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The London School of Economics and Political Science Development Without Slums: Institutions, Intermediaries and Grassroots Poli The London School of Economics and Political Science Development without Slums: Institutions, Intermediaries and Grassroots Politics in Urban China Wai Cheng A thesis submitted to the Department of Government of the London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2015 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <80, 859> words. 2 ABSTRACT This thesis studies the institutional foundations and micro-mechanisms by which social order is regulated and public goods are delivered in China’s urban grassroots communities. This study is motivated by the seemingly deviant phenomenon that massive internal migration and rapid urbanisation during China’s market reforms have not resulted in chaotic and familiar third world urban diseases. Instead, relatively governed, less contentious, highly dynamic yet ultimately soft migrant enclaves contrast sharply with what often feature most developing countries. Based on the case studies of four urban villages – which categorically housed the majority of China’s 274 million rural migrants – I trace the interplay among the remaining socialist institutions, dominant market forces and various intermediaries in managing migrant contestation and serving state functions. I consider both objective criteria and migrants’ perceptions to explain why China’s migrant enclaves demonstrate distinct characteristics compared with the migrant enclaves in many developing countries. I also consider why China’s migrant enclaves share similar patterns of transformation with its formal cities. The findings contest the conventional approaches that are used to explain China’s structural stability and territorial cohesion despite local disturbances and conflicts, which are mainly attributable to the authoritarian regime, state corporatism or an underdeveloped civil society. Although China’s land, danwei and hukou systems are nationally configured, I argue that these institutions are also conducive to protecting an intermediate realm that comprises residential committees, joint-stock companies and clan associations by providing a safety valve and nurturing localised engagements. I then examine how these intermediaries have adopted coercion, patronage and exit-point mechanisms to deliver public goods, enforce communal order and broker urban renewal through less coercive and predatory means. I further assess the ways in which these engaging but parochial, resourceful but dependent, and exclusive rather than inclusive intermediaries have mediated the boundaries between despotic power and infrastructural power and among state agenda, market forces and grassroots interests. This thesis thus re-visits China’s authoritarian resilience concerning not only how migrant contestation is managed but also what institutions and mechanisms are most effective to articulate multiple interests and ensure social compliance during the processes of urbanisation and decentralisation in the absence of electoral politics. 3 Table of Contents Acknowledgements 5 Abbreviations 7 List of Illustrations 8 1. Introduction 9 Development and slums 9 China’s deviant phenomenon 11 Theoretical approach and debates 13 Research question and objectives 26 Research design and methodology 28 Organisation of the thesis 37 2. Urban Contestation and Migrant Enclaves in Comparative Perspective 41 China’s unprecedented urbanization 42 Discursive constructions of slums 46 An operational definition of slums 52 China’s migrant enclaves 56 Place, people, trade and order 59 3. Institutional Adaptation and Migrant Governance 64 Institutional foundations of the rural-urban divide 65 Periodic adaptations and the embedded rationality of hukou system 72 Urban contestation, dormitory and enclaves 81 4. The Land System, Exit Points and Privatised Collectives 88 The state and dual land tenure system 90 Exit points, social protection and structural stability 94 The trajectories of grassroots negotiations 101 Privatisation and the resourceful collectives 108 5. Commercialised Grassroots Agencies and Regulated Urban Space 113 Intermediary realm and migrant governance 114 The commercialisation of grassroots politics 121 Outsourcing, coercion and order 127 Contradictions between local state and grassroots regime 134 6. Urban Renewal, Brokerages and Soft Enclave 140 Impetus for urban renewal 142 Entrepreneurial and protective brokers 149 Individualistic resistance and collective compliance 157 7. Brokers of Locality and Satisfiers from Afar 166 Beyond cultural and structural explanations 167 Brokers and the locality 169 Locality and segregated engagements 179 Toilers, traders, transients and citizenship from afar 185 8. Conclusion 191 Particular manifestation of prevalent transformation 191 Institutional foundations of contradictions 192 Intermediaries in different localities 196 Regime, agency and reciprocal resilience 202 Bibliography 206 4 Acknowledgements My heartfelt gratitude goes to my supervisor, Chun Lin, for her intellectual passion and guidance as well as her indispensable support throughout this journey. She has been kind and supportive, has kept me informed on the latest research, and has always encouraged me to reconsider my assumptions and consider broader theoretical issues. I am thankful for my advisor, Francisco Panizza, for his ideas, feedback and encouragement, which revealed new paths for my research. I am also pleased to have Shu-yun Ma, Shaoguang Wang and Albert Weale as supervisors of my college, undergraduate and graduate theses, who inspired and set examples for my academic pursuits. I am indebted to Jean-Philippe Beja, Sumantra Bose, David Bray, Katrin Flikschuh, Chloe Froissart, Stephan Feuchtwang, Andreas Fulda, Jude Howell, Laleh Khalili, Ching-Kwan Lee, Lianjiang Li, Hyun-bang Shin, Dorothy Solinger, Christoph Steinhardt, Julia Strauss, Bettina Gransow-van Treeck, Sebastian Veg, Jieh-min Wu, Ray Yep, Samson Yuen, Li Zhang and Le-yin Zhang who read previous drafts, commented on my presentations or shared with me new findings or materials. I am also enlightened and better prepared for the academia as a result of the inspiring and incisive comments from the editors and reviewers from several disciplinary and area studies journals. Revised versions of this thesis or works addressing similar themes have been published or are forthcoming in these journals. I would also like to thank the organisers and participants of a series of seminars and forums at the LSE, at which the atmosphere has always been dynamic and the exchanges fruitful. I am always grateful for the advice, support and enjoyable experiences from my classmates and friends over the course of my studies. I have particularly treasured the inspiration and comments from delegates at the annual conferences of the Association for Asian Studies, Development Studies Association, European Consortium for Political Research, New European Research on Contemporary China, Political Studies Association and The Graduate Seminar on China in the past few years. I was inspired by the lively debates, interdisciplinary dialogue and the promising research at these meetings. My special thanks go to the faculties at Sun Yat-sen University and the University of Science and Technology of China, who granted me the affiliations to conduct fieldwork in Shenzhen and Guangzhou and shared their connections with city planners and street-level cadres with me. Special thanks are due to Uncle Lou and Madam Huang, who introduced 5 me to the localities, brought me into the everyday lives of the inhabitants and inspired me to seek alternate views of the migrant enclaves. My greatest debts are to my informants and interviewees, who are government officials, local chiefs, native villagers, private entrepreneurs, NGO staff or migrant workers and, most importantly, the agents and observers of China’s great urban transformation. They spoke with me for hours; accepted me into their circles; and shared their data, stories and aspirations with me. Although I cannot reveal their identities, I am forever grateful to these individuals for their time, hospitality and stimulating exchanges. 6 Abbreviations CCP Chinese Communist Party CCTV Closed-circuit Television Systems JC Joint-stock Company MCA Ministry of Civil Affairs MPS Ministry of Public Security NBS National Bureau of Statistics NHFPC National Health and Family Planning Commission NPC National People’s Congress PRC People’s Republic of China RC Resident Committee SEZ Special Economic Zone SOE State-owned Enterprise SSB Shenzhen Statistics Bureau SUPLRC Shenzhen Urban Planning, Land, and Resources Commission SUVRO Shenzhen Urban Village Reconstruction Office TVE Township Village Enterprise UN-Habitat United Nations Human Settlements Programme VC Village Committee Chengguan Urban Administrative and Law Enforcement Bureau Chengzhongcun Urban village or village amidst the city Danwei
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