A New Era?: Timor-Leste After the UN
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Timor-Leste: No Time for Complacency
Update Briefing Asia Briefing N°87 Dili/Brussels, 9 February 2009 Timor-Leste: No Time for Complacency I. OVERVIEW saw a stream of human rights abuses, stemming from ill-discipline and a sense of being above the law. There are tensions between the Timorese and the international A year after the near-fatal shooting of President José security forces, with the Timorese police increasingly Ramos-Horta, security in Timor-Leste is strikingly resisting UN supervision. There are also signs of wor- improved. Armed rebels are no longer at large. The rying disdain for the justice system and civilian con- atmosphere on the streets of Dili is far less tense. The trol over the army. The police and army depend too government does not seem to be facing any serious heavily on a few individuals and on personal relation- political threat to its survival. It has, at least temporar- ships that have been able to hold the security forces ily, been able to address several of the most pressing together. security threats, in large part by buying off those it sees as potential troublemakers. Nevertheless, the cur- Presidential interventions in cases involving political rent period of calm is not cause for complacency. Secu- violence have undermined an already weak justice sys- rity sector reform is lagging, the justice system is weak, tem. They send a signal that those involved, especially the government shows signs of intolerance towards the elite, will not be held to account, creating resent- dissenting voices, and it has not got a grip on corrup- ment among the victims and failing to create a deter- tion. -
Timor-Leste's Veterans
Update Briefing Asia Briefing N°129 Dili/Jakarta/Brussels, 18 November 2011 Timor-Leste’s Veterans: An Unfinished Struggle? not solved the problem. Judgment on difficult cases has I. OVERVIEW been deferred based on a belief that fraudulent claims will be revealed through denunciation once the lists are pub- More than ten years after the formation of Timor-Leste’s lished. Even with the option to appeal, new discontent is army and the demobilisation of the guerrilla force that being created that will require mediation. fought for independence, the struggle continues about how to pay tribute to the veterans. The increasingly wealthy state Beyond cash benefits, there are two areas where veterans’ has bought off the threat once posed by most dissidents demands for greater influence will have to be checked. The with an expensive cash benefits scheme and succeeded in first is the scope and shape of a proposed veterans’ council, engaging most veterans’ voices in mainstream politics. This whose primary role will be to consult on benefits as well approach has created a heavy financial burden and a com- as to offer a seal of institutional legitimacy. Some veterans plicated process of determining who is eligible that will hope it will be given an advisory dimension, allowing them create new tensions even as it resolves others. A greater to guide government policy and cementing their elite sta- challenge lies in containing pressures to give them dispro- tus. Such a broad role looks unlikely but the illusion that portionate political influence and a formal security role. veterans might be given more influence has likely in- A careful balance will need to be struck between paying creased the government’s appeal in advance of elections homage to heroes while allowing a younger generation of next year. -
Xanana Gusmão (Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão(De Verdadero Nombre José Alexandre Gusmão))
Xanana Gusmão (Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão(de verdadero nombre José Alexandre Gusmão)) Timor-Leste, Primer ministro; ex-presidente de la República Duración del mandato: 08 de Agosto de 2007 - de de Nacimiento: Laleia, distrito de Manatuto, 20 de Junio de 1946 Partido político: CNRT Profesión : Funcionario público y periodista ResumenHijo de un profesor de escuela que le enseño el idioma portugués y con ancestro en parte portugués, se crió en el campo, junto con su hermano menor y sus cinco hermanas. Recibió la educación primaria en el colegio Santa Teresa de Ossu, en Vikeke, y la secundaria en dos centros regidos por los jesuitas, el seminario de Soibade y la misión Nuestra Señora de Fátima de Dare, cerca de Dili, capital de la entonces provincia portuguesa de ultramar de Timor Oriental. http://www.cidob.org 1 of 9 Biografía No obstante sus aptitudes académicas, la falta de recursos impidió que terminara el bachillerato en el Liceo Francisco Veira Machado de Dili. Desde 1962 se contrató en diversos trabajos, como mecanógrafo, ayudante de topógrafo, pescador, estibador portuario y docente en una escuela de la minoría china, hasta 1966, cuando consiguió un puesto de funcionario público en el Departamento de Silvicultura y Agricultura. En 1968 inició el servicio militar de tres años en el Ejército portugués y en 1969 contrajo matrimonio con Maria Emília Batista, con la que iba a tener dos hijos, Nito y Zenilda. Nacionalista moderado, en mayo de 1974, días después de la Revolución que terminó la dictadura salazarista en la metrópoli y dio paso a un gobierno descolonizador, Gusmão empezó a trabajar en la emisora de radio Voz de Timor al tiempo que se adhirió al recién fundado partido independentista Asociación Social Demócrata Timoresa (ASDT). -
Timor-Leste After the UN
CHAPTER 3 Past, Present and Future: Why the Past Matters Fidelis Magalhães Future is past’s child, and has the father’s face. This chapter presents my analysis of the current state of Timor-Leste’s development process. It is divided into the following sections. First, I discuss the tension between the theory and the realpolitik of state-building. Second, I discuss Timor-Leste as a country in the making. Third, I discuss the path to independence, the current Timorese leadership and the present political landscape. Fourth, I touch on the roles and the five-year plan of the president. Finally, I try to paint a picture of the future and identify challenges. The theory and the realpolitik of state-building I hold the view that most of the contemporary analyses on the socioeconomic development of Timor-Leste suffer from a serious historical deficiency. It is common for expert opinions to make claims about Timor-Leste’s current economic performance while seldom referring to the course on which the country has sailed. Like driving a car, one ought to have a rear mirror to look behind. If the mirror is too big the driver will be distracted; but without one, the car cannot be driven safely. Moreover, expert opinions seldom acknowledge that the development process is largely a political process. Beyond having the right economic theories and formulas, it is only through having strong political commitments and 31 A New Era? Timor-Leste After the UN sensitivities that a recently independent, economically underdeveloped country can progress. To succeed, it requires strong political will on the part of the leadership to build democratic governance based on the rule of law, yet at the same time ensure that the state is capable of creating consensus among main political forces that can otherwise be belligerent towards the state. -
IPRIS Viewpoints
76 IPRIS Viewpoints SEPTEMBER 2011 Taur Matan Ruak: the first candidate for the 2012 presidential elections in Timor Leste? PAUlo GorjÃO Portuguese Institute of International Relations and Security (IPRIS) On September 2nd, the Chief of General Staff of the Armed his presidential ambitions have the necessary political Forces of Timor Leste, Major-General Taur Matan Ruak, support to succeed. If Matan Ruak decides to run for resigned, claiming that after 36 years in FALINTIL and President it is possible that he might have the support of the F-FDTL, this was the right time “to go back to civilian the main ruling party, the National Congress for Timorese life”.1 On August 20th, the Timorese government had Reconstruction (CNRT), founded by José Alexandre officially disbanded the Armed Forces for the Liberation ‘Xanana’ Gusmão in 2007, as well as from other parties of Timor Leste (FALINTIL), who fought against the close to CNRT, such as the Social Democratic Party Indonesian occupation for more than two decades.2 In a (PSD). So far, Xanana has given no public signal on his way, the demobilization of the FALINTIL marks the end of position regarding Matan Ruak’s presidential ambitions. a cycle and, as such, the resignation of Matan Ruak fits Bearing in mind the men’s good personal relationship, as well in this process. well as the fact that Xanana is not close to Ramos-Horta, Yet, while ending his military career, the decision of it would not be a surprise if Xanana, sooner or later, Matan Ruak could also mark the beginning of his active reveals that he supports Matan Ruak’s presidential bid. -
Networked Governance of Freedom and Tyranny: Peace in Timor-Leste
Networked Governance of Freedom and Tyranny Peace in Timor-Leste Networked Governance of Freedom and Tyranny Peace in Timor-Leste John Braithwaite, Hilary Charlesworth and Adérito Soares Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at http://epress.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Author: Braithwaite, John. Title: Networked governance of freedom and tyranny : peace in Timor-Leste / John Braithwaite, Hilary Charlesworth and Adérito Soares. ISBN: 9781921862755 (pbk.) 9781921862762 (ebook) Series: Peacebuilding compared. Notes: Includes bibliographical references. Subjects: Timor-Leste--Politics and government. Timor-Leste--Autonomy and independence movements. Timor-Leste--History. Timor-Leste--Relations--Australia. Australia--Relations--Timor-Leste. Other Authors/Contributors: Charlesworth, H. C. (Hilary C.) Soares, Adérito. Dewey Number: 320.95987 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU E Press Cover photo: Veronica Pereira Maia, Sydney, 1996. ‘I wove this tais and wove in the names of all the victims of the massacre in Dili on 12 November 1991. When it touches my body, I’m overwhelmed with sadness. I remember the way those young people lost their lives for our nation.’ Photo: Ross Bird Printed by Griffin Press This edition © 2012 ANU E Press Contents Dedication vii Preface ix Advisory Panel xv Glossary xvii Map xxi 1. A Political Puzzle 1 2. -
Timor-Leste's Elections
Update Briefing Asia Briefing N°134 Dili/Jakarta/Brussels, 21 February 2012 Timor-Leste’s Elections: Leaving Behind a Violent Past? I. OVERVIEW Political tensions have largely been tempered in the lead up to polls and the security situation remains stable despite a small uptick in violent crime. As campaign season ap- Timor-Leste’s 2012 general elections will provide an im- proaches and the political temperature rises, law enforce- portant test of the country’s resilience as it celebrates ten ment capacity remains weak and this means the sources years of independence. The governing coalition has under- of potential security risks are many. The UN police and taken few of the long-term reforms seen as necessary after the small International Stabilisation Force (ISF) can help the 2006 crisis but increased wealth has given many a grow- buttress crowd control and riot response, but the focus ing stake in stability. The outcome of polls remains difficult should be on other measures. Civil society groups have a to predict given the breadth of the field in each poll and role to play in helping educate voters and monitoring ad- the weakness of issue-based politics. Successful elections herence to codes of conduct, as well as shining light on any will be important not just toward securing the long-awaited proxy role in election-related intimidation or violence that withdrawal of the country’s UN peacekeeping mission but martial arts groups could play. Public relations should be also may give its leaders the confidence to confront its a key part of the planned joint operations centre for elec- many challenges. -
Iprislusophone Countries Bulletin
SEPTEMBER | 1 IPRIS Lusophone Countries Bulletin 2011 REVIEW 46 TIMOR LESTE IN 2011: THE PRELUDE OF A NEW CYCLE? Nuno Canas Mendes IPRIS Lusophone Countries Bulletin: 2011 Review | 46 Timor Leste in 2011: The Prelude of a New Cycle? NUNO CANAS MENDES Assistant Professor, School of Social and Political Sciences (ISCSP), Portugal When looking back to 2011, Timor Leste was clearly char- foreign policy, economy and justice that impacted Timor acterized by the discussion over the country’s political Leste’s course in this particular year. Concluding remarks future, which is to be defined in the presidential (March) will then attempt to highlight what can be expected in the and legislative (June) elections to be held during 2012. An coming year. overall assessment of the political facts allows for a posi- tive balance of the year both in terms of the functioning Pre-elections and UNMIT of the institutions and of developments in some sensitive Stability in 2011 was the dominant note, with measurable areas such as security, economy and justice. Naturally, progress observed in the dialogue between government, this has to be contextualized with the efforts carried out opposition and civil society representatives. A good ex- by the state and the international community both seek- ample was the initiative promoted by the Bishop of Bau- ing to demonstrate that evolution has indeed occurred. cau, Basílio Nascimento, on 26 July and later continued However, it is not difficult to list a number of criticisms of in Maubisse in August which brought together national the government’s performance including the shortcom- leaders (including high political officials, military author- ings of the security forces, the weak diversity of the eco- ities, representatives of major parties and civil society nomic sector, and the reduced efficiency of justice. -
Occupation, Resistance, and State-Building in Palestine and Timor-Leste
Pathways to Self-Rule: Occupation, Resistance, and State-Building in Palestine and Timor-Leste by Diana B. Greenwald A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Political Science) in The University of Michigan 2017 Doctoral Committee: Professor Mark A. Tessler, Co-Chair Professor William Roberts Clark, Co-Chair Assistant Professor Mark Dincecco Associate Professor Brian K. Min Professor Anne Pitcher Diana B. Greenwald [email protected] ORCID iD: 0000-0002-4408-4379 © Diana B. Greenwald 2017 All Rights Reserved In memory of: Sidney Fuld Greenwald (1921 - 2016) and Rose Lou Shelton (1934 - 2011) ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I began my doctoral studies in 2010 with a scattered and wide-ranging set of interests related to the political economy of the Middle East. At the time, I had no idea how difficult it would be to transform those ideas into a concrete contribution to scholarly research. I thought it would take six years; it took seven. I thought I would wake up each morning motivated to attend class; complete a problem set; study for an exam; work on my dissertation proposal; collect data; transcribe an interview; prepare presentation slides; or write (and rewrite, and rewrite, and rewrite) a chapter. Some mornings, I had no such motivation. But, in 2010, I was also unaware of how many bright, inspiring, funny, and generous people I would meet along this journey. The actual cast of characters is inevitably longer than the list of those acknowledged below. These individuals not only helped me achieve the aforementioned checklist of research tasks, adding up to a completed dissertation, but they also encouraged me to take care of myself in the process. -
LH Annual Report 2007
Annual Report La’o Hamutuk January – December 2007 Table of Contents Mission............................................................................................................................................2 Situational background.................................................................................................................2 Goals and objectives......................................................................................................................4 Program activities .........................................................................................................................4 Bulletin........................................................................................................................................4 Website and email list .................................................................................................................5 Radio program.............................................................................................................................6 Public meetings ...........................................................................................................................6 Resource center and library.........................................................................................................6 International and national media.................................................................................................6 Principal areas of research, monitoring and advocacy..............................................................7 -
Timor-Leste: Stability at What Cost?
Timor-Leste: Stability at What Cost? Asia Report N°246 | 8 May 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. The AMP Style of Governance .......................................................................................... 1 II. Political Stability ............................................................................................................... 8 A. Presidential Elections ................................................................................................ 8 B. Parliamentary Elections............................................................................................. 9 C. Forming a Government .............................................................................................. 12 D. Stagnation or Stability? ............................................................................................. 12 1. The executive ........................................................................................................ 12 2. The legislature ...................................................................................................... 13 3. The presidency .................................................................................................... -
Monthly Governance Report Relatório Mensal De Governação
Democratic Governance Promoting the Culture of Democratic Governance Photos by: Martine Photos Perret/UNMIT/CPIO by: MONTHLY GOVERNANCE REPORT RELATÓRIO MENSAL DE GOVERNAÇÃO The State of Democratic Governance in Timor-Leste O Estado da Governação Democrática em Timor-Leste June 2012 Junho de 2012 Monthly Governance Report is prepared by the: Democratic Governance Support Unit-DGSU United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste - UNMIT Updated version: 31 July 2012 Relatório de Governação é preparado pela Unidade de Suporte à Governação Democrática – USGD Missão Integrada das Nações Unidas em Timor-Leste-UNMIT Versão atualizada a: 31 de Julho de 2012 MONTHLY GOVERNANCE REPORT June 2012 RELATÓRIO MENSAL DE GOVERNAÇÃO Junho de 2012 TABLE OF CONTENTS/ÍNDICE Pillars of Sovereignty/Pilares de Soberania Office of the President of Republic .................................................................................................... 3 Gabinete do Presidente da República ............................................................................................... 3 National Parliament ........................................................................................................................... 5 Parlamento Nacional ......................................................................................................................... 5 Government [Council of Ministers] ................................................................................................... 13 Governo [Conselho de Ministros]....................................................................................................