care and lack of employment in the village seemed to be the most critical issues. There was also some anxious anticipation towards the unification of Põltsamaa town and municipality, which might bring future struggles to the locals. The locals seemed to perceive that the municipality and state will have a strong influence over Lustivere‟s future.

The Environmental Board had also been a cause of struggle for some locals. It was reported that the manor park was overly protected and there have been some unwise moves towards other natural objects. For example there had been a tree beside the culture centre, which should have been cut down, but the Environmental Board did not allow it. Eventually the tree had fallen on the roof of the neighbouring building, causing property damage. “|And then there was nobody who would compensate anything. They would not take the blame for forbidding it to be cut down” (Male, 58).

The cultural and social arena also caused struggle to some individuals. As several members of the local dance group had gone to work abroad, their participation in the dance rehearsals and events had become less frequent. It was also said that in recent years it was hard to assemble a youth ensemble, as the younger individuals were not as interested in those activities. There were less people to count on.

I have tried to assemble an ensemble the past few years, but I can’t manage. There are no people. Some have got old, the youngers are not that interested anymore. Work is also an obstacle for the gatherings and we can only wait to see what happens with the dance groups. The dancers as well go to work far away. A few of the older male

dancers went abroad last year. They used to come back every two weeks but now they come once a month. It is not possible anymore (Male, 58 years old).

Health was a minor restricting factor, causing struggle for some individuals who would otherwise participate more in community events.

3.2. The narrative of Adavere

3.2.1. Community resources in Adavere

A theme commonly mentioned in Adavere was that it has a strategic position in the centre of Estonia and near the main road between Tallinn and Tartu. The access to this road was considered an asset by some of the locals whilst others complained about the dangers of it running through the village. The local manor park was held in high regard by the locals, as well as the passers-by, but some felt the road disrupted the image.

What is a whole different subject, is the highway. I don’t even want to talk about that. This divides the community and goes right through these beautiful fields here... splits them in half (Female, 44 years old).

The local services included a primary school, a kindergarten, a grocery store and a petrol station. Medical care was also available. However, there had been complaints about institutions slowly closing leading to unemployment. The school was held in high regard and there were concerns displayed about it being closed due to Estonia‟s education policy, which was focusing education in county centres. The sports centre was also considered a resource:

I like when people associate skating with Adavere. And not only at the professional level, but as most of the local students... my sisters who are 7 and 10 years older, their classmates all can skate and even if you don’t go for a sports career, I think you can get a decent P.E. background in Adavere. Even decades after graduating, people go to

skate somewhere or do something else. I think this has always been top notch in Adavere, children being taught to love sports (Female, 20 years old).

Unemployment and lack of infrastructure services were considered to be the primary issues in the area. The agricultural enterprise “Adavere Agro“ was seen as the main employer in Adavere and was said to employ approximately two hundred workers. Still, the employment possibilities in Adavere were considered poor and not comparable to Põltsamaa town 8 kilometres away. The bus schedule was unsatisfactory and a ticket to Põltsamaa was considered expensive. The variety of local grocery stores were said not to be able to compete with the supermarkets in Põltsamaa. Adavere was also missing a post office, and a bank or ATM. The human resources of Adavere were also considered partly dysfunctional as newcomers flowed through at a fast pace, not enduring long in the jobs that the local employers have to offer.

But today... people have started drifting a lot, there are a lot of social outcasts who cannot work in any field. They are abundant (Female, 78 years old).

The comparison of the once glorious Adavere exemplary sovkhoz to the current Adavere further highlighted the lack of local opportunities. The sovkhoz used to have all the funds they needed and an enthusiastic leader who managed to maintain the local social and cultural networks and even held nature conservation in high regard. The only currently recognised issue was the lack of awareness or disinterest regarding the nitrate-sensitive surface, which resulted in local groundwater pollution.

Those really were the glory days since... we did not know how to count money. We got that much. Very strong funding. I was working here. We got money in a backpack, we did not feel left out. There was no point in counting it. When something needed building, it was built. Everything was handled. No problem! It was an exemplary sovkhoz and we could afford it (Female, 78 years old).

Currently the inhabitants were worried about the local employment and infrastructure services and it was also recognised that the loss of the primary school would be a drastic setback for the community. As the main road between Tallinn and Tartu was being relocated, there were

42 people who worried about the project‟s influence on the community.

And this highway is planned to run through another place entirely. On the other side of my property. This would doom Adavere. When they build it like they intend to (Female, 62 years old).

3.2.2. Engagement in Adavere

According to the interviews held in Adavere there were 3 institutions where the locals engaged or had previously engaged in local development. These institutions were the local municipal government, Adavere Manor Society and Adavere Primary School.

Firstly an example of engagement in the municipal government was as a member of the municipal council. However, it was also mentioned that some had participated in the public proceedings regarding the local development plan, which would represent Arnstein‟s 4th rung on the participation ladder – consultation. Examples of participation also included being involved as a member and helping to organise local cultural events for the Adavere Manor Society. Those involved with the school also expressed involvement through organising events for students and their parents. Being a member in the school council was another way mentioned of participating. In addition there were reports of regular public discussions in the past that were held in the local school, but which involved the members of the municipal council as well as anyone else with the will to participate. According to the interviewees, this was possibly an example of Arnstein‟s placation level participation.

Yes. I remember when I was in the municipal council. When I was in there I started a thing, for myself. I called it the “manor gathering“. The locals, the council members and anyone who was interested, they all came together. Every two weeks on Mondays from 6-9 p.m. We discussed a lot of things. And how many things we managed to get done! Things that did not require a council. Sometimes you just needed 100 kroons to do something. And someone just provided it from their pocket and had it done. Those

were fun times (Female, 44 years old).

Outside of these institutions, the interviews provided several examples of engagement via personal initiative. Many of these cases have been of a trivial but urgent nature – the kind that would not require the attention of the local municipal government. The most radical examples included donating a small amount of cash to solve a trivial but urgent issue or someone throwing sand on frozen walkways using their own personal resources. Those more active than the general population have demonstrated curiosity towards the happenings in the village as well as the will to intervene when it is deemed necessary.

3.2.2.1. Reasons for engagement

As mentioned above, there was a contingent of villagers who displayed concern and awareness towards Adavere and were willing to engage in local development. However among the less active population it seemed to be common to participate only when a development or occurrence involved them personally.

I have been once, when the new Tallinn-Tartu highway project came. I of course keep myself informed of those things that involve myself. But I don’t think community-wise. I am very individualistic, only what involves myself (Female, 62 years old).

Those with a history of successful participation pointed out the satisfaction, which came when their choices and opinions had made a difference in the course of a local development, thus having a motivational effect. “Yes, if you have voiced your opinion and you witness the impact of it, it inspires you to do more” (Male, 43 years old).

Local activists have shown a general will to work for the sake of the community. These people have shown pride in what they do, as well as pride and respect towards other activists in the community. The sense of pride was also reflected in a somewhat protective stance against criticism directed towards Adavere.

I can never respect those who say “oh how horrible it is here in Adavere“. I mean... what do you do in order for it not to be horrible?” (Female, 44 years old).

However, some cases have also shown engagement based on personal habits or lifestyle. The main themes mentioned were:

 The habit of challenging oneself;  The habit of collaborating with other individuals;  The habit of generating new ideas;  The habit of being constantly alert about the community;  Curiosity towards what is taking place within the community and when.

In the case of some newcomers, these habits came with them from their previous place of residence, especially when their previous community was said to have a strong social network. Their current efforts displayed a sense of reconstructing their previous community in Adavere.

I came from Rakke to here the same way. What Rakke today doesn’t have, but Adavere has.... Rakke used to have different Christmas parties. Those plays, written by our physics teacher where a lot of children could act in it. It was a whole and it was a very anticipated event each year. Today the same tradition has been in Adavere for 20 years. Not anymore in Rakke. I brought it here with me (Female, 44 years old).

3.2.2.2. Reasons for being disengaged

A couple of the activists in the community admitted not always having time for engagement as their everyday schedule may sometimes pose difficulties. Some villagers considered themselves as not very socially interactive and thus, keep their distance. As for the passive villagers, the main reasons for not participating seemed to be caused by the their own social habits. For example, some of the Adavere locals reported having a social circle in the past but

45 as time went on, friends and acquaintances moved away to cities. As the flow of people, both inwards and outwards displays a rapid turnover, it has been difficult to form new and lasting relationships.

My social circle, which was there, they all have moved away from there. Yes, I don’t have new friends or acquaintances there. I have my family and the rest of the significant people live away from there, not even here in Põltsamaa. My friends are all in Tartu or Tallinn, those from my school days and university time. I don’t have friends in Adavere, most have left (Female, 56 years old).

It was also mentioned that some of the newcomers were known to be socially excluded people, with possible criminal tendencies, who had moved into the village to get a cheap apartment. In a single interview case the phrase “mean people“ was used repeatedly. There also were opinions that the general populace has a low degree of education and there is nothing much to build meaningful communication on.

But the educational level there... Let’s be frank. With certain people the communication... the village level... I am not interested. I think you understand what I mean. I don’t think of myself as having some grand intellect or anything. But I don’t really have any subjects to discuss with the locals. Only hello, good bye and how are your cabbages growing this year (Female, 56 years old)

There were also implications that the other villages in Adavere‟s immediate vicinity were not involved in Adavere‟s community actions as they each seem to have their own micro- community as opposed to Lustivere‟s area of influence where all seven villages are united under a single village society. According to one interviewee who lived in Kalme, which is situated about 1.5 kilometres from Adavere, these small communities might have been even more functional than that of Adavere itself.

No, practically nothing to do with Adavere. With Kalme rather... we have active people in that village who always arrange the Midsummer Day bonfire. When we get together and speak... but we don’t really communicate elsewhere. And then there is at least one

family in that village with whom I converse more often. So with the village... and there was this young man who arranged our neighbour watch, in Kalme and through the neighbour watch we also communicate. So when we founded it, we placed signs and we have to keep our eye on one another if there are any suspicious strangers around. So these are the things that connect us more in the village than they do in Adavere (Female, 62 years old).

Connection with other places was also a common disconnecting factor. Even among the activists there were people who at some point moved to Adavere from another community. In many accounts these communities proved to be more stable than in Adavere and there were locals who had not severed their past ties with these social circles. In more harmless cases these connections resulted in pulling people away on certain holidays or family-related events. However, in some cases these outward connections involved their interviewee‟s entire lifestyle. There were impressions of Adavere as simply a dormitory village where most of the day was spent either at work or in some other place of importance, for example a childhood home or summerhouse.

Yes, this is the home where I go after my workday. But if possible, I get out of there. When we have vacations, weekends, we are away. Usually. And I tell you where: Either my childhood home in Alatskivi or we go to our summer house in Kabli. So on weekends I go away (Female, 56 years old).

Another case, involved a local speed skater who spent a lot of her time abroad, she felt reluctant towards participating in public discussions as she believed important decisions should first of all be made by those who live in the area permanently, not by one with such a mobile lifestyle:

Yes, definitely. I would like to voice my opinion. But since I am not in Estonia for most of the year, I think it sounds a bit odd to all these locals – if I go and start voicing my opinion while I am not even around here for most of the time (Female, 20 years old).

A common reason not to engage in participation was when the individual did not have any personal connection towards the development in progress. When the development was at the

47 community level, there was a certain lack of interest and detachment. This detachment was influenced by the social reasons above, as well as emotional factors such as distress and shame towards the community, as well as the landscape, which in some accounts by interviewees was considered unsatisfactory.

I am sure there are some signs and announcements in front of the store there. I don’t read them, I don’t even go to the store. I do my shopping in Põltsamaa and go back there. I am not that interested (Female, 56 years old).

Lastly, it was recognised that Põltsamaa is the gravity centre, which pulls the attention away from Adavere.

3.2.2.3. Access of information

The main source of engagement-related information seemed to be the engagement process itself. Information was gained through participation in meetings such as development plan proceedings, school council meetings or the manor society meetings and cultural events. Much of the information moved between social circles, which in some cases unites different generations. The most radical people gained their information by sheer intervention, with both familiar social circles and strangers alike. However all of the above was only applicable for the more active individuals in the community. The passive interviewees displayed a general disinterest in local development and as such, did not even seek related information.

The theme of media channels was brought up as well, with the Internet and television regarded as relevant sources of information.

I gladly participated. No wasting of my time. I would go even today, but my condition holds me back. Because they do these things even today, but then again I can get a lot of information through the Internet or the TV. Especially the Internet (Female, 78 years old).

3.2.3. Connection themes

3.2.3.1. Environmental

There were mixed feelings about the environment within and around Adavere. The natural environment was still perceived as an important part of the local community. On a more abstract level, the rural environment was associated with peace, quiet and stress management. Both the local manor park and the river Põltsamaa nearby were held in high regard. On a more pragmatic level, however, it was found that Adavere is strategically well located, being situated in the centre of Estonia and having access to the main road.

I think Adavere is in a strategic location. Towards every direction it is about the same distance to drive and I don’t think it would stop me from working if I stay there. I could’ve moved away ages ago. I find that... since my house and life is there... private enough. And in the same time not too big a place (Male, 43 years old).

The locals displayed awareness of certain landscape elements and features. The local soil was known to be fertile, while also slightly stony. It was a common attitude that the local environment is significantly impacted by human influence and is now a trademark of the fringe of Adavere. Agriculture was seen as modernised and people had mixed feelings concerning the landscape: it was acknowledged as a potential threat to the natural environment, however there were also those who believed that the human influence was mostly positive. It was commonly agreed that the damage was already done in the Soviet era. Criticism, however, was aimed at the modern agricultural machinery where seed is sown without first ploughing the soil.

In several reports by the interviewees it was implied that recent developments such as the establishment of the local ski tracks have been an appropriate development. However, this opinion was also challenged, as there are some who felt that the local sports scene was getting too much funding at the cost of other local opportunities.

Well... the project of our health park. There have been a lot of decisions to make, either this or that. And here is apparent the fracture in our community. That “the skate field is

our Nokia and all our funds go there“ and this... (Female, 43 years old).

While there were people who were not aware of local nature conservation practices, it has been reported that the regulations that had been set at state level were firm and strict, if not too strict. These regulations had been on a strict level historically, except for the protection of the local nitrate-sensitive surface, which was a post-Soviet development. However, it was also said that the funding for nature conservation was significantly higher in the past due to Adavere being an exemplary sovkhoz and its chairman holding nature conservation in high regard. While there were no arguments about the protection of the local manor park, it has been implied that some rules regarding the local nitrate-sensitive surface had been too strict and have had a negative influence on local agriculture.

So on a national levels these things have been set pretty strict. There has never been a reason to fight for the environment, I don’t know any [Due to the strict state conservation rules]. Now these restrictions are even so tough I think the state should loosen them a bit. It obstructs the local development (Female, 62 years old).

Individuals who liked the local landscape reported that it comes from a personal attitude – each type of landscape is seen as special in its own way. The same applies to the agricultural land of Adavere, which was, in some cases, even considered decorative. However, it was more positive for natives who know the stories and meanings behind local landscape and special places. These newcomers who had come from a community with a richer natural environment seemed to have higher standards and express dissatisfaction with the local environment.

Lousy-lousy-lousy! Since I am from Raplamaa, the nature there was a lot more rich, a lot more diverse and I simply could not get used to the shrub around Adavere. Only willows, not even that many alders. Not to mention the groundcover, which is poor. Even cowslips don’t grow there, what is that? And only fields. Those vast sovkhoz fields, nothing else (Female, 62 years old).

Another source of concern was the main road, which split the local park in two, posing a threat and distraction to nearby pedestrians. It was also noted that some people simply did not care for the environment as piles of rubbish in local secluded natural areas was a common sight.

3.2.3.2. Social

There were mixed feelings towards Adavere‟s social community. There were those who felt part of the community and there were also those who had completely isolated themselves. It was clear that the study area of Adavere did not have a united community, rather each village had their own, independent of Adavere. A common theme was the idea that Adavere did not have a strong community at all – while there are active people who ran events and meetings, the potential participants stayed passive. Often, the community was simply not one of the priorities in a local‟s life. It was apparent that there was some internal conflict within the community over different perspectives of individuals regarding the focus of local development.

I remember how I came here. I came from a strong community from Lääne-Virumaa. That community had a lot of traditions, gatherings and so on. And in Adavere nothing seemed to work. The culture centre was locked up (Female, 44 years old).

Adavere had opportunities for social involvement through cultural events. There were people who were willing to organise and people who were motivated to participate in the role of spectators. Also there have been reported cases of volunteer work in the local park, which brought together people from several generations.

Yes, our manor park is valued. We can say that we are raising our children in the spirit of maintaining this park. When we go and clean the park with our school staff and students, then the elderly ones always join in. Some come out with their saws or rakes and... it shows the value of the manor park.(Female, 44 years old).

In addition to cultural events, the local social ties were shown to function through employment and business. There were also social ties that are based solely on respect, especially among activists. These social circles worked both inside a single generation and between the different age groups. The basis of such respect seemed to be activity and effort towards the community

51 and this received respect was being sensed and recognised by the subjects themselves as well.

And somehow I have managed to deal well with the younger folk. Even yesterday I had a visitor... about 43 years old. A teacher here. They come from time to time to chat. She came back from Egypt and shared her experiences. I am grateful that I still have such good relationships with the younger ones and they come to me and keep me up to date with everything (Female, 78 years old).

The sports scene, particularly speed skating, was a cause of pride in the locals and motivated them to support the athletes. As Adavere Primary School was responsible for many social events, this was also a subject for respect and support. Lastly, as agriculture played an active role in Adavere, the people engaging in it were also regarded as one of the keystones to keeping the village alive.

A lot of people earn their living there. A lot. Of course we have a lot of people from the old days. Pensioners who still work. If they disappear... they are the current sustenance around here (Female, 78 years old).

The inhabitants of Adavere demonstrated a strong connection to their families and a strong influence from their upbringing. However, while some of the locals had family ties within Adavere, there were also cases of family roots connecting people with other places. Thus, the strength of the family ties was sometimes a weakness in the locals‟ place attachment towards Adavere. These ties seemed to always take the priority before the local community. It was not always of a disruptive nature, as there were locals who had based their lifestyle on such mobility and did not feel distanced from Adavere by it. Extreme cases, however, showed that even whilst having a strong family connection inside Adavere, it was possible to be almost completely detached from community life.

There were other reasons for social exclusion as well. Many of the local social ties had remained in the past. There were several accounts explaining that the members of their former social circles had left Adavere and there had not been any new meaningful connections built to replace them. The contributing factors to this seemed to be the high inflow and outflow of newcomers as well as the reported nature of the newcomers, regarding their education and

52 supposedly suspicious life habits. Under these conditions it was difficult for the locals to build trust. Lastly, people who had a job of a mobile nature or work in other places such as Põltsamaa, expressed that the nature of their job was one of the reasons that kept them away from the social arena.

I have a place where I work, it is here in Põltsamaa. Then I go to Adavere. It is my... home, in the most simple sense. I have not really made this community my own, because there are lots of those who have only come recently. And the locals... Adavere is basically built on a field. You can feel the inflow of people. I have a home there, but anything else does not really interest me (Female, 56 years old).

3.2.3.3. Cultural

The local religious background of Adavere was nearly non-existent apart from some who visit the church at Christmas time and occasionally Jehovah‟s Witnesses visit local households. Religion was not despised, however, and the villagers appeared to be open-minded and non- discriminating towards it. There was no church in the Adavere study area so the locals requiring any religious experiences or services had to travel to the ones in Põltsamaa.

History seemed to play a role in Adavere. There was even a web archive towards which many locals have contributed stories and pictures.

In the Internet we have, from year 1932, we have had this webpage. T. from the library has started one. And it has about 500 followers now who all observe it. And there are... from old times... those who have old pictures have uploaded them on the website (Female, 78 years old).

The history of the manor was a popular part of this, however, as many people from the older generations still remembered the Soviet era, events from the exemplary sovkhoz were also often recalled. Other than that, it was believed that the local history reflected the history of the whole state of Estonia regarding both the arrival and collapse of the Soviet regime. 53

There were still willing participants in local events both as part of the audience and as organisers. In some cases it appeared that some of the motivation and ideas to run events had come from outside Adavere, as in the case of the Christmas parties held in the local school. There were also regular sports events held by the local sports club, which had become a tradition. In addition there were still those who did not even feel the need even to stay informed of local events. Furthermore there were examples of hobbies and interests undertaken at home or further away such as model car racing.

It was believed by some, that Adavere did not truly stand out as a place with a unique identity. Others argued that the success of local ice skating and the sports activities in general had made these activities part of the image of Adavere.

Some things are unique regarding Adavere, for example the speed skating. It is the only place, which is known after skating. In all of Estonia (Male, 43 years old).

3.2.3.4. Affect

Among the locals there were both positive and negative emotions towards Adavere. The positive emotions were connected to the aspects of Adavere as a rural place, such as privacy and quiet. The natural environment was considered attractive, albeit sometimes polluted, and there were implications of pride and satisfaction towards being a rural person. Agriculture was seen as a positive image of the area. “When you look at the grain field moving in the wind. Is there anything more beautiful than that” (Female, 78 years old).

The main reason for positive emotions was the fact that the locals had homes in the area. Behavioural implications such as homesickness had been reported, as well as the wish to stay and never move. Many inhabitants had positive memories about the place. The idea of Adavere being a big influence in winter sports scene inspired the locals.

However there were also implications of distress and disinterest. The distress mentioned was mainly related to certain locals with a criminal record – it caused fear as well as shame. The 54 disinterest towards the community was caused by disappointment in the natural environment and differences in personalities. The former was implied when the inhabitants originated from a different place with a more diverse natural environment. The latter was connected with the local educational level and attitude – reportedly it was difficult for a scholarly person to communicate in such a social network.

3.2.3.5. Memory

It was difficult to find a native person in Adavere from the older generation, for most of them had been newcomers at some point. Many memories went back to the sovkhoz era when people were first assigned to Adavere as specialists. Many of these people had memories that connected them to their childhood homes. This did not always have a negative effect as newcomers could apply the values and ethics learned from their upbringing regardless of place. However, in some cases it could work as a disconnecting factor, which was particularly apparent concerning past memories of more naturally diverse landscapes.

The negative memories of locals seemed to be related to their inability to fit into the community as well as memories of local criminal activity. Younger people however had generally positive memories regarding the landscape and their social networks in Adavere.

I remember how we had running and bicycling competitions and played near the fields. I have fond memories of my childhood games and I think the countryside is a good place to grow up in (Female, 20 years old).

As described in the “Past” section, inhabitants from older generations generally related the Soviet era to positive emotions and success in life.

3.2.3.6. Connection to other places

As there were many newcomers in the population of Adavere, it was inevitable that the inhabitants had connections to other places. Mostly they were connected to their place of origin, which did not always disrupt the local place attachment but these bonds are still apparent.

But I still have warm feelings when I return there. But to live there? No, I won’t go there. I don’t want to. But I like to visit the graveyard where my parents have been buried (Female, 78 years old).

It was also clear that even living in the neighbouring village, which was still within the study area, one could isolate oneself from the central community of Adavere as each local village had its own separate community. It was also possible to distinguish a cosmopolitan attitude – with people feeling connected to Estonia or any other area where rural lifestyle was possible, but not Adavere specifically.

I do like it here and... even if it is for skating. To come back here and compete. But yes, I rather would say that I would like to live in any rural place. I won’t say I won’t stay here and I would like to be here in the future. But I would like to live in Estonia and in a rural place (Female, 20 years old).

Some locals had a job in Põltsamaa and everyone depended on the resources available in the town – they did not define it as “being away“ but rather seeing Põltsamaa as part of the home territory. “But I would not view this area separately. Põltsamaa is like the gravity centre and I am like a satellite” (Female, 62 years old).

3.2.4. Reasons for staying in Adavere

A common theme in Adavere was its suitability for the inhabitants‟ lifestyle. Adavere was seen as a suitable area for rural ways of life, where gardening and agricultural hobbies were common. The locals saw potential in rural life and even put pride in living by such ways. It was reported that Adavere offered a peaceful and private environment, which was valued by the inhabitants. The reasons for craving such life lay mostly in the rural roots of the locals. However, life lessons also played a role and personal milestones and realisation about the potential of rural lifestyle were indicated in younger subjects.

I think every person, even if they don’t live in the countryside, should go to the countryside every now and then. My best meditation is when I go jogging alone between the fields where there is nobody and I can... I always have the best ideas and it is so nice. I think everyone should have the skill to be alone in nature and... it gives so much more than the city noise (Female, 20 years old).

Adavere has a strategic location near a main road and thus suited people who had a mobile lifestyle. It was acknowledged that it was easy to access a city if need be and people who had the initiative had built their lives around a balance between their home and city life.

I like to live near the highway because it doesn’t matter which way you go. It is a perfect spot for me. And I have my own retreats as well where I really need birdsong and all that (Female, 44 years old).

In the sovkhoz era, specialists were assigned to Adavere. Currently employment was not the primary reason for staying in the locality. Neither were family ties, which in contrast may have lead people away from the community in the case of newcomers.

3.2.5. Power

Empowerment was a strong theme in Adavere. Those more active in local development or social circles displayed a strong will and confidence in their actions. There were those in the community who had influence and they were aware of it. Some of them had inherited this assertiveness from past experiences with the local exemplary sovkhoz. Others had placed their pride in the local sports scene or the manor park. A few of the interviewees reported that the general attitude of Adavere had always been success-oriented. “Logical! Adavere has always been one of the more successful ones in the region” (Female, 78 years old).

Empowerment was also represented among the more passive members of the community. It was shown in the confidence not to participate in community life. The fact that these people were passive did not necessarily mean that they were in any way less energetic or incapacitated. They had chosen to live their own separate lives and did not feel guilty about it. This was another form of empowerment, not directed at the community but at their lifestyle.

I mean... I am not embarrassed about it, but I won’t say I feel proud either. I cannot answer that. I don’t feel shame, because in the end it does not matter if I live in Põltsamaa or in Adavere. There is no difference for me (Female, 56 years old).

These two types of empowerment did not have a synergy, which in turn was the cause of the struggle for the local activists to attract more people to events and participatory development processes. Some activists also had struggles with their schedules adding restraints to their activities. Members of the older generation suffered with health problems, which greatly restricted their movements, though it was implied that the Internet had become a tool of participation among those few who had learned to use it.

Yes. I despised it for a while and remained stubborn. But now... it works for me. If I really want to know something, then I will know. Old or young, you should always adapt with time (Female, 78 years old).

At times the locals displayed signs of hopelessness. It was believed by some of the interviewees that Estonia‟s administrative policy should have considered the possible outcomes of post-Soviet influences. It was suggested that there should be more funding

58 towards private enterprises, especially so in rural places. Lastly, the education policy was criticised for its attempts to concentrate education in county centres.

I believe that... when the administrative policy would have worked a bit differently. There would be employment and enterprises... if these people would have stayed here, I think the criminal activity... it would all have been different. But at some point it went astray. I think it is a general Estonian problem. They let things go (Female, 56 years old).

3.3. The narrative of Obinitsa

3.3.1. Community resources in Obinitsa

The local cultural network was considered a major local resource. The Seto Society was credited with running the local cultural events, whilst the Seto Institute had provided literature about the Seto culture. The local folk theatre Taarka was responsible for several plays during the year, with the library, museum and art gallery also arranging Seto cultural events such as expositions and workshops. The inhabitants had various possibilities to participate in cultural activities such as folkdance, singing and handicraft. Seto traditions were highly regarded by the inhabitants and the local culture network provided a living through tourism. In some cases, modernisation was seen as a threat to local culture. It was reported that the Internet and TV pulled the young community members away and as a result, there were fewer people left who know the Seto dialect. Additionally, modern materials were increasingly being used resulting in a decrease in traditional architectural elements in village buildings.

In the old times, we used to have those wooden gates, which are now made of iron. Wooden curtain rods have also been replaced with metal. A lot of archaic things have been replaced (Female, 52 years old).

The local natural environment was also considered a community resource. It was tied to the cultural network through legends and tales from specific locations. The historical boundaries

59 of different villages were reported to have been formed with respect to local natural boundaries, such as hills, valleys and bodies of water. The distinctive hilly landscape was valued by locals and the loss of local forests was a source of concern since recent forest felling had been intense.

The hills dominate and from whichever side you approach Obinitsa, you have to cross a valley, a deep valley. These are exciting valleys, the locals always have some memories connected to them. Who went skiing there, who has driven along that road and crashed. It is like a “mystery of approaching Obinitsa.“ For example, the Rokina valley has had a lot of accidents, some call it “death valley“(Male, 51 years old).

Agriculture had been a part of Obinitsa‟s history, but generated mixed feelings. While it offered employment and gave the agricultural outskirts a tidy appearance, the modernisation and funding of extensive farming technology had decreased the importance of traditional agriculture.

In our case not really and quite a few people don't fancy the idea [of the local image being based on agriculture]. We have a family friend who is struggling with his neighbour. There are rape fields next to his property and he is desperately against any pesticides and herbicides. He is trying to reach an agreement, but we'll see how it ends. But people don't really want an ideal landscape of monocultures. They are stuck more in the old. So that everyone would [own] some land and the pattern would vary (Male, 51 years old).

The local infrastructure services were considered satisfactory. Obinitsa had a kindergarten, a grocery store, a postal service, a hairdresser, an ATM and a very good bus service. The only services missing were a petrol station and a school. The absence of the latter was a cause of concern regarding future generations and the local population. The distance to places of employment had also resulted in an absence of the younger generations present in the village. Furthermore, it was reported that young people were raised with the mentality to go and find employment in the cities or even abroad.

I know there are issues with work. Many don't go there [to live in Obinitsa] just

because of work. Some have already grown up with the intent of going into the city (Female, 24 years old).

A lack of employment was a critical issue and the primary occupations to engage in were tourism, agriculture and construction. However, several interviewees also commented that there was an increasing possibility to work via the Internet. Värska and Võru, which were both in the range of 30 kilometres were also considered possible sources for employment. Rural life was considered expensive and one must have creativity and initiative to make a living locally.

Absolutely. You have to be enterprising and aspiring. At least one of the family has to be, because otherwise you cannot manage. You need to be able to sell or someone has to help you to (Female, 52 years old).

The municipal council was perceived as dysfunctional by some, due to certain members who did not act in the interests of the local community. There had been several municipal projects, which were reported to have no coordination with the locals and poor notification.

Well, things got turned upside down. They started building a road here. Right here. There used to be some old tractor tracks and... If they would've at least notified me before. So they just brought a bulldozer here and started digging. On August 20. I went to look what was going on with the bulldozer – “Oh, we are constructing a road“ (Male, 64 years old).

The city of Pechory used to be a major trade centre for the locals. Since the Estonian-Russian border was adjusted, easy access to the city was severed. Many of the locals also were deprived of their properties as they did not want to become the citizens of the Russian Federation.

Cannot speak of the distant past, but splitting Setomaa did so…. Our centre used to be Pechory and... even if not on a daily basis, on weekends almost everyone would have some business there. You would go to the church or the marketplace. People who engaged in agriculture could sell their products there. To turn it into money. When the border was set, this definitely had an influence (Male, 51 years old).

The comparison of Obinitsa in the past to the current one revealed that the cultural and social activities had been decreasing in general. It was also said that the natural environment was valued more in the past. The community used to be united more due to the sovkhoz influences and this era also had more employment. However, it was said that the Soviet regime impeded the local cultural activities and restricted religion as well. Once the Soviet regime collapsed, local activists gained more freedom to organise cultural events and some even started to make a living out from it.

People can engage in culture and also make money out of it, more of a business now. Families have taken it up, E. or A. with their families. I and my wife, we still do our main jobs, but some make a living out of making culture. You don't have anything to fear now. Before you were afraid, because if you emphasised your culture too much, you could've been repressed. Now you don't have to fear that, just do it (Male, 51 years old).

3.3.2. Engagement in Obinitsa

Engagement in Obinitsa and its immediate vicinity commonly occurred through the municipal government. Examples included being both a member of the municipal government, as well as simply participating in the creation of the local development plan, which would indicate at least Arnstein‟s 3rd level of participation – consultation; if not even 4th placation. Additionally, in the case of Obinitsa, local engagement was also expressed through local cultural activity, which essentially is a form of developing and maintaining the local community while not being part of local governance.

However there were reports of discord in the municipal council. There was said to be a group of individuals who had held positions of power in the Soviet era and were currently holding their position in the council through manipulative tactics. Individuals were accused of continually teaming up to vote on developments advantageous to their own interests. For example, there had been cases of several local mayors losing their positions due to a motion of

62 no confidence. The union of local pensioners however had shown an initiative to act on this and organised a petition in defence of the current mayor.

Yes, we had one recently. The mayor was switched again. They are always being replaced. The municipal council always drives them away. How many... 11 people in the council. And 6 of them always raise their hand and say “let's start a vote of no confidence.“ And we became enraged – we do gather sometimes with the other pensioners. There are 15 of us or 20 or so. Might me more. And then we went and said “stop this now, let the person work for a while at least“. When the article appeared in the local newspaper, we became furious. We read it with a loud voice, then took our pens and signed these petitions to save our mayor. It seemed to take them aback. So this is how we fought. (Female, 82 years old).

The locals had actively participated in public discussions as well as taking individual initiative. The members of the older generations commonly observed how the younger generations, both native and newcomers, managed to adapt and integrate into the local community culturally. As the municipality did not always support the local cultural activities, many had started projects on their own or collectively to organise events. “The municipality basically does not finance us, everything has to come through your own project management or work” (Female, 52 years old).

3.3.2.1. Reasons for engagement

A common reason for engagement was direct connection towards a development plan, usually due to a conflict of interests. Commonly a personal issue took priority over a community matter.

Yes and no. People usually are more active when there is a conflict. When they or their neighbours don't have a conflict, then they don't bother. But if there was a conflict that directly involves... And I have also noticed that older people know more about these

issues that involves their own land and property (Male, 55 years old).

There were people who felt that their efforts did not always serve their purpose. In contrast, some considered even a slight improvement to be success.

A strong theme was the will to carry on the local Seto culture. The older generations were interested in how the younger ones would manage to replace them in the future and thus try to pass on their teachings. Members of the younger generations often sought to prove themselves to their predecessors, which was also a drive for engaging in local community life.

Well I rather think that... to help as much as I can and to contribute. So that the community would not fade and would develop and solidify more. So it would not fade, especially the younger crowd. And to calm the fears of the older ones, that we have it under control. They fear that the youth will leave (Female, 37 years old).

Stability in local governance was also a motive for participation, particularly highlighted by pensioners who fought against the removal of the local mayor from office. The preservation of local natural and cultural landscape was also a factor that had brought people together. For example, locals united to protect a forest patch near the graveyard of Sakalovapalo, which would have otherwise been cut down by a private enterprise.

Let's say that there is both care and carelessness [for the landscape]. I suppose like in any other place. At some point at Sakalovapalo burial grounds there was this forest. When private enterprises bought the forest and wanted to clear fell it, we had a meeting and applied for funding from the Cultural Ministry. And we bought all the forest and the land from their owner and these belong to the municipality now. So that is one example (Male, 55 years old).

3.3.2.2. Reasons of being disengaged

As mentioned above, the locals often placed personal matters above community efforts, which potentially causes disengagement. In some cases it was represented in more active people as well, when their work schedule proved to be too challenging. In such instances they stated they often only had time for personal matters.

I feel that I could contribute more, but I cannot manage. I have so much on my schedule. I have so many other things to do (Male, 40 years old).

The municipal government and council were a source of distrust. An extreme case involved the government constructing a road over a former private road, as mentioned previously, which went through the territory of three neighbouring families. This development was implemented without any warning, as the government based their move on a previously made contract. This contract allowed the municipality to use the road, as seen fit by the government. There was no attempt to engage with the landowners; instead the government was more concerned with demanding their rights. Such attitudes have distanced people from engagement.

Then the mayor excused himself [by stating] that it was all judicially correct. But people? What about the people? Judicially correct, on a piece of paper. That enraged me. And nothing is said, only done. And we went, all three of us, to see that bulldozer. (Male, 64 years old).

3.3.2.3. Access of information

Most of the information for engagement came from the engagement process, such as participation in the development plan proceedings or work in the government or council. Information about local developments was sought from the local development plan, especially if the individual had a direct connection or conflict with a development. It was reported that

65 some locals tended to overlook the planning process and start complaining only after the project has already been started.

When we have a new exposition, they only notice when we start constructing it. Only then they wake up. “Why wasn't I invited?“ “How is this possible?“ “I have not heard a thing!“ (Male, 51 years old).

Social interaction with other locals was also a source of information. The interaction took place in the local cultural scene, for example the local museum, at library events, dance groups, choirs, handicraft workshops or even the meetings of the union of local pensioners.

Other sources the interviewees pointed to were the local newspaper and the Internet. The Internet was also important for sharing and receiving information.

3.3.3. Connection themes

3.3.3.1. Environmental

The local attitude towards the environment was generally positive. There is an abundant natural environment in the immediate vicinity to Obinitsa, which the locals were fond of. The locals associated the landscape with past memories and many newcomers reported that the local landscape was similar to the landscape in their place of origin.

Why I stayed here was because... strangely the smell of the plant life here is the same I have had in Hiiumaa in my childhood memories. And the forest has a lot of junipers and so I think my childhood might have a part to play in it (Female, 37 years old).

The landscape was considered to be a typical Southern-Estonian type with hills, valleys and dense pine forests. Additionally, the landscape was reported to be diverse. There were local tales relating to different locations and the environment had a recreational value to it. Even in

66 the local development plan‟s SWOT-analysis, the natural environment was considered to be one of the local strengths. Additionally, the land was rich in cultural locations, such as historic grave places and water wheels. The local traditional architecture was valued as well.

This we try to initiate with our Finno-Ugric theme. To give a more archaic appearance to our village. And the Seto Institute published a book on the architecture. They try to encourage people to make those classic fences again (Female, 55 years old).

The locals had mixed feelings about the agriculture in the immediate vicinity. Some found modern agriculture to have a negative influence due to the usage of pesticides, but agriculture had been a traditional part of Obinitsa, albeit some historical changes in the ratio of forest vs. agricultural land. However, the hilly landforms separated certain areas, which were simply not suitable for agriculture, providing a form of natural defence against large scale agriculture.

It does, but there are some natural features that just won't let the machines near. Like the valleys and hills. The current technology cannot handle the hillsides and cultivate these. But otherwise... in every possible place they push their ploughs into the soil and start cultivating. Only our unique landscape keeps them at bay (Male, 51 years old).

There was a general satisfaction about the tidy image of the local fields with only a few patches of shrub being criticised. The Estonian Agricultural Registers and Information Board (ARIB) were credited for financing local agricultural land use.

The tidy image was also seen in the local structures as the owners had been renovating them recently. However, a source of dissatisfaction was the increasing usage of modern materials instead of using natural resources. The sustainable usage of natural resources had been a traditional way of life in the immediate vicinity and even currently some engaged in gathering mushrooms, berries or materials for handicraft. Among the older generations it was not uncommon to see rituals of superstitious or religious undertones while foraging. The sustainable usage of natural resources was even considered a local trademark by some.

And my grandmother used to go to the forest and she communicated with the Forest Father. The first berry would always be left for the Forest Father and the first mushroom. She had such a relationship. And getting lost into the forest and so. It was

told that when a person goes to the forest, they would need to befriend the Forest Father. It was not a simple taking from nature. You had to ally with nature (Female, 82 years old).

Forestry however was the main concern since many of the forests were currently in the hands of Estonian or Finnish enterprises, who engaged in clear-felling and did not plant new trees. However, it was not always seen negatively, as some felled forests were acknowledged to have been ripe for cutting.

Nature conservation also aroused mixed feelings. There were some who considered conservation during the past decade to be poor. There was also a mention of a former conservation inspector whose over-eager attitude to sanction the locals brought negative experiences. The protection of the northern crested newt resulted in several ponds dug free of charge on the land of some of the locals with others expressing envy over it. It was reported that there were several fish and bat species protected in the area around the river Piusa. However there were concerns regarding these species, as their sudden appearance on a landowner‟s property could result in restriction of a landowner‟s economic activities.

There had been coordinated efforts to protect the local landscape, as in the case of where the local activists teamed up and bought a forest patch near the historic grave spot of Sakalovapalo so it would not be felled. There had also been negative emotions towards a quarry outside of the immediate vicinity, due to effects on local groundwater. The treatment of refuse by locals was considered an issue, as there were locals who did not feel the need to pay for waste disposal and instead consistently left their rubbish in local forests or in the waste containers of other locals.

Then the forests... We went to search for mushrooms with my son. And someone had left a gas oven there. My son said that maybe they wanted to fry their mushrooms on spot. All those old shoes and rubbish in the forest. Car tyres and nappies. Every possible thing has been dropped under the trees. The things locals do here are insane (Female, 52 years old).

The local landscape pattern had seen changes over time. Some locals saw it as a logical

68 progression while others were upset about the issue. There had also been sudden changes in the environment – as mentioned in the engagement chapter, the local municipality had also caused distress by forcibly establishing a road through three backyards, much to the dismay of the landowners.

3.3.3.2. Social

The community of Obinitsa was considered socially strong. It was common to know another person‟s relatives and ancestry. There were strong connections between different generations. The community members were generally helpful and there had emerged certain families of activists who were locally well known. New members in the community were welcomed, but they were commonly observed in terms of how well they managed to integrate to the local society. It was hard to remain anonymous in the community as everyone was being observed. It was also notable how more recent generations had managed to keep their strong social circles even whilst living in Tallinn or Tartu. This had not been as common among the older generations, which might reflect the usage of social media among the young. Another notable motive was the desire of some young people to return back to Obinitsa after obtaining their education in cities.

For example we have a car mechanic in Meremäe who since his childhood has been interested in technology. He went to Tartu Vocational Centre, got his skills and now repairs any western car. His favourite hobby is electronics, he repairs things in Meremäe. And he has a plan to start an official company of his own. He is already repairing, but it is not an official enterprise (Male, 51 years old).

The community was built up on social networks and encouraged cultural activity. Even religious acts had served the purpose of social activities. For example visiting the church had traditionally been a way for people to socialise. The local religious holiday, known as Paasapäev, was the most attended event of the year, bringing together relatives from all over Estonia to have a picnic in the local graveyard, thus honouring and remembering their

69 ancestors. Communication between different families was also common during this holiday. The local calendar had an intensive schedule of cultural events. Participation in these events was expected and any absence is noticed. It was also observed how one managed to live up to local customs.

Yes, we want to see who those people are. In the old times when a young person came here, then he or she would have to become one like us. And now too, when one comes here, he or she must “become a Seto“. It is odd though. You cannot expect a person to change so fast. But it is expected (Female, 82 years old).

It was reported that the ties used to include more relatives in the past, but had deteriorated over time. Currently the social ties were strongly family-oriented and people were able to maintain strong bonds even when living away in cities. This attitude was encouraged in children during their upbringing.

However, the local temperament had been a strong issue, resulting in competition between neighbours and neighbourhoods:

And at the same time with the neighbouring nulks [village vicinities in Setomaa]... there was not maybe a tension, but a competition or so. There is competition. They used to laugh and joke about other nulks. Not so much tension with Üle-Pelska nowadays, but plenty of competition with Koolina nulk. Even with investments or things like that, they [locals of a nulk] would always make sure that another nulk would not get more profit, for example (Male, 55 years old).

Another issue mentioned was the decreasing population – there were fewer individuals to communicate with. This was an issue for younger generations particularly after the local school closure.

There were also passive individuals living in the immediate vicinity who remained disinterested in the local community. These people had remained uninvolved in the community causes. Some of these people were also connected to the local refuse issue. An extreme case reported how these locals piled their rubbish in the brand new waste container of the local art gallery.

And the area around our gallery stank. It took me a year of letters and phone calls with the municipality before they finally got rid of the container. And when I told some locals it was not meant for their rubbish, then one man would've almost attacked me. (Female, 52 years old).

It was reported by the interviewees that there was also a fraction of people who held positions of power in the Soviet era and had managed to gain a position in the local municipal council. They were said not to support local cultural events and to be only concerned with their own interests. It was also reported that several of these individuals managed to obtain most of the agricultural land in the immediate vicinity.

The power of these ex-soviets reached far and when there are elections, these people still hold their position. Even now in the municipal council they... had those cigar packs, Russian cigars which you can bring from there as contraband. And on these packs they had their candidate numbers. And with macaroni packs and people are silly. They are used to the ex-soviets being in charge. And they fear... they call the cultural contingent as “Seto-ers“ and they say that the Seto-ers take all their profits with their Seto-ing (Female, 52 years old).

3.3.3.3. Cultural

The religious background of Obinitsa had its own long history and was heavily influenced by the Russian Orthodox Church. However, religion was just a part of the local cultural customs and religious events were not only attended for religious purposes, but to engage in social life and to uphold the customs, bearing in mind, it was hard for a local to classify his or her level of religiousness. “I can't tell. This and that. In some way. I am not completely without religion” (Male, 40 years old). Paasapäev was the most attended religious event of the year, bringing together not only relatives of local families, but also outsider spectators.

It was reported that the religious background has had its ups and downs. The locals recalled how local church life was restricted under the Soviet regime, but it was still unable to prevent the observance of the religious holiday of Paasapäev. It was said that the local partorg organised the sovkhoz work schedule around this holiday and planned his vacation accordingly. Besides the Russian Orthodox Church there were also those who claimed to follow the religion of the Estonian Native Religion (or Estonian Neopaganism).

So the religion here... one third is the followers of the Orthodox and the others are paganists. And nobody has read the bible here, it wasn't even possible. The women didn't know how to read Russian. But there has also been this... what they call “Naive Christianity“ in the U.S. (Female, 52 years old).

History seemed to be widely known in Obinitsa and the locals were motivated to learn it and pass on the culture and morals to following generations. Tourism was a popular way of applying that knowledge in order to make a living or just to engage in self-actualisation.

I can realise my crazy ideas in this community. Now ten years straight I have done a play for spring, which I write for three days and they rehearse for two weeks and then perform it. A community where everyone is busy. There are people here who don't do anything and then there are those who do everything. There is no middle ground (Female, 52 years old).

There was also a strong respect towards ancestors. The local graveyards had historically been sacred places of gathering and are regularly tidied.

There was a strong connection between the local culture and the natural environment. There were natural locations such as hills, valleys or bodies of water with their own unique tales and legends. “Even nowadays they believe that when you wash your eyes in the stream of Meeksi, it will heal your vision” (Female, 30 years old). The man-made environment also played a role through traditional village architecture, which was held in high regard.

There were numerous cultural activities held in Obinitsa throughout the year. The local library, museum and art gallery were mentioned as places of importance regarding these events. Local cultural activities involved singing in a choir, dancing, handicraft workshops, writing theatre

72 plays and even film production. There were plenty of culture organising groups as well as audience members while there were also more passive community members who kept to themselves. Apart from cultural events, there were also possibilities for sports activities, including a local volleyball group.

The locals saw themselves with two identities, both Estonian and Seto, which intertwined and did not conflict with each other. The locals respected Estonian national holidays and at the same time followed the traditions of Setomaa. It was said that those who were active in the community represented both identities – the passive ones represented neither. “Yes and no. I have always had the feeling that a good Seto is a good Estonian” (Male, 55 years old).

3.3.3.4. Affect

People living in Obinitsa felt the sense of home and security. Many of the locals had families or roots in the area or its immediate vicinity. Most of the inhabitants felt they lived in the right place. Natives had positive memories from the past while newcomers had often chosen this place due to its environment, which reminded them of their childhood home. People staying away from Obinitsa displayed homesickness and a desire to return. Some younger individuals dreamt of returning, after obtaining their education and to work and live in Obinitsa or its immediate vicinity. “When something occurs, I try to keep myself informed. Because of my work I don't have much time. One day I would like to live in Obinitsa again” (Female, 24 years old).

The landscape was highly regarded for its diversity, landforms and wild nature. The environment was said to be suitable for rural lifestyle, offering peace, quiet and a rich natural environment. It was also seen as a fitting environment for raising children and teaching them how to create things with their own hands.

Yes, you can let your children grow. Our children pick horse chestnuts each year and plant them in the garden. Then when someone has a birthday or graduates, the

children dig up their own tree and they have a present for those people. Things like that. Or to give hay to the animals, bringing food into the forest for animals. These everyday chores (Female, 36 years old).

There was pride of being a member of the Seto culture, as well as pride in the place and its environment. It was said that in the later stages of life, one starts to better understand the nuances and subtleties in the local customs and religion.

Also, with age you start to notice things. You will listen and think about those testaments or letters of the apostles. And with life experience you start relating, you understand what these stories are meant to teach. And there are all those symbolisms in the church and you try to observe it all. When you know those little signs you can tell towards whom the prayer is being aimed. I did not know these things before, but I have started to realise them now (Male, 55 years old).

Negative emotions were mostly based either on local changes or social conflicts with the municipal council. Many individuals from the older generations felt sadness that the local lifestyle and landscape had changed over time. The most lamented issue was the decrease in the local population, resulting in smaller social circles.

But what makes me sad, is that there are people who used to... you could see back then, when you looked out of the window, there were lights turned on in neighbouring households and someone was in there. But now there is silence. You don't hear the cows, this makes me sad (Male, 55 years old).

The municipal council members who did not act in the general interests of the community also contributed towards the negative emotions in locals.

3.3.3.5. Memory

The native inhabitants of Obinitsa generally had positive memories towards the area. These memories were often tied to the local culture as they had been brought up in this particular environment. These memories included going to church, learning various elements of local customs and history. Memories connected to the landscape were also strong for natives, as some people had witnessed the local natural pattern change over time, sometimes resulting in a sad sense of nostalgia.

The newcomers had often related their experiences in Obinitsa to their childhood homes. Usually this was due to similarities in the natural landscape. It should be noted that moving to Obinitsa generally did not result in a culture shock to the newcomers, as they often had previous experiences regarding Obinitsa or Setomaa through family, relatives or friends. They moved in knowingly and willingly.

I had a lot of Seto friends during my university days and I was interested in culture. So when I came here, I was already familiar with the culture and I had friends here. I did not come as a stranger (Female, 52 years old).

Memories of the Soviet era were usually connected to the restrictions to local culture, especially regarding religion. However, there were also memories of local efforts of preserving Seto culture in spite of the Soviet regime.

The partorg was scared and took a vacation each time, there was nothing for him to do. The church was restricted, but when Paasapäev came, he would always take a weekly break and the sovkhoz chairman would divide the workdays so there would be more intense work before and after Paasapäev (Female, 52 years old).

In terms of employment, some held the opinion that the collapse of the sovkhoz had a negative effect on Obinitsa.

Distressing memories involved personal events, such as losing a family member. Some bitter memories were connected to the perceived incompetence of the local municipal government and its disregard towards the opinions of the locals regarding the road construction on private

75 land mentioned above.

3.3.3.6. Connection to other places

The newcomers admitted having family ties in their previous communities, but at the same time they confirmed that Obinitsa and its immediate vicinity was their place of choice. There were also some examples of individuals whose work or studies kept them away from the village, but they also displayed the motivation to settle down in Obinitsa once their current stage of life was over. “Yes, I would like to live there and raise my children there as well” (Female, 24 years old).

3.3.4. Reasons for staying in Obinitsa

The theme of lifestyle was strongly represented in Obinitsa and it partially intertwined with the theme of jobs. This was because many newcomers had come to Obinitsa due to the culture and in turn, have started to earn money from it, creating a symbiosis between work and hobbies. Outside the cultural field, however, employment was not a strong motivator to stay in Obinitsa or its immediate vicinity. It was, in fact, mentioned, that some parents were mentally preparing their offspring for working in the cities or abroad.

I don't know if they are true or false. But the stories of foreign pay checks, which attract young people away so much they don't even consider staying here. We all know how young people are asked how much they want to earn, they name you astronomic sums (Male, 51 years old).

Obinitsa was seen as a rural place, fitting for a quiet and self-sustaining lifestyle. People appreciated the privacy and the environment and preferred to engage in “do-it-yourself“ activities, as reflected in gardening and duties connected with a rural household. Obinitsa was also recognised as a good place for raising children and teaching them the ways of life. There was a clear boundary set between a rural lifestyle and urban lifestyle and those living in Obinitsa considered themselves to follow the former. However, some of the locals struggled to define themselves as rural persons since the cultural activities had distanced them from farm work.

Let's say that I have changed. I mean, the place has changed, the times have changed. In the sovkhoz era, they mowed every single place and there was a lot of work. I remember how tired I was of all that and how the neighbour’s kid spoke of how he had attended the song festival. But now you miss that scent of hay and hard work. The machines have made things so easy that you miss all the work (Male, 55 years old).

Family was a strong theme in Obinitsa, but it was often not the primary reason for bringing people to Obinitsa. Several of the inhabitants had bonds elsewhere, but would still prefer to stay in Obinitsa.

I still have connections with Rõuge as my elder daughter inherited my farm and lives there with her family and teaches folklore in Rõuge school. She has got a reputation after a mere 2 years. My home is in good hands. I don't have to worry anymore (Female, 52 years old).

3.3.5. Power

There was evidence of empowerment among the locals. There was pride over being a Seto, a member of a cultural space that has lasted for a millennium in these parts of Estonia. The rich natural environment was another source of local pride, even forcing community members to unite while defending it as mentioned in the “Engagement” chapter

Active members of the local community showed confidence in organising their events and there was a general positive attitude towards the local culture and involvement within the social network in the community. The locals showed the ability to adapt and younger community members showed a will to prove themselves to older generations. However, it could be seen that a typical Seto is reserved and observant, leading to the characteristics of cautiousness “’Let's see first how things progress’ is the common Seto attitude. A Seto was more of a follower” (Female, 82 years old).

However, there was some struggle and a sense of hopelessness regarding the municipal council. Negative experiences from the past have brought bitterness in the lives of some individuals and many of the interviewees have admitted that the council ignores suggestions and outside influences. “Participation is more a formality here. In the end, the municipality acts as they see fit” (Male, 49 years old).

3.4. Differences and commonalities of study areas

The results displayed differences in the subthemes for each study area. While there were rare universal common themes and several themes shared by two out of three study areas, it was apparent that the sense of place for each village and their immediate vicinities is unique through the expression of different positive highlights and negative themes. Lustivere and Adavere tended to have more commonalities of local services and logistical opportunities while Lustivere and Obinitsa have more commonalities regarding social and cultural activism.

3.4.1. Differences and commonalities: community resources, local issues and the past

Table 1 displays the influences of community resources, issues and the past institutions on the place attachment of the inhabitants of the study areas. Table 2 displays which of the community resources, local issues and past influences overlap between Lustivere‟s, Adavere‟s and Obinitsas‟s immediate vicinities.

There were signs that the location of each village might play a part regarding the existence of certain resources. Obinitsa, while being a periphery area had better bus services and access to Koidula railway station. In addition the village had everything necessary for local everyday life. For a periphery area, having such possibilities makes logistical sense as Võru is situated roughly 30 kilometres away and visiting Pechory would require a visa. However, according to the commuting research of Ahas et al. (2013), neither of these cities acts as a significant employment centre for Obinitsa. As shown in an infrastructural analysis of Võrumaa (Kamenjuk 2014), 30-45% of Obinitsa‟s locals work in the vicinity and only between 10-24 people (between 2-3% of the vicinity‟s population) work in Võru.

The only institution local inhabitants felt is missing in Obinitsa was a school, which was closed in 2008. This particular issue, however, may have an impact on the population, particularly the local youth, as parents need to send their children to schools further away from

Obinitsa. In Meremäe municipality, the population of 15 year old and under has been decreasing between 2012-2014, according to Statistics Estonia (PO0241:… 2015). The population of 7-18 year olds in Obinitsa‟s immediate vicinity has decreased in the years 2008- 2013 and the general population has lowered by 10% during the same time period. The closure of the local school cannot be excluded as a potential reason. In comparison, according to Statistics Estonia (PO021:… 2015) has decreased with a slower pace – roughly by 1.6 %.

Adavere and Lustivere demonstrated parallels in the lack of many local services. The absence of those services might be connected to their vicinity to Põltsamaa, which has institutions such as a bank and a hospital – all of which are missing in these two study areas, but are in within 8 km. However, both Lustivere and Adavere were also reported to have unsatisfactory bus services, which inhibited the access to the other services. Lustivere also had a deficit of available apartments and the Adavere inhabitants suffered from the inconvenience of heavy traffic as the local highway splits the village in two. In conclusion it can be said that the main issues of Adavere and Lustivere revolved around the local infrastructure. Such commonalities may be associated with the fact that both villages are, after all, situated in the same municipality. Taking this into account, it could be said that certain aspects in the “Place” dimension are pre-set by the municipality and one should expect infrastructural and logistical commonalities when researching study areas in a common municipality. In other words, if a similar research would be conducted in other immediate village vicinities in Põltsamaa municipality, such as Esku, Kamari or Võisiku, it would be predicted that there would be a selection of similar issues related to the “Place” dimension.

The only common theme between all the villages was the lack of employment, which followed the collapse of the Soviet regime. It was admitted in each of the study areas that unless one has the will and skill to become an entrepreneur, it is difficult to apply one‟s education to local employment. Obinitsa seemed to have better opportunities regarding the application of one‟s education, as one of the local possibilities was to engage in cultural tourism for a living. However, there was still the opinion that higher incomes would be obtained in the cities or even abroad than in Obinitsa, as well as the other villages. This resulted in individuals commuting to other areas, which in terms of Estonia is not unusual as nearly a third of Estonian population is known to work outside their home municipalities (Ahas et al 2010).

In addition to having similar infrastructural faults, Adavere and Lustivere shared the common theme of having a manor with a manor park, which in both cases remained the main environmental focal points for these respective villages. The manor parks were situated in the centre of each village and were highly valued by the locals. As the manors have their own history, they added a cultural dimension to their respective villages. In the terms of the environment, a manor park provided an aesthetic landscape in an otherwise monoculture, agricultural landscape. Taking into account the examples of Lustivere and Adavere there is cause to believe that having a manor centre with a strong historical influence can play a significant factor in developing a rural area‟s sense of place. Indeed, the research of Carrus et al (2005), while not about manor parks specifically, found a positive correlation between regional pride and support for protected park areas.

In Lustivere and Adavere, agriculture was seen as a positive attribute of the community; for Adavere especially, this provided work opportunities for many locals. It was also considered a part of the local image. However, the locals of Obinitsa have historically engaged in foraging and have strong connections with the natural environment, as reflected in local Neopaganistic traditions. In Lustivere and Adavere, the landscape is flat, unlike the hilly landscape in Obinitsa, which is typical for a South Estonian location. The collectivisation and establishment of sovkhozes and kolkhozes brought along deforestation and drainage practices in order to increase agricultural land. While the level landscape of both Lustivere and Adavere was shaped by such damage to the natural landscape, the hilly landscape of Obinitsa prevented some of this damage as the hills and valleys are unsuitable for heavy machinery. Therefore, agriculture has not had such a significant role in the study area of Obinitsa as it has had in Lustivere and Adavere. Taking into account the presence of manor parks in addition to positively regarded agriculture, it could be concluded that the sense of place in Lustivere and Adavere appeared to mainly revolve around human-influenced landscapes. In Obinitsa, however, the main landscape theme seemed to revolve around the untouched natural environment. This emphasises that the landscape per se is not what determines the place attachment. It is the places and experiences of the locals in these places that have intertwined. It does not matter, how spectacular the landscape is (Manzo 2005), but it matters, how much time is given for these people-place interactions to take place (Hernandez et al 2007).

The three study areas differed in regard to their past and current strengths. Lustivere used to be a kolkhoz centre, which brought people together in labour and cultural activities. In recent years, there had been an increase in Lustivere‟s cultural and social activity; it even became the Village of the Year in 2013, a source of pride for many local villagers. The institution responsible for the increased activities was Lustivere Village Society, which had managed to unite all the seven villages in the immediate vicinity and has turned Lustivere into a population centre once more. Conclusively, the community of Lustivere had recently had memorable events, the likes of which place attachment is often built on, such as founding the village society and of course becoming the Village of the Year (Hay 1998; Manzo 2005). As these improvements in local community activity were often positively compared to the previous Soviet days, there is reason to suspect that the local activists had taken examples from past successes. The activists had renovated the local cultural centre and are using it as the place for gathering, in much the same way as back in the Soviet days.

Adavere used to be an exemplary sovkhoz, which received immense attention and funding. Its population used to consist of specialists assigned there from different places of Soviet Estonia. When the sovkhoz collapsed, Adavere lost its position of influence. The representatives of the older generation have a basis for stronger attachment towards Adavere, because the Soviet era was memorable to them (Hay 1998; Manzo 2005). According to Hunter (1974), this generation lives in a “symbolic community” – their attachment is based on the representations of the past. However, this did not contribute to the place attachment of recent newcomers and younger natives. Currently, the focus of Adavere had switched from the sovkhoz to developing the local sports scene, particularly speed skating, which had brought both national and international fame for a select few representatives of Adavere and was also a source of pride for some locals. However, if these sports-related experiences remained limited only to these select few, there may be no improvement for the whole community. However, if the continuous success in sports would attract funding, it could bring along secondary jobs. It will be a matter for the community as to how to take advantage of this local strength.

As Obinitsa has had centuries of cultural, religious traditions, the local sovkhoz was considered a hindrance, as the Soviet culture conflicted with local traditions. However, the continuity of the local culture remained. While less beneficial to the local agriculture, the

82 collapse of the Soviet regime came as a relief to those who engaged in cultural activities. However, the local municipal council, which did not support the local cultural activity, was said to contain manipulative people left from the sovkhoz days. This implied that some of the negative Soviet influence still remained in the area. The longer the discord in the municipality remains, the more there was cause for the locals to associate the area with negativity. According to Manzo (2005), negative experiences also contribute to place meaning.

The anticipated future issues were also different between all the study areas. The locals of Lustivere were not currently concerned with Põltsamaa being in the vicinity. However, the unification of the municipality and Põltsamaa town in the future was seen as a development, which may focus the attention more towards Põltsamaa. The locals of Adavere, however, feared the closure of the local school. The local village life would suffer and it would be difficult to attract young families to Adavere. Haartsen & van Wissen (2012) described the closure of a rural primary school as “a heavy loss or as the deathblow of local villages, as it symbolises the loss of the new generation.” In the case of Obinitsa, the threats to the local culture were the modernised construction materials and media. The former was a threat to local architectural heritage. The latter, through the Internet and TV, which was said to draw the young away from the culture.

Conclusively it can be said that regarding the local resources and issues, Adavere and Lustivere had more similarities. Their local infrastructural similarities may have been connected to the fact that these study areas remained under the jurisdiction of a single municipality. Both of these study areas were strongly influenced by agriculture and their environmental focus was centred around human-influenced landscape. Obinitsa however had more infrastructure assets. Its focal point was the wild natural environment. The most significant issue for Obinitsa was one that interfered with its principal strength, the local culture, which was hindered by a dysfunctional municipal council.

Table 1: The influences of resources, issues and the past regarding place attachment

Theme Lustivere Adavere Obinitsa Absence of certain Absence of certain resources (bank, post resources (bank, Only missing a Current state office, chemist's) post office) school Logistically Logistically strategic strategic position position (vicinity of (Vicinity of Põltsamaa, highway is Põltsamaa, highway Resources Position close is close) Periphery Environmental Manor park, Manor park, Wild natural focal point environment environment environment Agriculture Agriculture with Agriculture Agriculture favoured favoured issues Continuity of Seto Strengths Village society Sports culture Central Past institution Kolkhoz Exemplary sovkhoz Sovkhoz Issues I Employment Employment Employment Lack of Highway dividing apartments/housing the village and Dysfunctional Issues II for newcomers vicinity municipal council Issues Loss of Pechory as a Logistic Poor bus service Poor bus service centre Unification of Future Modernisation of Põltsamaa developments in construction Future municipality and town educational policy materials and media

Legend Strong negative influence on place attachment Negative influence on place attachment Mix of positive and negative influences on place attachment Positive influence on place attachment Strong positive influence on place attachment

Table 2: Commonalities of resources, issues and past influences of Lustivere, Adavere and Obinitsa Theme Lustivere Adavere Obinitsa Absence of certain Absence of certain resources (bank, post resources (bank, Only missing a Current state office, chemist's) post office) school Logistically Logistically strategic strategic position position (vicinity of (Vicinity of Resources Põltsamaa, highway is Põltsamaa, highway Position close is close) Periphery Environmental Manor park, Manor park, Wild natural focal point environment environment environment Agriculture Agriculture with Agriculture Agriculture favoured favoured issues Strengths Village society Sports Continuity

Past Central institution Kolkhoz Exemplary sovkhoz Sovkhoz Issues I Employment Employment Employment Lack of Highway dividing apartments/housing the village and Dysfunctional Issues II for newcomers vicinity municipal council Loss of Pechory as a Issues Logistic Poor bus service Poor bus service centre

Unification of Future Modernisation of Põltsamaa developments in agriculture and Future municipality and town educational policy media

Legend Unique Shared by two villages Common

3.4.2. Differences and commonalities: engagement and connection themes

While Lustivere and Adavere had more commonalities regarding the infrastructure and local services, Lustivere shared more similarities to Obinitsa regarding connection themes and the engagement of locals in development practices. This is illustrated on both table 3 and table 4.

The results suggest that Obinitsa and Lustivere both had a strong community, which had been formed upon social bonds. As illustrated in table 3, engagement was strong in both Lustivere and Obinitsa and most of the locals interviewed in both villages seemed to have the motivation to work for the sake of the community. Both communities had members who had stayed in the village or the area in the immediate vicinity for years and therefore had time to develop bonds with the place and cultural groups, through memories and experiences. As Hernandez et al (2007) stated: the time individuals have spent living in a place influences their bond with the place. This was possibly the reason why the community is fractured in Adavere, – there was a considerable flow of people coming and going. This left little time for memories and positive affections to develop. The lack of time for these people to “sink in” to the community might have been behind their lack of motivation to become involved in development actions.

A similar pattern between the study areas was reflected in local social circles as well, as the locals of Lustivere and Obinitsa tended to communicate more with other locals. The difference between Lustivere and Obinitsa, however, seemed to be in the integration of newcomers. According to Lewicka (2011), when urbanites relocate into a rural area, they are at least initially considered foreign to the community. In the Banks Peninsula (New Zealand) case study, Hay (1998) noted that the newcomer‟s sense of home was partially diminished by insiders of ancestral status. This seemed to relate more to Obinitsa. While the community of Lustivere welcomed newcomers with open arms, the locals in Obinitsa evaluated the newcomers during a silent trial period in order to see, how successfully these newcomers blended into the local context. In Adavere, however, there was an unstable passive aspect to the local community, which seemed to lack the desire to integrate at all. In addition, in Lustivere and Obinitsa the community activities seemed to involve people from various adjacent areas too. In the immediate vicinity of Adavere, however, each village seemed to stand as a separate community.

The locals of Obinitsa and Lustivere seemed to be more satisfied with their environment than the inhabitants of Adavere. As mentioned above, the environmental focal point of Obinitsa was the wild, untouched nature, which had played a part in the development of local village boundaries and is a subject for neo-pagan traditions. Lustivere and Adavere seemed to be more concerned with the agricultural landscape. While the locals of Lustivere enjoyed the “tidy“, maintained landscape, the reactions from Adavere implied disappointment. This might have been due to the continuous inflow of newcomers whose previous community have had a more diverse natural environment than the monoculture fields of Adavere. While the environment in Lustivere was also considered unspectacular, the locals displayed fondness towards it. This might have been connected to positive experiences regarding the landscape, rather than having a particular taste for unspectacular landscapes. According to the study of Manzo (2005), the places, which people find meaningful, do not have to be spectacular; these are often ordinary places in which people experience routine in their everyday lives. As the use of natural resources has been historically a part of the everyday life of Obinitsa, Manzo‟s study helps to explain the locals‟ attachment to the local environment as well. In both Lustivere and Obinitsa, people had come together in the past to fight against a local development, which threatened the landscape. In Adavere, however, the application of state- level regulations in nature conservation was said to be too strict.

In terms of culture, Obinitsa had the strongest background because of the longevity of the local religion and traditions, which exhibited a social and involving nature for the community members. While the Soviet regime forbade church visits and restricted religious activities regardless of village, it never managed to completely suppress it in Obinitsa, whilst the lack of religious observance within Adavere and Lustivere may partially be explained by that influence. Both Adavere and Lustivere inhabitants still remembered the Soviet period fondly, as the time when there was more social and cultural activity. This might have been because these villages did not have such a cultural and religious background beforehand. Obinitsa did and this conflicted more with the regime during the Soviet days. According to Mazumdar & Mazumdar (2004), a place‟s sacredness can grant it enough permanence to “outlast changes in political regimes, social upheavals and economic transformation.” This might explain the longevity of the Obinitsa‟s cultural space.

Adavere had the youngest traditions and some of them have been brought from a newcomer‟s previous community. This again pointed towards the influence of consistent inflow and outflow of locals. As the cultural space of Obinitsa had a distinctive history and many of the locals engaged in cultural tourism, the general awareness of local history seemed to be strong in the community. In the cases of Adavere and Lustivere, this awareness was mostly limited to local history teachers or pastime historians.

The locals of Lustivere and Obinitsa had strong feelings towards their community, the local landscape and culture. There was pride as well as contentment with the place. As the inhabitants of Lustivere and Obinitsa had mostly stayed in their respective residences for a long time, they had time to experience many local events and form memories. One of the common aspects of behavioural attachment is reconstructing a part of one‟s past community (Scannell & Gifford 2010). In that regard, Adavere seemed to be a place where the newcomers had attempted to reconstruct the feel of their previous community, rather than be a place to be reconstructed elsewhere. Their cherished memories were not connected to Adavere.

Most of the interviewees from Obinitsa did not appear to have many external ties to other places. As in Obinitsa it was possible to work in the cultural field, which could draw some of the young adults back after gaining their education in larger cities. In Lustivere, however, education and work were the main factors attracting and keeping younger community members away from there. In the case of Adavere, however, the locals had mixed feelings. Some of the locals experienced the sensation of home, but were more connected to communities in other places instead, usually towards their previous community or childhood community. Many spent their spare time outside the community. As another aspect of behavioural attachment in maintaining proximity with one‟s community (Hidalgo & Hernandez 2001; Scannell & Gifford 2010), it was clear that in the case of Adavere, the behaviour of locals indicated a weak place attachment.

In conclusion, it was apparent that the connection and engagement themes were strongly presented in Obinitsa and Lustivere. It was reflected in strong engagement activities and social bonds in these two communities. The presence of strong memories and emotions towards Lustivere and Obinitsa once again pointed towards the fact that these locals have had time to stay in their respective environments and form bonds, as opposed to Adavere. Not only did the 88 flow of people in Adavere hinder the formation of memories and experiences for these people, it also stopped any current traditions from setting their roots at the community level.

Table 3: The influences of engagement and connection themes regarding place attachment

Theme Lustivere Adavere Obinitsa Local activity Strong Weak Strong Engagement Community/personal Priorities Community interests Personal interests interests Rural, maintained landscape, fondness Environment for unspectacular Rural, practical Rural, wild, Attributes scenery landscape meaningful places

Involvement Strong involvement Passiveness Strong involvement Unity of Community is mostly Community is Community is Social community strong fractured mostly strong

Integration Easy to integrate No need to integrate Trial period Religious No religion No religion Traditional religion Historic social Culture Traditions Recent traditions Lacking in traditions traditions Awareness of local Moderate historical Moderate historical Strong historical history awareness awareness awareness Strong feelings Strong feelings towards landscape, towards landscape, Affect culture and Mixed feelings, culture and Emotions community home community Connection Memory through Connected to other memory Strong memories places Strong memories Connection Other places to other Education and work places elsewhere Places of origin Low significance

Legend

Strong negative influence on place attachment Negative influence on place attachment Mix of positive and negative influences on place attachment Positive influence on place attachment Strong positive influence on place attachment

Table 4: Commonalities of engagement and connection themes of Lustivere, Adavere and Obinitsa Theme Lustivere Adavere Obinitsa Local activity Strong Weak Strong Engagement Dominating Community Community/personal priorities interests Personal interests interests Rural, maintained landscape, Environment fondness for unspectacular Rural, practical Rural, wild, Attributes scenery landscape meaningful places Strong Involvement involvement Passiveness Strong involvement

Social Unity of Community is Community is Community is community mostly strong fractured mostly strong

Integration Easy to integrate No need to integrate Trial period Religious No religion No religion Traditional religion Historic social Culture Traditions Recent traditions Lacking in traditions traditions Awareness of Moderate historical Moderate historical Strong historical local history awareness awareness awareness Strong feelings Strong feelings towards landscape, towards landscape, Affect culture and Mixed feelings, culture and Emotions community home community Connection Memory through Connected to other memory Strong memories places Strong memories

Other places Connection to Education and other places work elsewhere Places of origin Low significance

Legend Unique Shared by two villages Common

3.4.3. Differences and commonalities: reasons for staying and power As tables 5 and 6 indicate, the locals of all three study areas had a common view regarding rural lifestyle. People lived in these areas, because they expect peace, quiet and privacy – it was thought to be a fitting environment for bringing up children. The rural lifestyle was also associated with rural activities such as gardening. However, the characteristics for each village differed. Both Obinitsa and Lustivere were seen as places where one moves in to stay. In the case of Obinitsa, staying there required engagement in the local cultural circle and participation was informally monitored by the community. The younger people from Lustivere, however, seemed to prefer a lifestyle balanced by workdays spent in the city and weekends in the countryside. Adavere had a strong theme of a mobile lifestyle and those who worked in different locations saw it as a suitable home. As, Adavere is at the centre of Estonia, it is an equal distance from each part of the state and it is easy to access via the local highway.

In most cases the lifestyle had formed as a result of upbringing and life lessons. This is a form of “experience-in-place“ (Manzo 2005), which creates a meaning towards a place, in this case, a place with a rural environment and relevant activities. As such experiences presuppose time to become immersed, it is again possible to relate to the temporal dimension of place attachment by Hernandez et al (2007) which describes how time spent in a place influences a person‟s bonds with said place. In the case of upbringing it is possible to view rural lifestyle as a pattern that has been practiced from a young age. Hay (1998) researched how regular campers of Okains Bay (New Zealand) would become attached to the place over time. This attachment also surfaced in the campers‟ children as well. According to Hay:

The experience of staying in the same, beautiful location each summer had an effect on camper’s children, with children often continuing the camping pattern set by their parents as they themselves grew into adults.

The locals of both Lustivere and Obinitsa displayed the ability to overcome problems and obstacles. There was more confidence in Lustivere – this might reflect the lack of conflicts between the activists and non-activists within the community. There was nobody to prevent the local village society from their work. The locals of Obinitsa strongly represented the pride of being a Seto. However, there were more signs of individualism. As mentioned before, the municipal council had members who did not take into account the interests of the community 91 in their work. There were also reports of a sense of disregard by certain local inhabitants – for example some of the locals refused to utilise the waste disposal network and disposed of their rubbish local natural environment or in another local‟s waste container. The active locals of Adavere were success-oriented; an attitude which in the case of local development, could be an asset. However, there were many locals who did not seem to appreciate involvements in community efforts and rather isolated themselves. Some of them might have been be recent newcomers who simply haven‟t had the time to develop feelings towards the place

The main issue for Lustivere was the lack of local services. While Põltsamaa was located close by, there were complaints, especially regarding medical and dental care. The lack of convenient bus services, however, made it harder for the locals to reach the services in Põltsamaa. Additionally, as mentioned before, work and education dragged young locals away. In the case of Adavere, the fractured community was a cause for struggle. There were locals who were deliberately disengaged and felt good about it. The community members of Obinitsa had a year-long calendar filled with cultural events and as mentioned above, the community did observe the attendance of such events. On some occasions the event calendar clashed with the local‟s own work schedule which forced them to choose between one or the other. Not participating in these events could result in emotions such as guilt or shame.

The locals from each study area had expressed the significance of state and municipality influence. The locals of Lustivere displayed unease towards the unification of Põltsamaa municipality and Põltsamaa town. There had also been conflicts with the Environmental Board. In Adavere there was sense of hopelessness towards the state policies. It was implied that the state does not support enterprises in rural areas and there was fear of losing the local school through the Estonian educational reform. The main sources of discord in Obinitsa were, yet again, the members of the municipal council who had managed to stay in their position of power year after year.

Table 5: Place attachment: reasons for staying and power

Theme Lustivere Adavere Obinitsa Rural vs. Reasons urban Rural lifestyle Rural lifestyle Rural lifestyle for staying Proposed lifestyle Static lifestyle, Static, cultural characteristic balanced lifestyle Mobile lifestyle lifestyle Individual attributes Confidence, ability Success-oriented Seto pride, ability Community effort, Community effort Community effort, Community rare signs of vs. significant signs of influence individualism individualism individualism Power Cause for Struggle with local Struggle with local struggle opportunities Wilful passiveness cultural schedule State/munici- Hopelessness pality Much is in the hands regarding relevant Struggle with the influence of the state policies municipality

Table 6: Commonalities of reasons for staying and power themes of Lustivere, Adavere and Obinitsa Topic Lustivere Adavere Obinitsa

Rural vs. urban Rural lifestyle Rural lifestyle Rural lifestyle Reasons for staying Proposed Static lifestyle, Static, cultural characteristic balanced lifestyle Mobile lifestyle lifestyle Individual Confidence, attributes ability Success-oriented Seto pride, ability Community Community effort Community effort, Community effort, rare signs vs. significant signs of influence of individualism individualism individualism Power Struggle with local Passive Struggle with local Cause for struggle opportunities empowerment schedule Hopelessness State/municipality Much is in the regarding relevant Struggle with the influence hands of the state policies municipality

Legend Unique Shared by two villages Common

3.4.4. Differences and commonalities: Conclusion

Relying on Scannell & Gifford‟s (2010) place attachment terms from the tripartite framework, and tables 1, 3 and 5 it could be said that the place attachment of Obinitsa‟s interviewees was strongly focused on the “Person” and “Process” dimensions. The interviewees were mostly able to identify themselves as members of the local cultural arena. The locals had strong feelings towards Obinitsa and have had time to form memories of their experiences within the place. The locals preferred to live in Obinitsa and did not have particularly strong connections with external places. The “Place” dimension‟s physical side was also strongly represented due to Obinitsa‟s natural environment. However, the main issues seemed to be in the “Place” dimension‟s social side as there were still passive or even hostile members in the local

94 community. Obinitsa‟s sense of place would benefit greatly if these social issues would be solved in the future. However, it could be said that the place attachment of Obinitsa‟s interviewees was the strongest of all the study areas.

The place attachment of Lustivere‟s interviewees was comparable to that of Obinitsa‟s interviewees in the “Process” dimension. The locals of Lustivere had also managed to form strong feelings towards their village through personal experiences within the place. The locals also had established recent traditions and hoped to keep them alive. However, there was still room to develop in the “Person” dimension to emulate the strength of attachment displayed in Obinitsa due to its cultural arena. However, the locals of Lustivere had fewer problems with the social aspects of the “Place” dimension due to a strong community. The physical side of the “Place” dimension needed improvement regarding the local infrastructure. If these infrastructural issues were to be addressed, the community of Lustivere might have a better chance of establishing their own cultural continuity, which in turn would help to strengthen Lustivere‟s sense of place.

It could be said that the place attachment of Adavere‟s interviewees was the weakest of all the three study areas. There was a lack in each dimension, especially the “Person” dimension. The local traditions had not yet become rooted and while Adavere could focus its efforts on further developing the ice skating scene, it had not yet become the community‟s true identity. Regarding the “Process” dimension, only a few of the interviewees had strong emotional connections to Adavere and some of the locals were clinging to other places and communities. From the “Place” perspective, the social circle was fractured and the local infrastructure needed improvement. The locals of Adavere would need to find a way to retain and integrate the newcomers within the community. Improvements in infrastructure and local employment might help in that regard. While time spent in the community is not always associated with positive experiences towards the place, it is still a necessity if any experience is to be had, be it positive or negative. Focusing and developing the sports scene, which is a local strength, might ensure that these experiences will be balanced more towards the positive.

3.5. Correlation between engagement and place attachment factors

As seen from table 7, the correlation between the “Person” dimension of the tripartite framework (Scannell & Gifford 2010) and engagement activity of the interviewees was positive. The correlation pattern was less apparent between the “Place” dimension and engagement activity. Whilst it did not reflect as strongly in the actual engagement, the connection was firmer regarding the will to engage – some villagers would gladly contribute more if circumstances such as age, health problems or a busy work schedule did not hinder it.

In the case of Lustivere and Adavere it could be seen that the ones who engaged actively had a very strong individual identity, but the local cultural space was relatively young and had not had time to develop as in Obinitsa. Lustivere 3 from table 7 was hindered by health problems, but had the motivation to engage in local development. Those from Lustivere who had a low engagement activity, also did not have a strong individual place identity regarding Lustivere and did not feel part of the local cultural group. This was because these interviewees had both spent their recent years in Tartu and their connection to Lustivere had suffered because of it. However, the distance had not significantly influenced their connection to the local social circles and the environment.

Adavere interviewees, however, included locals who did not engage and also had weak identities and a weak sense of belonging to the local cultural group. Those individuals also represented a weak connection to the local social circle, regarding the “Place” dimension. The connection to the physical environment however, was not an indicator in each of these cases. It should also be mentioned that these individuals had all been resident in Adavere for more than 20 years – some of them used to have more social and cultural connections in the past. This also hinted that time spent in the community is not always relevant regarding engagement activities. Adavere 2 was an example of increasing age hindering participation and Adavere 7 represented a local speed skater, who would gladly contribute more to the community if not for her sports career taking her abroad frequently.

Table 7: Correlation between the interviewees‟ engagement activity and the ”Person” and ”Place” dimensions of place attachment

Engagement Person Place Interview activity Cultural Individual group identity Social Physical Lustivere 1 Very high Strong Very strong Very strong Very strong Lustivere 2 Very high Strong Very strong Very strong Very strong Lustivere 3 Moderate Strong Very strong Very strong Very strong Lustivere 4 Very high Strong Very strong Very strong Very strong Lustivere 5 Very low Weak Moderate Strong Very strong Lustivere 6 Very low Weak Weak Strong Very strong Adavere 1 Very low Very weak Very weak Very weak Strong Adavere 2 Low Strong Very strong Very strong Very strong Adavere 3 Very high Strong Very strong Very strong Strong Adavere 4 High Moderate Strong Strong Strong Adavere 5 Low Weak Weak Weak Weak Adavere 6 Very low Very weak Very weak Very weak Very weak Adavere 7 Low Strong Strong Strong Strong Obinitsa 1 High Very strong Very strong Very strong Very strong Obinitsa 2 Very high Very strong Very strong Very strong Very strong Obinitsa 3 Very high Very strong Very strong Very strong Very strong Obinitsa 4 Very high Very strong Very strong Very strong Strong Obinitsa 5 Moderate Very strong Very strong Very strong Strong Obinitsa 6 Very high Very strong Very strong Very strong Strong Obinitsa 7 Low Weak Moderate Weak Strong Obinitsa 8 Low Very strong Very strong Strong Very strong Obinitsa 9 Very high Strong Strong Strong Very strong Obinitsa 10 High Very strong Very strong Strong Very strong

Legend

Very high value

High value

Moderate value Individual has the will to engage, but is hindered by schedule, age or health issues.

Obinitsa‟s only example of low engagement activity and weak connections to the cultural group and social circles has had discouraging experiences with the development practices of the local municipality. Obinitsa 5 and Obinitsa 8 from table 7 were examples of people who do not currently stay in Obinitsa, but nevertheless had relatively strong connections both to the “Person” and “Place” dimensions. These individuals experienced conflicts of priorities within their everyday schedules, but they did not lack the motivation to engage in Obinitsa‟s development.

The correlation between engagement activities and the “Process” dimension was harder to follow, as the process dimension covers the emotional aspects (affect), behavioural signs and cognition themes which can often be case-specific. However, there were some signs of correlation in all of these topics as well.

Happiness and contentment towards a place were common emotions displayed by the interviewees, especially the latter. Happiness could be more spontaneous and it is represented even in some cases with less engagement activity. However, the interviewees who were content with their current life in their place displayed a motivation to participate in local development. Those who did not feel contentment either did not currently reside in the study areas, had negative experiences within the community or simply had personal agendas elsewhere. The study of Carrus et al (2005) showed that people‟s pride towards their regional traditions, history and culture is positively correlated to the active support of local protected park areas. In the cases of Lustivere, Adavere and Obinitsa, pride towards the community and culture was also common for the activists, although it was also shared by several non-activists.

The most common behavioural sign was maintaining proximity with the place. Among the current residents of the study areas, this behaviour was represented through the residents‟ continuous wish to stay in the area. Among non-residents who were drawn away by school or work, some displayed homesickness towards the place and claimed to visit the place as often as they could. Both types of interviewees above were almost exclusively those active in the local engagement of the study areas. In contrast, those who originated from the study areas, but were not currently resident and displayed weak signs of maintaining proximity, did not engage in local development processes. Neither did those who currently lived in the vicinity, but displayed a wish to spend their spare time somewhere else, such as a previous community 98 or childhood home. Both types of cases suggest that these people had a stronger place attachment towards another place.

From the cognition aspect, it was difficult to connect personal memories to engagement activities. Whilst upbringing is an important factor in a person‟s development, there were no common themes amongst the interviewees‟ upbringing that related solely to the ones that participate actively in local development, except in two cases of newcomers to the study areas. These two cases described growing up in a strong and active community and as such, may have influences in the current development activities these people are involved in. The influences of upbringing such as lessons or inherited values were represented by both activists and passive locals and not in every single activist case. Memories of special places in the local natural environment were also shared by both activists and non-activists, as were childhood memories of rural activities such as agriculture. The importance of family ties was not an indicator of active engagement either – in some cases those ties even contributed to increasing the distance between an individual and the community. However, one common feature of all activists was whether a leader, a counsellor or a follower, were able to see themselves in a role regarding the community, whereas those who do not engage currently, saw no particular role for themselves. Being able to see oneself in a role presupposes certain experiences connected to the place, which have led to the formation of one‟s “self,” of which place identity is a part (Korpela 1989). According to Scannell & Gifford (2010), place meaning is formed through memory and is connected to one‟s “self”.

In conclusion it can be said that regarding the selections of Lustivere, Adavere and Obinitsa, there were correlations between the locals‟ engagement activity and the place attachment dimensions. The interviewees, who participate in rural development, fill these criteria:

 They are strongly tied with the local cultural group;  They identify themselves as a representative of the local cultural group;  They have strong ties with the local social circles;  They have a strong attachment to the local physical environment;  They feel contentment towards the life in their current place;  They feel pride towards their current place;

 They see themselves in a role regarding the community.

Maintaining one‟s proximity also commonly featured among the local activists. The process of developing these attributes differed between cases and there was no general pattern to be noted. The only positive correlation seemed to be the process of growing up in a strong community – where a person‟s previous community was active, the person consequently showed engagement activity in the current community as well. Otherwise, there were no common cognition themes between the locals, as each individual had their own story to tell of their childhood experiences, life lessons and personal values.

As Fox & Murphy (2012) have noted, there needs to be an improvement in the standard of current public participation practices, in order that the processes of engagement become more meaningful to the public. The results mentioned above are relevant when attempting to solve this issue through examining the place attachment of a place‟s inhabitants. While it might be possible to track common “Place” dimension related themes such as infrastructure within a municipality, the cognitional themes of “Process” require studies at village or village vicinity level. Therefore, each of these villages would require the development of a reflexive set of skills to apply the potentials of the locals while giving them a chance to learn in the course of the process. In some cases it would also be worth considering linking the study of sense of place to the study of the local strengths within each study area, for example speed skating in Adavere. A single overarching development strategy for all these study areas would possibly not work, unless the framework of such a strategy is flexible enough, to account for the “Process” aspects of the inhabitants in each investigated area.

In contrast to local development activists, interviewees who were not active lacked at least some of the above-mentioned criteria even whilst fulfilling others. None of those locals felt themselves filling a role regarding the community and in most cases, the low engagement activity was also reflected in low proximity maintaining towards the respective study area.

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CONCLUSION The tripartite place attachment framework of Scannell & Gifford was used to evaluate the place attachment of interviewees from three rural study areas: Lustivere, Adavere and Obinitsa. Whilst there were some common issues between the three study areas, each of the villages had their own distinctive sense of place and individual issues.

In the case of Obinitsa, the strongest aspect of place attachment dimensions, were the “Person“ and “Process“. The “Person“ dimension was strong due to the local religious-cultural background that has lasted for a millennium, which formed its own identity and expected cultural participation from the locals. The locals had a strong individual identity as well. The “Process“ dimension was strongly expressed among the locals through maintaining proximity with Obinitsa (behaviour), strong positive emotions towards the place (affect) and significant memories and experiences within the place (cognition). The “Place“ dimension was strongly expressed through the physical environment – the locals displayed fondness towards their natural and cultural landscape. However, the main local issue was displayed through the “Place“ dimension‟s social aspect – discord in the local municipality. Solving this issue could potentially strengthen the sense of place in Obinitsa.

Among the interviewees from Lustivere, the “Process“ dimension was strongly expressed through the strong emotions felt towards the place (affect) and significant memories and experiences within the place (cognition). Proximity maintaining (behaviour) was moderately expressed. The attributes of the “Person“ dimension were relatively strongly represented among the interviewees of Lustivere. Recently a strong cultural environment has been formed and the locals are able to identify themselves as part of it. The social side of the “Place“ dimension was also strongly expressed through the development of a strong community by establishing the local village society. From the physical perspective of “Place“, the locals displayed fondness towards the natural and anthropogenic landscape. However, the main issue was also displayed in the “Place“ dimension as there were strong issues with the local infrastructure and services. Solving these issues would potentially strengthen the sense of place in Lustivere.

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There were issues with each place attachment dimension in Adavere. The “Person“ dimension attachment is lacking because there is no general cohesion among the locals and the local cultural traditions have not yet managed to become fully rooted. Regarding the “Process“ dimension, the locals displayed both positive and negative emotions towards Adavere. As there are many newcomers, the memories and experiences of the locals are often connected to other places, which also motivated these people to maintain proximity with these places rather than with Adavere. The constant flow of people who come and go did not help individuals to create a cognitional connection with Adavere, as this takes time to form. Whilst there were moderately positive reactions towards the local landscape, the social side of the “Place” dimension is poorly represented as the community is fractured. There were also issues with the local infrastructures and services. A possible way to improve the sense of place in Adavere would be to deal with these infrastructural issues. This might encourage more people to stay in Adavere, which could help people to form experiences and memories that connect them to Adavere over time. Additionally, to help these people establish their bonds with Adavere, the local sense of community could be improved through supporting the local activists in the sports scene as well as within the school. These activists could potentially help newcomers integrate into the local community.

All the villages had a common “Place“ dimension issue – lack of local employment. Many of the interviewees mentioned that enterprises in rural areas should be funded more by the state. Providing entrepreneurial training could also encourage development of more enterprises at a local level. Another common theme that emerged was the idea of a rural lifestyle, which was the primary reason that kept the interviewees in their respective villages. Peace, privacy and a serene environment were the things commonly sought after. The interviewees displayed a general opinion that the rural environment is suitable for bringing up one‟s children. State funding and support for young families in rural areas might encourage more to stay.

Each of the place attachment dimensions showed some correlation between interviewees regarding participation in public planning. The “Person“ dimension had the strongest correlations as those who engaged in community development had a strong self-identity and were strongly involved in their respective local cultural groups. Such activists also had a strong connection towards the social and physical aspects of the “Place“ dimension, but these

102 connections were not exclusively limited to the activists. There was also a correlation between the interviewees‟ participation in planning and the “Process“ dimension aspects. From the affect aspect, the people who engaged in local development displayed pride and contentment towards their respective villages. From the behavioural aspect, the need for proximity maintaining was almost exclusively displayed by the activists – the residents showed a will to stay in their current place and those not currently resident were motivated to return to the place as often as possible Lastly, from the cognitional aspect, it was apparent that all the local activists were able to perceive themselves fulfilling a role in the community while the non- activists saw themselves as in no particular role. The development of such sense of role requires further study – identifying the exact process behind it could potentially be utilised in to develop future activists in such communities.

Regarding other cognitional themes, among the interviewees it was apparent that each one had their own unique set of experiences and memories of personal milestones and the development of their life values. Each of these people has reached their current place in life through a different path of experiences. Knowing such background information could be relevant if any future development framework was to be created for any of these study areas. When looking for ways to encourage the inhabitants to participate in local landscape planning, it would be necessary to delve into the “Process“ of how the locals develop attachment to better utilise their participation potential. The interviews of Obinitsa showed examples of families working together in the cultural arena. This approach could be expanded to planning participation as well. Whilst a local might not feel motivated to engage in local development due to it drawing them away from their families, they might feel inclined to participate when it was an activity for the whole family. This might bring more voices into the fold.

For future research in other Estonian rural areas, a similar approach to this thesis can be useful as the first step in uncovering the place attachment of the inhabitants of these places. The tripartite framework of Scannell & Gifford is suitable for generating a flexible semi-structured interview to obtain qualitative data on people-place relations. The study displayed positive correlations between the local place attachment themes and planning participation, stressing the importance of people-place relationships and the processes behind these relationships in motivating local engagement in planning.

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To uncover a more complete picture regarding the sense of place in each of the three study areas, it would be necessary to increase the understanding of the processes revealed in this study. Further exploration of the connections between these processes and local participation could help to develop more efficient development plans for the study areas in the future.

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SUMMARY IN ESTONIAN

Kohaseotus Eesti maapiirkondades: kvalitatiivne valimiuuring Lustivere, Adavere ja Obinitsa näitel

Tänapäeva Eesti näol on tegemist sotsialismijärgse ühiskonnaga ajstul, mil avalikkuse kaasamine kohalikes kogukondades ei ole kuigi pädevalt esindatud. Maapiirkondade kohalike omavalitsuste elanike arv on kahanemas ning järgijäänud kohalikel puudub piisav enesekindlus võtmaks osa sealsetest maastikku puudutavatest planeerimisaruteludest. Sellised puudujäägid tulenevad kohalike ja nende elukoha vahelistest seostest ning kohapealse kogukonna teadmatus neist seostest pärsib elanike kaasamise efektiivsust. Et mõista eelmaintud puudusi, tuleks kogkondade piires uurida sealsete inimeste ja nende elukeskkonna vahelisi seoseid.

Kohaseotus (ingl. k. place attachment / sense of place) on teooria, mille eesmärk on kirjeldada kõikvõimalikke inimese ja tema elukoha vahelisi seoseid läbi üheainsa raamistiku. Läbi aegade on selleks rakendatud erinevaid teoreetilisi ja empiirilisi lähenemisi, kuid aastal 2010 koondasid autorid Scannell & Gifford kõik senituntud kohaseotuse uurimise lähenemised ühte, kolmemõõtmelisse mudelisse. Antud mudeli kolm osa moodustavad isiku dimensioon (ingl. k. person) ehk kohaidentiteet (ingl. k. place identity), paiga dimensioon (ingl. k. place) ehk kohasõltuvus (ingl. k. place dependency) ja psühholoogiline dimensioon (ingl. k. process) ehk kohakiindumus (ingl. k. place attachment).

Isiku dimensioon kirjeldab uuritava asukoha elaniku tausta. Siia alla kuuluvad nii individuaalsed kogemused ja identiteet, kui ka inimgrupi poolt kohale omistatud sümboolsed väärtused. Need väärtused on tuletatud kohapealsetest ajaloolistest sündmustest, kultuuri- ja religioonitaustast ja grupiviisilistest üleelamistest.

Paiga dimensioon jaotatakse harilikult kaheks: sotsiaalne ja füüsiline. Sotsiaalne pool hõlmab isiku kohapealsed suhtlusringkonnad; füüsiline pool kirjeldab kohapealse keskkonna füüsilisi iseärasusi, mis avaldavad kohalikele mõju.

Psühholoogiline dimensioon jaguneb kolmeks: isiku kognitsioon, emotsioonid ja käitumine.

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Kognitiivne osa kirjeldab, miks tekkib side inimese ja tema elukeskkonna vahel, võttes arvesse isiku mälestused, kogemused ja aja jooksul välja kujunenud väärtused. Emotsioonid (nii positiivsed kui ka negatiivsed) ja käitumine (nt. hoidumine elupaiga lähedusse, vana elupaiga taasloomine) on aga inimese ja asupaiga vahelise sideme psühholoogilised väljundid.

Kohaseotuse teooria on oluline, kuna omandades ülevaate nii üksikisiku kui ka inimgrupi seostest mingi asukohaga, on võimalik saada asjakohast informatsiooni mingi asupaiga elanike käitumisest ja selle otsestest ja kaudsetest põhjustest. Seega on kohaseotuse teooria sobilik lähenemine kogukondade ebapädeva kaasamispraktika uurimiseks ja uute lähenemiste väljatöötamiseks.

Käesoleva väitekirja eesmärk oli rakendada kolmeosalist kohaseotuse teoreetilist raamistikku valitud Eesti kantide elanike ja nende elukeskkonna vaheliste seoste uurimiseks, vastamaks kahele uurimisküsimusele:

 Millised kohaseotuse tegurid tugevdavad või nõrgestavad uurimispiirkondade elanike kohaseotust.  Kuidas mõjutavad need tegurid uurimispiirkondade elanike valmidust olla kaasatud kohalikus arendustegevuses?

Uurimispiirkondade valik põhines distantsil lähimatest suurlinnadest, tõmbekeskustest ja magistraalidest. Kõik uurimisalad paiknesid Tallinna ja Tartu linnadest enam kui 60 km kaugusel. Lustivere ja Adavere näol oli tegemist aladega, mis asuvad 8 km ulatuses lähimast tõmbekeskusest (Põltsamaa) ning Tallinn-Tartu-Võru-Luhamaa maantee vahetus läheduses. Lustivere ja Adavere kandid valiti ka uurimaks sarnasusi ja erinevusi samas omavalitsuses paiknevate kantide vahel. Obinitsa näol oli tegemist äärealaga, mis paiknes lähimast tõmbekeskusest (Võru), 30 km kaugusel.

Uurimispiirkondade elanike või sealt pärit inimeste seas viidi läbi 23 poolstruktureeritud intervjuud: Lustiveres 6, Adaveres 7 ja Obinitsas 10. Üks Obinitsa elanike seas läbi viidud intervjuu oli grupiviisiline (3 inimest), ülejäänud intervjuud olid individuaalsed. Esmased intervjueeritavad valiti mugavusprintsiibi alusel, kõik järgnevad leiti lumepalli-meetodi abil. Intervjueeritavate iga jäi vahemikku 20-82. Intervjuus esitatud küsimused moodustati

112 kohaseotuse kolmeosalise mudeli dimensioonide ja nende alateemade põhjal. Intervjuud transkripteeriti, kodeeriti kodeerimistarkvaraga QDA Miner Lite ja analüüsiti MS Excelis.

Põhilised tegurid, mis tugevdasid Obinitsa elanike kohaseotust jäid isiku ja psühholoogia dimensiooni. Isiku dimensiooni puhul mängis rolli kohalik religioosse taustaga Seto kultuuriruum, mis on seal olemas olnud terve aastatuhande ja kujundanud omanäolise identiteedi. Intervjueeritud kohalikud näitasid välja tugevat sidet Seto identiteedi suhtes. Psühholoogilises dimensioonis ilmnesid elanike tugevad tunded Obinitsa vastu ja kognitiivsed seosed paigaga ja sisemine soov viibida Obinitsas või selle vahetus läheduses. Paiga dimensiooni puhul oli positiivselt esindatud füüsiline keskkond – kohalikud näitasid üles austust ja kiindumust sealse loodusliku maastiku ja kultuuriobjektide suhtes. Peamine kohaseotuse nõrkus ilmnes aga paiga dimensiooni sotsiaalses pooles – lahkhelid kohalikus vallavalitsuses.

Lustivere puhul oli tugevalt esindatud psühholoogiline kohaseotuse dimensioon, kuna intervjueeritutel olid asukoha suhtes tugevad emotsioonid ja kognitiivsed sidemed ning mõõdukalt oli ka esindatud soov elada Lustiveres või selle vahetus läheduses. Isiku dimensioon oli esindatud tugevalt, kuna külasse on viimastel aastatel kujunenud tugev kultuuriline keskkond ning kohalikud näevad end osana sellest. Paiga dimensiooni sotsiaalne pool oli samuti tugevasti esindatud, kuna viimastel aastatel on Lustivere kandis tegutsenud kohalik külaselts, mis on haaranud palju elanikke oma tegemistesse. Paiga dimensiooni füüsilisest perspektiivist hinnatakse kõrgelt kohapealset poollooduslikku, hooldatud maastikku. Peamine kohaseotuse nõrkus ilmnes aga samuti paiga dimensioonis – kohapealse infrastruktuuri ja teenuste puudujäägid.

Adavere puhul esines nõrkusi igas kohaseotuse mõõtmes. Isiku dimensiooni nõrk esindatus tulenes selles, et kohapeal pole suudetud täielikult juurutada kogukonda hõlmavaid traditsioone ja kogukonnal puudub ühtne identiteet. Psühholoogilises dimensioonis väljendusid nii positiivsed kui ka negatiivsed emotsioonid Adavere suhtes. Kohapealsete elanike läbivool on suur, mis tähendab, et on suur osa inimesi, kes ei suuda elada paigas piisavalt kaua, et hakkaksid kujunema mälestused ja üleelamised (kognitiivne side). Mitmed kohalikud omavad sidemeid hoopis muude kohtadega nagu sünnikodu või eelmine elukoht, mis motiveerib neid inimesi veetma rohkem aega just neis kohtades, mitte Adaveres. 113

Füüsilises paiga dimensiooni pooles väljendusid mõõdukalt positiivsed tunded Adavere piirkonna maastiku suhtes. Sotsiaalses pooles ilmnes aga lõhe kogukonnas. Sarnaselt Lustiverele oli puudusi ka kohapealses infrastruktuuris ja teenustes.

Kõigis uurimispiirkondades ilmnes ühise paiga dimensiooni puudujäägina kehv kohapealne töövalik. Ühise positiivse aspektina esines aga kõigi uurimispiirkondade küsitletute soosiv suhtumine maaelu suhtes. Intervjueeritavad väärtustasid oma elukeskkonnas vaikust, privaatsust ja looduslikku keskkonda, mis olid peamised põhjused, mis motiveerisid intervjueerituid elama just oma praeguses elukeskkonnas. Intervjueeritud leidsid, et maapiirkond on sobilik koht laste üles kasvatamiseks.

Intervjueeritute valmisolek olla kaasatud kohalikus planeerimistegevuses omas tugevaid positiivseid seoseid nii isiku kui ka paiga dimensioonidega. Isiku dimensiooniga olid seosed kõige tugevamad – need, kes näitasid üles valmidust olla kaasatud, olid ka tugevalt seotud oma kogukonna kultuuriruumiga. Aktiivsed planeerimisse kaasatud näitasid ka tugevaid sidemeid paiga dimensiooni sotsiaalse ja füüsilise aspektiga, kuid need seosed olid esindatud ka passiivsete indiviidide hulgas.

Psühholoogilises dimensioonis ilmnes kolm läbivat joont, mis esinesid kaasatuse valmidusega inimeste hulgas. Käitumuslikust perspektiivist esines kõigi kaasatute seas soov viibida just nende elukeskkonnas või selle vahetus läheduses. Emotsionaalsest perspektiivist esines kõigi aktivistide seas rahulolu ja uhkustunne oma elukeskkonna suhtes. Kognitiivsest perspektiivist ilmnes kõigi arendustegevusse kaasatud inimeste seas võime näha end kogukonnas täitmas mingit rolli (nt. eestvedaja, nõuandja või harilik kogukonna liige) ja see roll ka sõnastada – planeerimistegevuses passiivsed intervjueeritud tunnistasid, et ei näe end täitmas erilist rolli kogukonna piires. Valdavalt aga olid psühholoogilise dimensiooniga seotud tegurid individuaalsed ja ei omanud läbivat teemat.

Uurimuse tulemustest võib järeldada, et loomaks edukamaid kaasamismetoodikaid, tuleks kogukonna piires põhjalikumalt pühenduda sealsete elanike psühhoogilise kohaseotuse mõõtme teguritesse. Põhjalikud teadmised protsessist, kuidas ühe kogukonna elanike side oma elukeskkonnaga on välja kujunenud, võivad aidata luua selle kogukonna elanike jaoks vastuvõetama ja motiveerivama metoodika kaasamispraktikaks.

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APPENDIX A: THEMES OF THE INTERVIEWS Gender:

Age:

Education:

Occupation:

„Process“:

Do you sense a community present in Lustivere/Adavere/Obinitsa?

Which emotions do you feel regarding your environment/setting:

 Would you associate your environment with happiness (or distress)? What could be the reason?

 Would you associate your enviroment with pride (or embarassment)? What could be the reason?

Would you say your emotions towards your environment strengthen/weaken your attachment to your environment? Do these emotions drive you to participate in local development planning?

Would you say the memories from your childhood and/or youth strengthen or weaken your attachment to your community?

How would you rate your knowledge and experience about rural lifestyle? How about agriculture? About local planning processes? Would you say this knowledge and experience strengthens or weakens your attachment to your community?

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What values come first in life? Do you, perhaps, follow a code for life? How do you think you came to believe in these values (what were the influences)?

Do you feel the inner drive to maintain proximity with your environment? If your current residence is far away from this place here, do you alter your residence (or any part of it) in any way so it would remind you of this place (reconstructing the past)? Please do elaborate.

Person:

Do you consider yourself religious? What can you tell me of the local religious background? In your opinion, does religion have an important role in bonding the local community? Why?

What can you tell me of the local history and historical places? In your opinion, does the historical background have an important role in bonding the local community? Why?

Has there been any historical event that has strongly influenced this place and the local community? Which event? What changed?

Do you maintain ties with your family? Do these ties influence your bond with this place? Please do elaborate.

Have you been active in the local development (public participation)? If so, has the experience been positive or negative? Did it feel like wasting your time?

Would you say the nature of your profession connects you to the comunity (or do you feel separated/isolated)?

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How long have you been a part of this community? Were you born here or have you migrated here from somewhere else? Do you see yourself as part of the community? Do you see yourself fulfilling a „role“? Could you perhaps describe that role?

Have there been any life changing moments for you during your personal life in this rural community (moments of clarity, sudden realizations)? What are your ideas and standpoints about rural lifestyle? Do you see potential for living in a rural community? What adds to the potential? What decreases it?

Place:

Have you been (or are you currently) active in the local social arena? Do you feel that this activity strengthens your ties with the local community? (Or do you feel that not participating in the social arena has distanced you from the community?) Do you have any hobbies or observations regarding your environment?

Do you see the local community representing our national values. Do you feel this community has its own local identity?

Do you think the local natural landscape as distinctive? What is special about it? Do you feel the landscape is vital to the local community?

What can you tell me about the local nature preservation? Has it been traditional in this area? Is it perhaps a part of the local identity? Are there perhaps any known (perhaps symbolic) species of importance? Any threatened natural landscapes?

How would you rate human influence on the local landscape? Is man-made (agricultural) landscape an important (traditional) part of the local environment?

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How would you describe the local agriculture. Is it more traditional or modernized? Do you feel threatened by modern agricultural practices (do you see them threatening the community in any way)? Does it have its merits in strengthening the local ties?

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APPENDIX B: THEMES OF THE INTERVIEWS IN ESTONIAN Sugu: Vanus: Haridus: Amet:

Psühholoogia („process“):

Kas Teie tajute, et Lustiveres/Adaveres/Obinitsas on olemas mingisugune kogukond?

Millised emotsioonid tekkivad Teil seoses oma elukeskkonnaga?

 Kas Te seostaksite oma elukeskkonda õnnetundega ( või rahulolematusega) ? Millega täpsemalt on see tundmus seotud?

 Kas Te seostaksite oma elukeskkonda uhkustundega (või häbitundega) ? Mis võiks olla selle tundmuse tekitajaks?

Kas leiate, et Teie emotsioonid oma elukeskkonna suhtes tugevdavad/nõrgendavad Teie sidet oma elukeskkonnaga? Kas need emotsioonid ajendavad Teid osa võtma kohalikku keskkonda muutvast arendustegevusest?

Kas Te leiate, et mälestused Teie nooruspõlvest tugevdavad või nõrgestavad Teie sidet oma kogukonnaga?

Kuidas Te hindate oma teadmisi maaelust? Põllumajandusest? Kohalikust arendustegevusest (sealhulgas kaasamine). Kas leiate, et need teadmised tugevdavad või nõrgendavad Teie sidet oma kogukonnaga?

Milliseid väärtushinnanguid järgite? Kas teil on oma koodeks, mille järgi elada? Mis on

119 olulisemad väärtused Teie jaoks? Kuidas Te neisse uskuma hakkasite?

Kas Te tunnete soovi või vajadust elada just siinses maakohas või selle läheduses? Kui viibite või elate kusagil kaugemal, kas Te näete vaeva selleks, et Teie elukoht (või osa sellest) meenutaks kodukohta? Kirjeldage.

Isik („person“):

Kas Te olete religioosne inimene? Mida Te oskate rääkida siinsest religioossest taustast? Kas Te leiate, et religioonil on oluline roll kohaliku kogukonna sidumisel? Miks?

Palun kirjeldage siinset ajaloolist tausta. Kas leiate, et ajaloolisel taustal on siduv roll kohaliku kogukonna identiteedis?

Kas leiate, et mõni ajalooline suursündmus on mõjutanud kohaliku kogukonna sidusust ja aktiivsust arendustegevusel? Milline sündmus? Mis muutus?

Kas Teil on oma perega tugevad sidemed? Kas leiate, et see mõjutab Teie sidusust kohaliku keskkonnaga?

Kas olete näidanud üles aktiivsust kohalikus arendustegevuses? Kas olete sellest saanud positiivseid kogemusi või leiate, et Teie aeg läks raisku?

Kas leiate, et Teie töö iseloom seob või isoleerib teid kohalikust keskkonnast?

Kui kaua olete viibinud siinses kogukonnas? Kas olete siin sündinud või sisse rännanud?

Kas tunnete end osana kohalikust kogukonnast? Kirjeldage, millisena näete oma rolli

120 kohalikus kogukonnas.

On Teie isiklikus elus ette tulnud sündmusi, mis on muutnud Teie seisukohta maakogukonnas elamisest? Mis on Teie ideed ja seisukohad maaelu suhtes? Kas tunnete, et maakogukonnas elamisel on/ei ole potentsiaali? Mis ja miks soodustavad/takistavad seda?

Paik („place“):

Kas olete (või olete varasemalt olnud) aktiivne kohalikus kultuurivõrgustikus? Kas leiate, et kogemused neist kultuurilistest ettevõtmistest on sidunud Teid kohaliku kogukonnaga (või kas leiate, et neist kogemustest ilmajäämine on Teid võõrandanud kohalikust kogukonnast)?

Kas kohalik kogukond esindab Teie arvates meie rahvuslikke väärtusi ja sümboolikat? Kas leiate, et siinsel kogukonnal on kujunenud oma identiteet?

Kas Teie arvates on kohalik looduskeskkond oluline osa tervest kogukonnast? Mis on selles erilist? Kas leiate, et kohalik keskkond ja maastik omavad tähtsust kommuuni jaoks?

Mida oskaksite rääkida kohalikust looduskaitsest? Kas see on siinkandis olnud traditsiooniline? On see ehk osa kohalikust identiteedist? Kas siinkandis leidub mõni kaitsealune liik, mida peate tähtsaks? Kas siin on ka ohustatud maastikke?

Kuidas Te hindaksite inimese mõju kohalikule maastikule. Kas inimtekkeline (põllumajandusmaastik) on oluline osa kohalikust ümbruskonnast ja selle kuvandist?

Millisel määral mõjutab inimtegevus Teie arvates kohaliku kogukonna sidusust? Kas põllumajanduse ja ehitustegevuse moderniseerumine ohustab siinseid maastikke ja kultuuripärandit? Kas kohalik põllumajanduspraktika mõjutab kogukonna sidusust?

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