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Timor-Leste: No Time for Complacency
Update Briefing Asia Briefing N°87 Dili/Brussels, 9 February 2009 Timor-Leste: No Time for Complacency I. OVERVIEW saw a stream of human rights abuses, stemming from ill-discipline and a sense of being above the law. There are tensions between the Timorese and the international A year after the near-fatal shooting of President José security forces, with the Timorese police increasingly Ramos-Horta, security in Timor-Leste is strikingly resisting UN supervision. There are also signs of wor- improved. Armed rebels are no longer at large. The rying disdain for the justice system and civilian con- atmosphere on the streets of Dili is far less tense. The trol over the army. The police and army depend too government does not seem to be facing any serious heavily on a few individuals and on personal relation- political threat to its survival. It has, at least temporar- ships that have been able to hold the security forces ily, been able to address several of the most pressing together. security threats, in large part by buying off those it sees as potential troublemakers. Nevertheless, the cur- Presidential interventions in cases involving political rent period of calm is not cause for complacency. Secu- violence have undermined an already weak justice sys- rity sector reform is lagging, the justice system is weak, tem. They send a signal that those involved, especially the government shows signs of intolerance towards the elite, will not be held to account, creating resent- dissenting voices, and it has not got a grip on corrup- ment among the victims and failing to create a deter- tion. -
The Indonesian Who Joined Falintil'
The Indonesian who Joined Falintil' Preface, by Gerry van Klinken The Indonesian who joined Falintil, like the American who joined A1 Qaeda or the Dutchman who joined the 1945 Indonesian revolutionaries, has power to shock because such a person questions the fundamental categories of the conflict. What after all is an Indonesian, an American, or a militant Muslim? What is this contest about? Muhammad Nasir crosses boundaries most see as so natural they are insuperable. He transforms himself from the street kid, Ketut Narto, to the policeman's adopted kid, Muhammad Nasir, and from there to the "oddball" guerrilla Klik Mesak (and presumably from Hindu to Muslim to whatever) and travels from Bah to Comandante Ular's Region 4 headquarters in the mountains of East Timor. For Nasir, these boundaries have little power to exclude. All the communities they enclose have a claim on him, but none more than others. Meanwhile, other boundaries do have authority for him. The eloquence with which this high school dropout describes the boundaries of "rights" is striking. Taking what he needs from a bankrupt school system, he discovers truths in history text books their authors never intended him to find: East Timor, being Portuguese, wasn't available for the taking by the former Dutch colony of Indonesia. The camaraderie of the school yard in Baucau and Dili does not distinguish between names. But here Nasir discovers the rights of "we" locals. "I wouldn't want anyone to take away my rights." The real divide is not between Indonesian and East Timorese, let alone between Muslim and Hindu or Catholic. -
Political Reviews
Political Reviews The Region in Review: International Issues and Events, 2017 nic maclellan Melanesia in Review: Issues and Events, 2017 volker boege, mathias chauchat, alumita durutalo, joseph daniel foukona, budi hernawan, michael leach, james stiefvater The Contemporary Pacic, Volume 30, Number 2, 461–547 © 2018 by University of Hawai‘i Press 461 political reviews • melanesia 539 ———. 2017b. pm Denies Bribery Claims, Oct. https://www.solomonstarnews.com/ Says He Never Received Any Political index.php/news/national/item/19611 Form of Donation from Huawei. 28 Aug. -moves-to-halt-bill?tmpl=component http://www.solomonfreshbeat.com.sb/pm [accessed 20 Jan 2018] -denies-bribery-claims-says-he-never ———. 2017c. pm Finally Reshuffles -received-any-political-form-of-donation Rini, Maneniaru. 14 Oct. http://www -from-huawei/ [accessed Jan ] 15 2018 .solomonstarnews.com/index.php/news/ ———. 2017c. sig Students to Receive national/item/19523-pm-finally-reshuffles Allowance This Week. 14 March. http:// -rini-maneniaru [accessed 7 Jan 2018] www.solomonfreshbeat.com.sb/sig Solomon Times Online. 2017a. Huawei -students-to-receive-allowance-this-week/ Contracted to Install Fibre Optic Cable. [accessed 5 Jan 2018] 16 Jan. http://www.solomontimes.com/ sibc, Solomon Islands Broadcasting news/huawei-contracted-to-install-fibre Corporation. 2017a. Civil Society Rallies -optic-cable/8677 [accessed 8 Jan 2018] the Revive Anti-Corruption Bill. 1 Sept. ———. 2017b. Sogavare Denies Bribery http://www.sibconline.com.sb/civil-society Allegations. 30 Aug. http://www -rallies-to-revive-anti-corruption-bill/ .solomontimes.com/news/sogavare [accessed 10 Jan 2018] -denies-bribery-allegations/8731 ———. 2017b. Former pm Blasts Solo- [accessed 15 Jan 2018] mons Government over Spending. -
Timor-Leste's Veterans
Update Briefing Asia Briefing N°129 Dili/Jakarta/Brussels, 18 November 2011 Timor-Leste’s Veterans: An Unfinished Struggle? not solved the problem. Judgment on difficult cases has I. OVERVIEW been deferred based on a belief that fraudulent claims will be revealed through denunciation once the lists are pub- More than ten years after the formation of Timor-Leste’s lished. Even with the option to appeal, new discontent is army and the demobilisation of the guerrilla force that being created that will require mediation. fought for independence, the struggle continues about how to pay tribute to the veterans. The increasingly wealthy state Beyond cash benefits, there are two areas where veterans’ has bought off the threat once posed by most dissidents demands for greater influence will have to be checked. The with an expensive cash benefits scheme and succeeded in first is the scope and shape of a proposed veterans’ council, engaging most veterans’ voices in mainstream politics. This whose primary role will be to consult on benefits as well approach has created a heavy financial burden and a com- as to offer a seal of institutional legitimacy. Some veterans plicated process of determining who is eligible that will hope it will be given an advisory dimension, allowing them create new tensions even as it resolves others. A greater to guide government policy and cementing their elite sta- challenge lies in containing pressures to give them dispro- tus. Such a broad role looks unlikely but the illusion that portionate political influence and a formal security role. veterans might be given more influence has likely in- A careful balance will need to be struck between paying creased the government’s appeal in advance of elections homage to heroes while allowing a younger generation of next year. -
Xanana Gusmão (Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão(De Verdadero Nombre José Alexandre Gusmão))
Xanana Gusmão (Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão(de verdadero nombre José Alexandre Gusmão)) Timor-Leste, Primer ministro; ex-presidente de la República Duración del mandato: 08 de Agosto de 2007 - de de Nacimiento: Laleia, distrito de Manatuto, 20 de Junio de 1946 Partido político: CNRT Profesión : Funcionario público y periodista ResumenHijo de un profesor de escuela que le enseño el idioma portugués y con ancestro en parte portugués, se crió en el campo, junto con su hermano menor y sus cinco hermanas. Recibió la educación primaria en el colegio Santa Teresa de Ossu, en Vikeke, y la secundaria en dos centros regidos por los jesuitas, el seminario de Soibade y la misión Nuestra Señora de Fátima de Dare, cerca de Dili, capital de la entonces provincia portuguesa de ultramar de Timor Oriental. http://www.cidob.org 1 of 9 Biografía No obstante sus aptitudes académicas, la falta de recursos impidió que terminara el bachillerato en el Liceo Francisco Veira Machado de Dili. Desde 1962 se contrató en diversos trabajos, como mecanógrafo, ayudante de topógrafo, pescador, estibador portuario y docente en una escuela de la minoría china, hasta 1966, cuando consiguió un puesto de funcionario público en el Departamento de Silvicultura y Agricultura. En 1968 inició el servicio militar de tres años en el Ejército portugués y en 1969 contrajo matrimonio con Maria Emília Batista, con la que iba a tener dos hijos, Nito y Zenilda. Nacionalista moderado, en mayo de 1974, días después de la Revolución que terminó la dictadura salazarista en la metrópoli y dio paso a un gobierno descolonizador, Gusmão empezó a trabajar en la emisora de radio Voz de Timor al tiempo que se adhirió al recién fundado partido independentista Asociación Social Demócrata Timoresa (ASDT). -
EAST TIMOR: REMEMBERING HISTORY the Trial of Xanana Gusmao and a Follow-Up on the Dili Massacre
April 1993 Vol 5. No.8 EAST TIMOR: REMEMBERING HISTORY The Trial of Xanana Gusmao and a Follow-up on the Dili Massacre I. Introduction.................................................................................................................................. 2 II. Xanana Gusmao and the Charges Against Him ....................................................................... 3 The Charges, 1976-1980................................................................................................................ 3 The June 10, 1980 Attack .............................................................................................................. 4 Peace Talks .................................................................................................................................... 5 The Kraras Massacre ..................................................................................................................... 5 1984 to the Present......................................................................................................................... 6 III. The Xanana Trial......................................................................................................................... 7 Circumstances of Arrest and Detention......................................................................................... 8 Why not subversion? .................................................................................................................... 11 Access to and Adequacy of Legal Defense ................................................................................. -
Update Briefing Asia Briefing N°129 Dili/Jakarta/Brussels, 18 November 2011 Timor-Leste’S Veterans: an Unfinished Struggle?
Update Briefing Asia Briefing N°129 Dili/Jakarta/Brussels, 18 November 2011 Timor-Leste’s Veterans: An Unfinished Struggle? not solved the problem. Judgment on difficult cases has I. OVERVIEW been deferred based on a belief that fraudulent claims will be revealed through denunciation once the lists are pub- More than ten years after the formation of Timor-Leste’s lished. Even with the option to appeal, new discontent is army and the demobilisation of the guerrilla force that being created that will require mediation. fought for independence, the struggle continues about how to pay tribute to the veterans. The increasingly wealthy state Beyond cash benefits, there are two areas where veterans’ has bought off the threat once posed by most dissidents demands for greater influence will have to be checked. The with an expensive cash benefits scheme and succeeded in first is the scope and shape of a proposed veterans’ council, engaging most veterans’ voices in mainstream politics. This whose primary role will be to consult on benefits as well approach has created a heavy financial burden and a com- as to offer a seal of institutional legitimacy. Some veterans plicated process of determining who is eligible that will hope it will be given an advisory dimension, allowing them create new tensions even as it resolves others. A greater to guide government policy and cementing their elite sta- challenge lies in containing pressures to give them dispro- tus. Such a broad role looks unlikely but the illusion that portionate political influence and a formal security role. veterans might be given more influence has likely in- A careful balance will need to be struck between paying creased the government’s appeal in advance of elections homage to heroes while allowing a younger generation of next year. -
Gender and Nation Building in Timor-Leste
Country Gender Assessment Timor-Leste Gender and Nation Building in TIMOR-LESTE COUNTRY GENDER ASSESSMENT Pacific Regional Department and Regional and Sustainable Development Department Asian Development Bank East and South East Asia Regional Office United Nations Development Fund for Women November 2005 © 2005 Asian Development Bank All rights reserved. Published 2005. Printed in the Philippines. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Available Publication Stock No. 100505 Asian Development Bank ADB country gender assessment to provide background information and analysis on gender and development issues in its developing member countries 1. Asian Development Bank; 2. Gender and Development; 3. Timor-Leste. The views expressed in this book are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of the Asian Development Bank or its Board of Governors or the governments they represent. The Asian Development Bank does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this publication and accepts no responsibility for any consequence of their use. Use of the term “country” does not imply any judgment by the authors or the Asian Development Bank as to the legal or other status of any territorial entity. Acknowledgments This Report is one of a series of country gender assessments and strategies prepared in conjunction with Asian Development Bank (ADB) country strategies and programs. The primary purpose of the series is to provide information on gender and development in ADB’s developing member countries to assist ADB staff in country and strategy formulation as well as in project design and implementation. Preparation of this report was jointly undertaken by ADB’s Pacific Regional Department (PARD) and the Regional and Sustainable Development Department (RSDD), in cooperation with the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM). -
Timor-Leste After the UN
CHAPTER 3 Past, Present and Future: Why the Past Matters Fidelis Magalhães Future is past’s child, and has the father’s face. This chapter presents my analysis of the current state of Timor-Leste’s development process. It is divided into the following sections. First, I discuss the tension between the theory and the realpolitik of state-building. Second, I discuss Timor-Leste as a country in the making. Third, I discuss the path to independence, the current Timorese leadership and the present political landscape. Fourth, I touch on the roles and the five-year plan of the president. Finally, I try to paint a picture of the future and identify challenges. The theory and the realpolitik of state-building I hold the view that most of the contemporary analyses on the socioeconomic development of Timor-Leste suffer from a serious historical deficiency. It is common for expert opinions to make claims about Timor-Leste’s current economic performance while seldom referring to the course on which the country has sailed. Like driving a car, one ought to have a rear mirror to look behind. If the mirror is too big the driver will be distracted; but without one, the car cannot be driven safely. Moreover, expert opinions seldom acknowledge that the development process is largely a political process. Beyond having the right economic theories and formulas, it is only through having strong political commitments and 31 A New Era? Timor-Leste After the UN sensitivities that a recently independent, economically underdeveloped country can progress. To succeed, it requires strong political will on the part of the leadership to build democratic governance based on the rule of law, yet at the same time ensure that the state is capable of creating consensus among main political forces that can otherwise be belligerent towards the state. -
East Timor: Language and Gender in the Articulations and Representations of the Nationalist Struggle1 Zakiah Cabral, University of California at Berkeley
East Timor: Language and Gender in the Articulations and Representations of the Nationalist Struggle1 Zakiah Cabral, University of California at Berkeley The polarity between text and self and The most conspicuous crack in the narra narrative and event cannot hold. In a tive of the “big, happy family”— the Indo political culture the self that narrates speaks nesian national motto is “Bhinneka Tunggal from a position of having been narrated Ika,” a Sanskrit translation of the Latin “E and edited by others—by political institu pluribus unum,” or “Unity in Diversity”— tions, by concepts of historical causality, is the independence movement in East and possibly by violence. Timor, which has shown a remarkable resil —Alan Feldman ience in the face of overwhelming military and political odds.4 We, Timorese women, are always facing Benedict Anderson powerfully argues in deadly weapons aimed at us ready to fire Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Ori and we hardly have the power to say a gin and Spread of Nationalism that nations word of help to the outside world. themselves are narrations; he observes that —Mrs. HauNara, “East Timorese Women “in the modern world everyone can, should, Scream Out to the World For Help” will ‘have’ a nationality, as he or she ‘has’ a gender” (14). In most cases, the nation has I. Introduction been imagined as having a female gender, Post-colonial critics have written exten thus casting nationhood in terms of a con sively on how colonized people and those test between the colonizer and the male who have been unrepresented use narrative nationalist in their construction of the na fiction to express resistance and the exist tion as a feminized object.5 ence of their own history. -
Playing the Man in Timor-Leste the Recent Violence in Timor-Leste Has Been Blamed on Former Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri Or on Political Opportunists
Issue 84 layout 21/9/06 3:57 PM Page 47 Timor-Leste Playing the Man in Timor-Leste The recent violence in Timor-Leste has been blamed on former prime minister Mari Alkatiri or on political opportunists. KYM HOLTHOUSE reveals a more complex picture. uch of the discussion around the recent violence in even argued that non-engagement would be preferable to Timor-Leste, whether in the mainstream media, engagement without such influence. Not surprisingly, this academic or activist circles, has tended to take the line of reasoning has fuelled conspiracy theories on the left Mform of a polarised debate spinning on the question of of active Australian involvement in engineering a coup d’ état. whether the ruling party, Fretilin, and Prime Minister Mari Given Australia’s historical record in relation to Timor- Alkatiri were victims or villains in the crisis. This Leste it is well that government policies, stated and unstated, simplification has produced a lot of ‘heat’ between anti- and are closely scrutinised. But on balance the conspiracy pro-Fretilin camps, but has contributed little to a deeper theories do not stack up. The current talk of ‘failed states’ in understanding of the conflict and its relationship to a post- vogue with security policy-makers has grown out of the conflict state-building environment. primary goal of promoting stability. That Australian Much of the media reporting either implied or directly engagement has not produced this does not change the stated that resolving the crisis was as simple as removing desired outcome. Alkatiri from office. Now that this has happened, and a Furthermore, explaining Timor-Leste’s political problems semblance of stability has returned, it remains to be seen primarily by recourse to external forces works to obscure the whether Fretilin, the government and the country can agency of East Timorese actors in the political life of their re-unite around a non-party leader in interim Prime country. -
Court of Appeal
COURT OF APPEAL Case No. 46/04 The Court of Appeal sitting as a Panel of Judges hereby issues the following decision: I. Case No. 272/VII/2004 An appeal was lodged with the Court of Appeal by the Dili District Prosecution Unit against a decision issued by an investigating judge from the Dili District Court not to place the defendant Alberto Antonio de Oliveira Pires in pre-trial detention. The applicant (Office of the Public Prosecutor) requested for the Court of Appeal to annul the decision issued by the Investigating Judge on 09/07/2004 not to place the defendant in pre-trial detention. The Applicant claimed that the defendant should have been placed in pre-trial detention because he had committed a crime in violation of Articles 154 and 155 of the Indonesian Penal Code and it was reasonable to suspect that if not detained the defendant may repeat his actions and upset the community. The respondent Alberto Antonio de Oliveira Pires did not make any written representations to the court. II. Analysis and Decision of the Court of Appeal In response to this appeal the Court of Appeal analyzed and decided the following: a) if anything in the case file proves that the defendant committed an act categorized as a crime under Articles 154 and 155 of the Indonesian Penal Code or any other crime provided for in the law; b) if there were reasons to believe that were the suspect not placed in pre-trial detention he would have repeated his actions and upset the community.