DOCSLIB.ORG

AN PHOBLACHT the PEOPLE MUST ITSELF" DE FREED" - · La[,,· -Con T/Olly the REPUBLIC ===== ORGAN of IRISH REPUBLICAN OPINION =====

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
AN PHOBLACHT the PEOPLE MUST ITSELF ·rilE UNCONQUERED "DY THE PEOPLE SOUL ASSERTS AN PHOBLACHT THE PEOPLE MUST ITSELF" DE FREED" - · La[,,· -Con t/Olly THE REPUBLIC ===== ORGAN OF IRISH REPUBLICAN OPINION ===== VOL. l. N0 ,2 NOVEMBER 1965 PREPARE FOR TOMORROW: ORGAN~ZE! EDUCATE! ARM~ ,AN unavoidable feature of a IN EFfECT, fellow republicans, publication such as this, is that we asked ourselves: What damn at the outset it appears to lay good is there in having a 32 county more str~ss on the deficiencies of Republic if our people are still a.x.isting R~publican organizations, forced to emigrate; if the mass of than on the course of action neces­ our rural population continues to ·s a r y t o s e t t h in g s r i g h t . •Ath i 1 e struc1gle in uneconomic holdings, the paper seems to be foreveT while foreign landlords and qentle­ harping on the in~bility of ~he men Farmers retain control-of the Republican Movement tci ~ur~Ue a best of our land, and continue to r~volutionary path, it does not exPand their land ~ possessions; if always follow' immediately withthe the control of our natural res­ necessary antidote. ourcesi mBagre though-they ~re,be retained by foreiqn · speculators WE are very conscious of these and a minority o f the national trends, but ~ot the life of us we bourgeoisie,to be manipulated for do not know how they can be avoid - their own personal benefit;if our . ed. As time ptooresses the situa ­ industrial development continues tion will right-itself automatic­ to be ma nipulated by alien and ally; but it would, · perhaps, be native capitalists, whose motiv­ ~n advant~ge t~ ex~lain now why ation is Personal profits and not this is so, so that our readers community benefits; and, if . our may undet~t~hd our motives, and proletariat continues to be faced thereby retain our overall work in with the prospects of occupational ~roper perspecfive. insecurity and periodic unemplcy­ men t because cap-it a l is m deems t h is IT is ·first necessary to ex ­ a necessary weapon in its arsenal plain ou r own position . Over t o cont rol the workers . f~e past fi~e or six years the Peopl~ reipcinsible for the ~ubli - WE Found the social, political ·cition of AN ~HOSLACHT were grad ­ and econom-ic policies of Sinn Fein ually awakened to the realization to be avowedly bourgeois in cont­ that the Reputil ican organizations, ent. Consequently, it was plain and for that matter, all other enough that should Sinn Fein ever groups which claimed revolutionar v get its much desired 32 county aspirations, were incapable o~ parliament, things wo~l~ inevit ­ realizing an Irish Republic that abl y remain very much the same as would totally destroy the system they are at present. And, since of political, social and economic the I.R.A . is bound hand and Foot exploitation which continues to to Sinn Fein policies, it was sap the energies and wealth of our ob v i o-u s t hat i f 5 inn r e in was ban ­ people. In a wor ] , although L~e krupt in the social an d politi­ appreciated the possibility ofthe cal sense, the I. R.A. was equally Republican Movement establishiMg, bankrupt in the military sense; by some · means or othe r, and at by association the reaction oft.he s9me time or other, a 32 county former automatically applied it­ R~publ ic, we honestly concluded selF to the latter. that such a state would in essence differ _ very little from that pres-­ WE then had a look at the ently functioning in the Free State. proq rammes of the Communist party (or-should we say Communist patt­ THE inevitable _ questions then i~s , since they recognize partit­ _arose: What earthlv advantaoes ion ), and examined their record could a 32 county state offer ·to as a whole. On the surface their the mass of the people, if thev policies offered much that was were t6 exist under _ the Tricolou~ desirable. However, it appeared as they did under the Union t o u s that it was of little use Jack 7 tould the ~ufferinqs, sac­ pr~posing what could, and should, rifices and privatibns demanded be do ne, when it was stipulated fr-om the people in a liberation that the attainment of these obj­ struqgle be justified, IJJhen all ectives was to be restricted to a they got in return was an illusion process of "peaceful transition." of freedom, and the ~ompLlsory teac~ing of Irish? · f\IOW, you know, we knouJ, and 2. everybody with a g rain of co~mon ­ lies not in that the Irish people sense knows that: l ) Ireland is were, or are, priest - ridden; but, not going to be freed by talking; in the fact that t~ev themselves 2) THAT THE aOURCEC ISIE, who are Moscow - ridden. it is quite presently monopolize Irish affairE, obvious that such a g roup can are not going to relinquish their hardly be considered an a dmirable position of privileqe on request . source through which Irish freedom This implies that the bouroeoisie should be p~rsued. · would v o l u n tar i l y proceed f o. .-}; i q'::. u i d a t e t h em s e l v e s a s a ~..P o l i Li'·c a ~ LVt;'f · cJi: .• ived' then at the force inthe interests offiumanily'. ' ih~sca~abl~ ~dDncl~sion that it Perhaps stranger tilTn g s have hap­ was necessary to return to the pened,but the likes of this has . be_d~roc_k of our · rev.d.lutionary tra ­ never· bi::cu :rre-d; nor is. it l~iq:Jly ditions and ·from there advance by to i~ the future. formulating new revolutionary pol ­ icies ' and a new movement to i~~l ­ THE discrepancy between the ement them . This appears the only programme ~F the Communist party pragmat i c approa c h to solvin~ the and the 'lleans by which they advocate present d i lemma, - and, of g real-t r its implementation ·represented,i:o importance,for e~su r ino tha~ whe n ­ our ~dint of via~; too o rea t a a Republic is aoain esfablished -~ contradi~tion to make an9 sense. as it will b~ -- - that it will inc ­ Their positiOn appears similar to orporate all the necessa r y elements the ?~n who suggested marc hing of freedom and national sov.ere i gnty. North to Fight the English , ard who t~en took his t r oops to King ­ HAVING accepted this ~s the bridge Station to board the train only realistic course open to rev ­ for Cork . And this, of c.ourse, olutiona r y minded Irishmen, the brings · td _the fore yet another decision . was then made to l aunch fac~or which ~liminates the Comm ­ AN PHOBLACHT. Our aim~ are to unist Pi3rfy as a medium of real i. ­ propaqate the great need fur ~ zing Iri~h -~ spirations. n e wly . C.on s t i t ut e d r e v o 1 u t ion a r y · effort . Howeve r, by so doi ng , THE p~~seht anti- revolutionar y we are also faced wi th the very att i t u_de' of Lri.sh Commu:1ists real need of illustrating the rea ­ ema n_ates exclusively from their ctionar y essence of t~e p r §~~n t ly su~je2t~o~ to the Communist Pa~ty functioning .Republican Mov~ment; of the. s ·ov-iet Un ion. Since the because this has' first tobe ei-im - .. t w8 ~ q e·s:- the I r ish C . P . has p r os ­ inated in the operational sense tituted ·· itself to the interests of before it is p r aclical to set in the C. P . S.U. It has taken its mot-ion a new r evolu.t i ona r y offens­ orders,its programmes,its changes ive a g a ins t the c o 1 on ia '! s t r u c ·tu re. in ~ cp u rse from that source in the pasJ, ~n:d it cui1L . co~tinue . to do THE surviving rem nants of the sci i~ t~e future . Yeiterday , Republican ~o0ement must be dest ­ Ir.ish Co~~ u nists backed the idea royed and its remaining influence of r~-v ohj lion; today the.y s;:~y within acti v ist circles nul l ified th~t Irel~nd can - secure its free ­ before it is secure to proceed dom · v.~a "Parliamentary means." with the task of a new revolutiona r y A U o f t h i s i s i n ·-' t u n e w i t il c h a n g e s policy: this i s the key to the in the foreign policies of Russia . ·. tenor of our a r ticles. We must In a wotd, Irish Communists hav _e· clear the decks internally before m_ade no 1 attempt to adapt the we can strike with success exter ­ principles of socialism to th e nally; .this is the re~son why I~ish situatioh . Instead, by AN PHOBLACHT places such heavy t h e i r 5 u b s er v i·e.n c. e t o t h e C . P . 5 . U. st r es .s at .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • John F. Morrison Phd Thesis
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by St Andrews Research Repository 'THE AFFIRMATION OF BEHAN?' AN UNDERSTANDING OF THE POLITICISATION PROCESS OF THE PROVISIONAL IRISH REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT THROUGH AN ORGANISATIONAL ANALYSIS OF SPLITS FROM 1969 TO 1997 John F. Morrison A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 2010 Full metadata for this item is available in Research@StAndrews:FullText at: http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3158 This item is protected by original copyright ‘The Affirmation of Behan?’ An Understanding of the Politicisation Process of the Provisional Irish Republican Movement Through an Organisational Analysis of Splits from 1969 to 1997. John F. Morrison School of International Relations Ph.D. 2010 SUBMISSION OF PHD AND MPHIL THESES REQUIRED DECLARATIONS 1. Candidate’s declarations: I, John F. Morrison, hereby certify that this thesis, which is approximately 82,000 words in length, has been written by me, that it is the record of work carried out by me and that it has not been submitted in any previous application for a higher degree. I was admitted as a research student in September 2005 and as a candidate for the degree of Ph.D. in May, 2007; the higher study for which this is a record was carried out in the University of St Andrews between 2005 and 2010. Date 25-Aug-10 Signature of candidate 2. Supervisor’s declaration: I hereby certify that the candidate has fulfilled the conditions of the Resolution and Regulations appropriate for the degree of Ph.D.
    [Show full text]
  • The Counter-Aesthetics of Republican Prison Writing
    Notes Chapter One Introduction: Taoibh Amuigh agus Faoi Ghlas: The Counter-aesthetics of Republican Prison Writing 1. Gerry Adams, “The Fire,” Cage Eleven (Dingle: Brandon, 1990) 37. 2. Ibid., 46. 3. Pat Magee, Gangsters or Guerillas? (Belfast: Beyond the Pale, 2001) v. 4. David Pierce, ed., Introduction, Irish Writing in the Twentieth Century: A Reader (Cork: Cork University Press, 2000) xl. 5. Ibid. 6. Shiela Roberts, “South African Prison Literature,” Ariel 16.2 (Apr. 1985): 61. 7. Michel Foucault, “Power and Strategies,” Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 1972–1977, ed. Colin Gordon (New York: Pantheon, 1980) 141–2. 8. In “The Eye of Power,” for instance, Foucault argues, “The tendency of Bentham’s thought [in designing prisons such as the famed Panopticon] is archaic in the importance it gives to the gaze.” In Power/ Knowledge 160. 9. Breyten Breytenbach, The True Confessions of an Albino Terrorist (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1983) 147. 10. Ioan Davies, Writers in Prison (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1990) 4. 11. Ibid. 12. William Wordsworth, “Preface to Lyrical Ballads,” The Norton Anthology of English Literature vol. 2A, 7th edition, ed. M. H. Abrams et al. (New York: W. W. Norton, 2000) 250. 13. Gerry Adams, “Inside Story,” Republican News 16 Aug. 1975: 6. 14. Gerry Adams, “Cage Eleven,” Cage Eleven (Dingle: Brandon, 1990) 20. 15. Wordsworth, “Preface” 249. 16. Ibid., 250. 17. Ibid. 18. Terry Eagleton, The Ideology of the Aesthetic (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1990) 27. 19. W. B. Yeats, Essays and Introductions (New York: Macmillan, 1961) 521–2. 20. Bobby Sands, One Day in My Life (Dublin and Cork: Mercier, 1983) 98.
    [Show full text]
  • New Media, Free Expression, and the Offences Against the State Acts
    Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2020 New Media, Free Expression, and the Offences Against the State Acts Laura K. Donohue Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/2248 https://ssrn.com/abstract=3825722 Laura K. Donohue, New Media, Free Expression, and the Offences Against the State Acts, in The Offences Against the State Act 1939 at 80: A Model Counter-Terrorism Act? 163 (Mark Coen ed., Oxford: Hart Publishing 2021). This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, European Law Commons, Human Rights Law Commons, International Law Commons, Internet Law Commons, Legislation Commons, and the National Security Law Commons New Media, Free Expression, and the Offences Against the State Acts Laura K. Donohue1 Introduction Social media has become an integral part of modern human interaction: as of October 2019, Facebook reported 2.414 billion active users worldwide.2 YouTube, WhatsApp, and Instagram were not far behind, with 2 billion, 1.6 billion, and 1 billion users respectively.3 In Ireland, 3.2 million people (66% of the population) use social media for an average of nearly two hours per day.4 By 2022, the number of domestic Facebook users is expected to reach 2.92 million.5 Forty-one percent of the population uses Instagram (65% daily); 30% uses Twitter (40% daily), and another 30% uses LinkedIn.6 With social media most prevalent amongst the younger generations, these numbers will only rise.
    [Show full text]
  • Accounting and Discounting for the International Contacts of the Provisional Irish Republican Army by Michael Mckinley
    Conflict Quarterly Of "Alien Influences": Accounting and Discounting for the International Contacts of the Provisional Irish Republican Army by Michael McKinley NATURE OF INTERNATIONAL CONTACTS In a world where nation states are unanimous in their disavowal of terrorism — even if they are incapable of unanimously agreeing on a defini­ tion of what it is they are disavowing — and in a Western Europe which regards separatist and irredentist claims as anathema, mere is a natural ten­ dency for those who are so excluded to make common cause where they might Disparate as these groups are, they really have only themselves to meet as equals; though they might wish to be nation states or represent nation states in the fullness of time, they exist until then as interlopers in the relations between states: seldom invited and then almost always disappointed by their reception. It is a world with which the Provisional Irish Republican Army and its more political expression, Sinn Fein, are entirely familiar and also one in which, given their history, political complexion, strategy and objectives, it would be extraordinarily strange for them not to have a wide range of inter­ national contacts. But potent as the reflex of commonality by exclusion is, it does not completely determine these linkages because to argue this is to argue on the basis of default rather than purpose. For the Provisionals there is a utility not only of making such contacts but also in formalizing them where possible within the movements' organizational structure. Thus, in 1976 the Sinn Fein Ard Fheis moved to establish, under the directorship of Risteard Behal, a Foreign Affairs Bureau, with Behal as its first "sort of roving Euro­ pean ambassador .
    [Show full text]
  • Miscellaneous Notes on Republicanism and Socialism in Cork City, 1954–69
    MISCELLANEOUS NOTES ON REPUBLICANISM AND SOCIALISM IN CORK CITY, 1954–69 By Jim Lane Note: What follows deals almost entirely with internal divisions within Cork republicanism and is not meant as a comprehensive outline of republican and left-wing activities in the city during the period covered. Moreover, these notes were put together following specific queries from historical researchers and, hence, the focus at times is on matters that they raised. 1954 In 1954, at the age of 16 years, I joined the following branches of the Republican Movement: Sinn Féin, the Irish Republican Army and the Cork Volunteers’Pipe Band. The most immediate influence on my joining was the discovery that fellow Corkmen were being given the opportunity of engag- ing with British Forces in an effort to drive them out of occupied Ireland. This awareness developed when three Cork IRA volunteers were arrested in the North following a failed raid on a British mil- itary barracks; their arrest and imprisonment for 10 years was not a deterrent in any way. My think- ing on armed struggle at that time was informed by much reading on the events of the Tan and Civil Wars. I had been influenced also, a few years earlier, by the campaigning of the Anti-Partition League. Once in the IRA, our initial training was a three-month republican educational course, which was given by Tomas Óg MacCurtain, son of the Lord Mayor of Cork, Tomas MacCurtain, who was murdered by British forces at his home in 1920. This course was followed by arms and explosives training.
    [Show full text]
  • Appendix List of Interviews*
    Appendix List of Interviews* Name Date Personal Interview No. 1 29 August 2000 Personal Interview No. 2 12 September 2000 Personal Interview No. 3 18 September 2000 Personal Interview No. 4 6 October 2000 Personal Interview No. 5 16 October 2000 Personal Interview No. 6 17 October 2000 Personal Interview No. 7 18 October 2000 Personal Interview No. 8: Oonagh Marron (A) 17 October 2000 Personal Interview No. 9: Oonagh Marron (B) 23 October 2000 Personal Interview No. 10: Helena Schlindwein 28 October 2000 Personal Interview No. 11 30 October 2000 Personal Interview No. 12 1 November 2000 Personal Interview No. 13 1 November 2000 Personal Interview No. 14: Claire Hackett 7 November 2000 Personal Interview No. 15: Meta Auden 15 November 2000 Personal Interview No. 16 1 June 2000 Personal Interview Maggie Feeley 30 August 2005 Personal Interview No. 18 4 August 2009 Personal Interview No. 19: Marie Mulholland 27 August 2009 Personal Interview No. 20 3 February 2010 Personal Interview No. 21A (joint interview) 23 February 2010 Personal Interview No. 21B (joint interview) 23 February 2010 * Locations are omitted from this list so as to preserve the identity of the respondents. 203 Notes 1 Introduction: Rethinking Women and Nationalism 1 . I will return to this argument in a subsequent section dedicated to women’s victimisation as ‘women as reproducers’ of the nation. See also, Beverly Allen, Rape Warfare: The Hidden Genocide in Bosnia-Herzegovina (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, 1996); Alexandra Stiglmayer, (ed.), Mass Rape: The War Against Women in Bosnia- Herzegovina (Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 1994); Carolyn Nordstrom, Fieldwork Under Fire: Contemporary Studies of Violence and Survival (Berkeley: University of California, 1995); Jill Benderly, ‘Rape, feminism, and nationalism in the war in Yugoslav successor states’ in Lois West, ed., Feminist Nationalism (London and New Tork: Routledge, 1997); Cynthia Enloe, ‘When soldiers rape’ in Maneuvers: The International Politics of Militarizing Women’s Lives (Berkeley: University of California, 2000).
    [Show full text]
  • Critical Engagement: Irish Republicanism, Memory Politics
    Critical Engagement Critical Engagement Irish republicanism, memory politics and policing Kevin Hearty LIVERPOOL UNIVERSITY PRESS First published 2017 by Liverpool University Press 4 Cambridge Street Liverpool L69 7ZU Copyright © 2017 Kevin Hearty The right of Kevin Hearty to be identified as the author of this book has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication data A British Library CIP record is available print ISBN 978-1-78694-047-6 epdf ISBN 978-1-78694-828-1 Typeset by Carnegie Book Production, Lancaster Contents Acknowledgements vii List of Figures and Tables x List of Abbreviations xi Introduction 1 1 Understanding a Fraught Historical Relationship 25 2 Irish Republican Memory as Counter-Memory 55 3 Ideology and Policing 87 4 The Patriot Dead 121 5 Transition, ‘Never Again’ and ‘Moving On’ 149 6 The PSNI and ‘Community Policing’ 183 7 The PSNI and ‘Political Policing’ 217 Conclusion 249 References 263 Index 303 Acknowledgements Acknowledgements This book has evolved from my PhD thesis that was undertaken at the Transitional Justice Institute, University of Ulster (TJI). When I moved to the University of Warwick in early 2015 as a post-doc, my plans to develop the book came with me too. It represents the culmination of approximately five years of research, reading and (re)writing, during which I often found the mere thought of re-reading some of my work again nauseating; yet, with the encour- agement of many others, I persevered.
    [Show full text]
  • The Flags Dispute: Anatomy of a Protest
    See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/274691563 The Flags Dispute: Anatomy of a Protest Book · December 2014 CITATIONS READS 5 82 6 authors, including: Dominic Bryan Katy Hayward Queen's University Belfast Queen's University Belfast 33 PUBLICATIONS 94 CITATIONS 51 PUBLICATIONS 137 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE SEE PROFILE Peter Shirlow University of Liverpool 109 PUBLICATIONS 1,433 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects: Brexit and the Border View project devolution View project All content following this page was uploaded by Dominic Bryan on 08 April 2015. The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file. The Flag Dispute: Anatomy of a Protest Full Report Paul Nolan Dominic Bryan Clare Dwyer Katy Hayward Katy Radford & Peter Shirlow December 2014 Supported by the Community Relations Council & the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (Ireland) Published by Queen’s University Belfast ISBN 9781909131248 Cover image: © Pacemaker Press. 3 Acknowledgements The authors of this report are extremely grateful to the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and the Community Relations Council for funding this research project and its publication. A huge debt of gratitude is also due to those who gave their time to be interviewed, and for the honesty and candour with which they related their experiences - these were often quite emotive experiences. The Institute for Conflict Research (ICR) was commissioned to undertake the interviews presented within this report. These interviews were conducted with great care and skill with ICR capturing many voices which we hope have been represented fairly and accurately within this publication.
    [Show full text]
  • Leading to Peace: Prisoner Resistance and Leadership Development in the IRA and Sinn Fein
    Leading to Peace: Prisoner Resistance and Leadership Development in the IRA and Sinn Fein By Claire Delisle Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the Ph.D. degree in Criminology Department of Criminology Faculty of Social Sciences University of Ottawa ©Claire Delisle, Ottawa, Canada, 2012 To the women in my family Dorothy, Rollande, Émilie, Phoebe and Avril Abstract The Irish peace process is heralded as a success among insurgencies that attempt transitions toward peaceful resolution of conflict. After thirty years of armed struggle, pitting Irish republicans against their loyalist counterparts and the British State, the North of Ireland has a reconfigured political landscape with a consociational governing body where power is shared among several parties that hold divergent political objectives. The Irish Republican Movement, whose main components are the Provisional Irish Republican Army, a covert guerilla armed organization, and Sinn Fein, the political party of Irish republicans, initiated peace that led to all-inclusive talks in the 1990s and that culminated in the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in April 1998, setting out the parameters for a non-violent way forward. Given the traditional intransigence of the IRA to consider any route other than armed conflict, how did the leadership of the Irish Republican Movement secure the support of a majority of republicans for a peace initiative that has held now for more than fifteen years? This dissertation explores the dynamics of leadership in this group, and in particular, focuses on the prisoner resistance waged by its incarcerated activists and volunteers.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 an Interview with Danny Morrison Interviewer: John F. Morrison1
    An Interview with Danny Morrison Interviewer: John F. Morrison1 Biography: This interview took place in the home of Danny Morrison, in west Belfast in March 2015. While no longer a prominent figure in Sinn Féin, during the Troubles alongside Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness he was one of the most recognisable faces of the republican leadership of the late 1970s and early 1980s. The former Provisional IRA prisoner was the Director of Publicity for Sinn Féin and was the founding editor of An Phoblacht/Republican News. For many he is best known for promoting the dual paramilitary and political strategy of ‘the armalite and the ballot box.’ 2 Context: In the immediate aftermath of the interview, it was announced by Sinn Féin was going to oppose the passage of the welfare bill in the Northern Assembly.3 While this was a key issue, which almost brought down the Stormont Assembly, the interviewer, and possibly the interviewee, was not aware of it at the time of the interview. Two days prior to the interview, the 2015 Sinn Féin ard fheis (annual conference) had finished in Derry. Throughout the ard fheis, various delegates outlined the party’s plans to mark the centenary of the 1916 Easter Rising. However, while the party was celebrating their past achievements and future plans, they were once again being accused of involvement in criminality. The family of Paul Quinn, murdered in Cullyhanna in 2007, once again accused the Provisional Movement of being responsible for his death, a claim rejected by the party’s leadership.4 John Morrison: I was wondering if you would be able to give your assessment on the relevance to you as an individual of the centenary of the 1916 Rising, also how you feel it is relevant for the overall Republican Movement as well.
    [Show full text]
  • The IRA's Hunger Game: Game Theory, Political Bargaining and the Management of the 1980-1981 Hunger Strikes in Northern Ireland
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons CUREJ - College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal College of Arts and Sciences 4-2012 The IRA's Hunger Game: Game Theory, Political Bargaining and the Management of the 1980-1981 Hunger Strikes in Northern Ireland Meghan M. Hussey University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/curej Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Hussey, Meghan M., "The IRA's Hunger Game: Game Theory, Political Bargaining and the Management of the 1980-1981 Hunger Strikes in Northern Ireland" 01 April 2012. CUREJ: College Undergraduate Research Electronic Journal, University of Pennsylvania, https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/154. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/154 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The IRA's Hunger Game: Game Theory, Political Bargaining and the Management of the 1980-1981 Hunger Strikes in Northern Ireland Keywords IRA, Northern Ireland, prisons, game theory, hunger strike, political science, ethnic conflict, Ireland, Great Britain, political bargaining, Social Sciences, Political Science, Brendan O'Leary, O'Leary, Brendan Disciplines Political Science This article is available at ScholarlyCommons: https://repository.upenn.edu/curej/154 The IRA’s Hunger Game: Game Theory, Political Bargaining and the Management of the 1980-1981 Hunger Strikes in Northern Ireland By, Meghan M. Hussey Advised by: Dr. Brendan O’Leary A Senior Honors Thesis in Political Science The University of Pennsylvania 2012 Acknowledgements I would like to make several acknowledgements of those without which this thesis would not have been possible. First and foremost I would like to thank my advisor, Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Imeachtaí • Events
    I m e a c h t a í • E v e n t s My grandfather once said that the imprisonment of the lark is a crime of the greatest cruelty because the lark is one of the greatest symbols of freedom and happiness. He often spoke of the spirit of the lark relating to a story of a man who incarcerated one of his loved friends in a small cage. The lark, having suffered the loss of her liberty, no longer sung her little heart out, she no longer had anything to be happy about.The man who had committed the atrocity, as my grandfather called it, demanded that the lark should do as he wished:that was to sing her heart out,to comply to his ‘wishes and change herself to suit his pleasure or benefit. The lark refused, and the man became angry and violent. He began to pressurise the lark to sing, but inevitably he received no result. so, he took more drastic steps. He covered the cage with a black cloth, depriving the bird of sunlight.He starved it and left it to rot in a dirty cage,but the bird still refused to yield.The man murdered it. As my grandfather rightly stated, the lark had spirit - the spirit of freedom and resistance. It longed to be free, and died before it would conform to the tyrant who tried to change it with torture and imprisonment. I feel I have something in common with that bird and her torture, imprisonment and final murder.
    [Show full text]