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Security Sector Reform in Timor-Leste ______ ISSAT Background Note on Security Sector Reform in Timor-Leste ___________________________________ 1. Introduction and General Background The history of Timor-Leste has been one of domination, occupation and political violence. 400 years of colonial rule by Portugal came to an end with the 1974 Carnation “revolution” that toppled the dictatorial Salazar regime in Lisbon, only to be followed by 24 years of brutal Indonesia occupation (1975-1999). In 2002, Timor- Leste achieved independence through election, making it South East Asia’s youngest nation. A series of international support missions, including peace-buildings operations, trainings and financial support helped stabilise the country and prepare it for the 2012 election, which was viewed as an overall success with Taur Matan Ruak inaugurated as President and Xanana Gusmão as Prime Minister. Predominantly Roman Catholic with Tetum and Portuguese as the official language, with a variety of ethnic and regional communities, tension resides within Timor-Leste’s inability to reconcile its legacy of violence, internal fighting, and oppression. These tensions erupted in 2006 when infighting with both the police and the army culminated into riots and looting, killing at least 38 people and displacing up to 150,000 civilians. Today, Timor-Leste has managed to buy peace for its 1.2 million citizens through oil and gas revenue, which generates 80% of its GDP and 95% of the states revenues. However, non-extractive economic alternatives for the country are urgently needed as its main oil and gas reserves will be depleted in few years.1. 2. Political Context Following the withdrawal of the Portuguese from Timor-Leste, a phase of uncertainty and political tensions regarding Timor-Leste’s future helped crystallize fierce political rivalries that continue to influence and resonate within the Timorese society today. A variety of factions were created including the Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor (FRETILIN), the Timorese Democratic Union who favoured autonomy under the newly democratic Portugal and the Popular Democratic Association of Timor (APODETI) who worked towards integration into Indonesia. In August 1975, UDT launched a series of armed attacks against FRETILIN that escalated into a three-month civil war during which FRETILIN established an armed wing, the National Liberation Forces of East Timor (Falintil)2. After defeating UDT, FRETILIN unilaterally declared independence on 28 November 1975, at a time when Indonesian military offensive was already underway. Nine days later, on 7 December 1975, Indonesia launched a full invasion of Timor-Leste and established de facto rule over the territory3. i. Indonesia Occupation Despite the United Nations Security Council Resolution 384 which called for withdrawal of Indonesia forces, Indonesia formed a Provisional Government of Timor-Leste (PGET)4 with Arnaldo dos Reis Araújo of APODETI as president, and a Popular Assembly which drafted the request for formal integration into Indonesia. Following the integration of Timor-Leste, Indonesia began a military campaign aimed at suppressing all resistance groups that had taken refuge in the mountains and in the eastern part of the territory. From 1975 to 1977, ABRI troops surrounded FRETILIN areas, killing hundreds of men, women and children as well as FRETILIN’s leader, Nicolau Lobato. By the late 1970s, the resistance movements— essentially FRETILIN/FALINTIL—was quasi-decimated. Its surviving political and military leadership regrouped in 1981 under Xanana Gusmão to try and broaden its base beyond the party by establishing the National Council of Maubere Resistance (CNRM), an umbrella structure for people and groups opposed to the occupation. Additionally, Indonesian forces carried out gross and massive human rights violations, which included widespread campaigns of killing, rape, torture, kidnapping and disappearance, as well as mass starvation of civilians.5 During the occupation, as many as 200,000 people, equivalent to one third of the population, were killed or died of starvation or disease, with the highest death toll in the initial years after the invasion. Notable amongst these events was the Santa Cruz Massacre in 1991, which occurred when Indonesian troops killed as many as 270 peaceful demonstrators in Dili. International attention soon followed, particularly after a number of developments gave Timor-Leste greater international prominence: the presence of foreign journalists in the territory during the Santa Cruz massacre in November 1991; the capture of Xanana Gusmão by Indonesian forces in November 1992; the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to José Ramos-Horta and Bishop Carlos Ximenes Belo in 1996; the 1997-98 Asia financial crisis; the 1997 visit by President Nelson Mandela to an imprisoned Gusmão; and the fall of Indonesian dictator Suharto in 1998. ii. Independence In May 1999, Jakarta and Lisbon agreed to a referendum under UN supervision in which the East Timorese could vote on the proposal for autonomy within Indonesia. In spite of difficult security conditions, an estimated 95% of the 451,792 registered voters participated in the ballot; 78.5% opted for independence, rejecting the proposed autonomy status. A wave of orchestrated violence and destruction—perpetrated by Indonesia-backed militias with the aid of the Indonesian military—followed the announcement of the referendum results and left the existing infrastructure burnt to the ground. Indonesian President Habibie eventually agreed to the deployment of a multi-national force authorized by the UN Security Council to restore security ahead of the establishment of the UN Transitional Administration (UNTAET). UNTAET was to administer the territory and see to preparations for full independence. In this sense, the United Nations played an important role, together with the East Timorese leadership, in the establishment of the country’s security sector institutions. A Constituent Assembly, which transformed itself into the country’s parliament, ratified the first Constitution in March 20026. Xanana Gusmão was elected President and FRETILIN Secretary General Mari Alkatiri was sworn in as Prime Minister on Independence Day, 20 May 2002. iii. The 2006 and 2008 crisis From the outset, the Falintil-Timor-Leste Defence Force (F-FDTL) had faced morale and disciplinary problems due to poor conditions of service, challenges linked to the transition from a guerrilla force to regular army, and political/regional rivalries. The Government’s indifference to addressing the situation fuelled discontent, and, in January 2006, 159 soldiers submitted a petition to their Commander in Chief, President Gusmão, denouncing what they perceived as mismanagement and regional discrimination in the F-FDTL7. Dissatisfied with the minimal response they received, they left the barracks on 3 February 2006. Hundreds of other soldiers, or so-called petitioners, joined the protest, to which the F-FDTL Force Commander, Taur Matan Ruak, responded by dismissing 594 soldiers, roughly half of the army The crisis escalated in late April, and violence broke out when many petitioners and their supporters attacked the Goverment Palace during a demonstration. The Timor-Leste National Police (PNTL) failed to contain the protest, which led Prime Minister Alkatiri to call on F- FDTL troops (with no experience in crowd control) to help restore order. Three demonstrators were killed, which prompted several senior F-FDTL officers, and an armed contingent of soldiers loyal to them, to abandon their posts in protest. Fighting occurred between the remnants of the security forces and those who had left, their supporters and some armed civilians. During the crisis, relations between the F-FDTL and PNTL further deteriorated, and, on 25 May 2006, some members of F-FDTL attacked the PNTL headquarters, killing nine unarmed police officers under UN escort. This was preceded by the desertion of several key PNTL officers. The Government was forced to appeal for the return of international peacekeepers to restore order and security1. As discussions were held at the UN Headquarters, an Australian-led International Stabilization Force (ISF) was deployed in late May 2006, by which time half the army had deserted or been dismissed. In addition, the police had been partially disbanded. At least 38 people were killed in the fighting8 and some 150,000 people had fled their homes. The unrest abated only after Prime Minister Alkatiri announced his resignation on 26 June 2006. Following this, Minister of Foreign Affairs Ramos-Horta was appointed Prime Minister of a care-taker government. On 11 February 2008, some of the petitioners conducted coordinated attacks against President Ramos-Horta and Prime Minister Gusmão during which their leader, Alfredo Reinado, ,was killed. The Timorese authorities reacted promptly, declared a state of siege and launched a manhunt to capture the remaining group. This operation was conducted jointly by F-FDTL and PNTL under the leadership of F-FDTL. Although characterised as a successful operation that also resulted in improved relations between the two institutions, it did little to mitigate pre-existing challenges facing both forces. Both the 2006 and 2008 attacks exacerbated an already deep divide between the army and the police in Timor-Leste. The mounting tension highlighted the need for more clearly defined legal boundaries, mandates and missions to be established between the two in order to prevent further conflict. In addition, these events
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