The IRA's Hunger Game: Game Theory, Political Bargaining and the Management of the 1980-1981 Hunger Strikes in Northern Ireland
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John F. Morrison Phd Thesis
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by St Andrews Research Repository 'THE AFFIRMATION OF BEHAN?' AN UNDERSTANDING OF THE POLITICISATION PROCESS OF THE PROVISIONAL IRISH REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT THROUGH AN ORGANISATIONAL ANALYSIS OF SPLITS FROM 1969 TO 1997 John F. Morrison A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 2010 Full metadata for this item is available in Research@StAndrews:FullText at: http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3158 This item is protected by original copyright ‘The Affirmation of Behan?’ An Understanding of the Politicisation Process of the Provisional Irish Republican Movement Through an Organisational Analysis of Splits from 1969 to 1997. John F. Morrison School of International Relations Ph.D. 2010 SUBMISSION OF PHD AND MPHIL THESES REQUIRED DECLARATIONS 1. Candidate’s declarations: I, John F. Morrison, hereby certify that this thesis, which is approximately 82,000 words in length, has been written by me, that it is the record of work carried out by me and that it has not been submitted in any previous application for a higher degree. I was admitted as a research student in September 2005 and as a candidate for the degree of Ph.D. in May, 2007; the higher study for which this is a record was carried out in the University of St Andrews between 2005 and 2010. Date 25-Aug-10 Signature of candidate 2. Supervisor’s declaration: I hereby certify that the candidate has fulfilled the conditions of the Resolution and Regulations appropriate for the degree of Ph.D. -
The Counter-Aesthetics of Republican Prison Writing
Notes Chapter One Introduction: Taoibh Amuigh agus Faoi Ghlas: The Counter-aesthetics of Republican Prison Writing 1. Gerry Adams, “The Fire,” Cage Eleven (Dingle: Brandon, 1990) 37. 2. Ibid., 46. 3. Pat Magee, Gangsters or Guerillas? (Belfast: Beyond the Pale, 2001) v. 4. David Pierce, ed., Introduction, Irish Writing in the Twentieth Century: A Reader (Cork: Cork University Press, 2000) xl. 5. Ibid. 6. Shiela Roberts, “South African Prison Literature,” Ariel 16.2 (Apr. 1985): 61. 7. Michel Foucault, “Power and Strategies,” Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 1972–1977, ed. Colin Gordon (New York: Pantheon, 1980) 141–2. 8. In “The Eye of Power,” for instance, Foucault argues, “The tendency of Bentham’s thought [in designing prisons such as the famed Panopticon] is archaic in the importance it gives to the gaze.” In Power/ Knowledge 160. 9. Breyten Breytenbach, The True Confessions of an Albino Terrorist (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1983) 147. 10. Ioan Davies, Writers in Prison (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1990) 4. 11. Ibid. 12. William Wordsworth, “Preface to Lyrical Ballads,” The Norton Anthology of English Literature vol. 2A, 7th edition, ed. M. H. Abrams et al. (New York: W. W. Norton, 2000) 250. 13. Gerry Adams, “Inside Story,” Republican News 16 Aug. 1975: 6. 14. Gerry Adams, “Cage Eleven,” Cage Eleven (Dingle: Brandon, 1990) 20. 15. Wordsworth, “Preface” 249. 16. Ibid., 250. 17. Ibid. 18. Terry Eagleton, The Ideology of the Aesthetic (Cambridge, MA: Blackwell, 1990) 27. 19. W. B. Yeats, Essays and Introductions (New York: Macmillan, 1961) 521–2. 20. Bobby Sands, One Day in My Life (Dublin and Cork: Mercier, 1983) 98. -
Prison Administrators' Authority to Force-Feed Hunger-Striking Inmates
Washington University Journal of Law & Policy Volume 23 Disabilities January 2007 What They Can Do About It: Prison Administrators' Authority to Force-Feed Hunger-Striking Inmates Tracey M. Ohm Washington University School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_journal_law_policy Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Tracey M. Ohm, What They Can Do About It: Prison Administrators' Authority to Force-Feed Hunger- Striking Inmates, 23 WASH. U. J. L. & POL’Y 151 (2007), https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/law_journal_law_policy/vol23/iss1/6 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Law School at Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington University Journal of Law & Policy by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. What They Can Do About It: Prison Administrators’ Authority to Force-Feed Hunger-Striking Inmates * Tracey M. Ohm I. INTRODUCTION Prison inmates throughout history have employed hunger strikes as a means of opposition to authority.1 Inmates engage in hunger strikes for a variety of reasons, often in an attempt to gain leverage against prison officials2 or garner attention for the inmate’s plight or cause.3 Suicide is a motivating factor for some inmates.4 When a * J.D. Candidate (2007), Washington University in St. Louis School of Law. The author wishes to thank Professor Margo Schlanger for her guidance and expertise. 1. This Note examines hunger strikes undertaken by competent prison inmates. Analysis of hunger strikes by incompetent individuals or nonprisoners invokes different considerations. -
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Identity, Authority and Myth-Making: Politically-Motivated Prisoners and the Use of Music During the Northern Irish Conflict, 1962 - 2000
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Queen Mary Research Online Identity, authority and myth-making: Politically-motivated prisoners and the use of music during the Northern Irish conflict, 1962 - 2000 Claire Alexandra Green Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1 I, Claire Alexandra Green, confirm that the research included within this thesis is my own work or that where it has been carried out in collaboration with, or supported by others, that this is duly acknowledged below and my contribution indicated. Previously published material is also acknowledged below. I attest that I have exercised reasonable care to ensure that the work is original, and does not to the best of my knowledge break any UK law, infringe any third party’s copyright or other Intellectual Property Right, or contain any confidential material. I accept that the College has the right to use plagiarism detection software to check the electronic version of the thesis. I confirm that this thesis has not been previously submitted for the award of a degree by this or any other university. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author. Signature: Date: 29/04/19 Details of collaboration and publications: ‘It’s All Over: Romantic Relationships, Endurance and Loyalty in the Songs of Northern Irish Politically-Motivated Prisoners’, Estudios Irlandeses, 14, 70-82. 2 Abstract. In this study I examine the use of music by and in relation to politically-motivated prisoners in Northern Ireland, from the mid-1960s until 2000. -
These Are the Future Leaders of Ulster If the St Andrews Agreement Is Endorsed
The Burning Bush—Online article archive These are the future leaders of Ulster if the St Andrews Agreement is endorsed “The Burning Bush” has only two more issues to go after this current edition, before its witness concludes. It has sought to warn its readers of the wickedness and com- promise taking place within “church and state”, since its first edition back in March 1970. The issues facing Christians were comparatively plain and simple back then, or so it seems now on reflection. Today, however, the confusion that we sought to combat McGuinness (far right) in IRA uniform at the funeral of fellow within the ranks of the ecumenical churches and organi- IRA man and close friend Colm sations, seems to have spread to the ranks of those who, Keenan in 1972 over the years, have been engaged in opposing the reli- gious and political sell-out. The reaction to the St Andrews Agreement has shown that to be so. It is an agreement, when stripped of all its legal jargon and political frills, that will place an unrepentant murderer in co-leadership of Northern Ireland. How unthinkable such a notion was back in 1970! Today we are told, it is both thinkable and exceeding wise! In an effort to refocus the minds and hearts of Christians we publish some well- established facts about those whom the St Andrews Agreement would have us choose and submit to and make masters of our destiny and that of our children. By the blessing of God, may a consideration of these facts awaken the slumbering soul of Ulster Protestantism. -
Thatcher, Northern Ireland and Anglo-Irish Relations, 1979-1990
From ‘as British as Finchley’ to ‘no selfish strategic interest’: Thatcher, Northern Ireland and Anglo-Irish Relations, 1979-1990 Fiona Diane McKelvey, BA (Hons), MRes Faculty of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences of Ulster University A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Ulster University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2018 I confirm that the word count of this thesis is less than 100,000 words excluding the title page, contents, acknowledgements, summary or abstract, abbreviations, footnotes, diagrams, maps, illustrations, tables, appendices, and references or bibliography Contents Acknowledgements i Abstract ii Abbreviations iii List of Tables v Introduction An Unrequited Love Affair? Unionism and Conservatism, 1885-1979 1 Research Questions, Contribution to Knowledge, Research Methods, Methodology and Structure of Thesis 1 Playing the Orange Card: Westminster and the Home Rule Crises, 1885-1921 10 The Realm of ‘old unhappy far-off things and battles long ago’: Ulster Unionists at Westminster after 1921 18 ‘For God's sake bring me a large Scotch. What a bloody awful country’: 1950-1974 22 Thatcher on the Road to Number Ten, 1975-1979 26 Conclusion 28 Chapter 1 Jack Lynch, Charles J. Haughey and Margaret Thatcher, 1979-1981 31 'Rise and Follow Charlie': Haughey's Journey from the Backbenches to the Taoiseach's Office 34 The Atkins Talks 40 Haughey’s Search for the ‘glittering prize’ 45 The Haughey-Thatcher Meetings 49 Conclusion 65 Chapter 2 Crisis in Ireland: The Hunger Strikes, 1980-1981 -
New Media, Free Expression, and the Offences Against the State Acts
Georgetown University Law Center Scholarship @ GEORGETOWN LAW 2020 New Media, Free Expression, and the Offences Against the State Acts Laura K. Donohue Georgetown University Law Center, [email protected] This paper can be downloaded free of charge from: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub/2248 https://ssrn.com/abstract=3825722 Laura K. Donohue, New Media, Free Expression, and the Offences Against the State Acts, in The Offences Against the State Act 1939 at 80: A Model Counter-Terrorism Act? 163 (Mark Coen ed., Oxford: Hart Publishing 2021). This open-access article is brought to you by the Georgetown Law Library. Posted with permission of the author. Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.georgetown.edu/facpub Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, European Law Commons, Human Rights Law Commons, International Law Commons, Internet Law Commons, Legislation Commons, and the National Security Law Commons New Media, Free Expression, and the Offences Against the State Acts Laura K. Donohue1 Introduction Social media has become an integral part of modern human interaction: as of October 2019, Facebook reported 2.414 billion active users worldwide.2 YouTube, WhatsApp, and Instagram were not far behind, with 2 billion, 1.6 billion, and 1 billion users respectively.3 In Ireland, 3.2 million people (66% of the population) use social media for an average of nearly two hours per day.4 By 2022, the number of domestic Facebook users is expected to reach 2.92 million.5 Forty-one percent of the population uses Instagram (65% daily); 30% uses Twitter (40% daily), and another 30% uses LinkedIn.6 With social media most prevalent amongst the younger generations, these numbers will only rise. -
Her Majesty's Government
• tl HER MAJESTY'S GOVERNMENT MEMBERS OF THE CABINET (FORMED BY RIGHT HON. MARGARET THATCHER, 24:P, SEPTEMBER 1981) E— CRETARY OF STATE FOR THE HOME DEPARTMENT—TheRt. HOD. William Whitelaw, CH, MC, Ise .1441u) CHANCELLOR—The Rt. Hon. The Lord Hailsham of Saint Marylebone, CH OCRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AND CommoNwEALTH AFFAnts—The Rt. Hon. The Lord Carrington, KCMG, MC OANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER—The Rt. Hon. Sir Geoffrey Howe, QC, MP tiekRETARY OF STATE FOR EDUCATION AND SCIENCE—The Rt. Hon. Sir Keith Joseph, Bt, MP yitORD PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL AND LEADER OF THE HOUSE OFCommoNs—The Rt. HOD. Francis Pym, MC, MP RETARY OF STATE FOR NORTHERN IRELAND—TheRt. HOD. James PriOr, MP rECRETARY OF STATE FOR DEFENCE—The Rt. HOD. John Nott, MP ',MINISTER OF AGRICULTURE, FISHERIES ANDFooD—The Rt. Hon. Peter Walker, MBE, MP SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE ENVIRONMENT—The Rt. Hon. Michael Heseltine, MP SECRETARY OF STATE FOR ScoTLAND—The Rt. Hon. George Younger, T.D. MP PCRETARY OF STATE FOR WALEs—The Rt. Hon. Nicholas Edwards, MP PRIVY SEAL—The Rt. Hon. Humphrey Atkins, MP ,ORDCRETARY OF STATE FOR INDUSTRY—The Rt. Hon. Patrick Jenkin, MP tolIrRETARY OF STATE FOR SOCIAL SERVICES—The Rt. Hon. Norman Fowler, MP oncRETARY OF STATE FOR TRADE—The Rt. Hon. John Biffen, IvfP logkRETARY OF STATE FOR ENERGY—The Rt. HOD. Nigel Lawson, MP pitCRETARY OF STATE FOR TRANSPORT—The Rt. Hon. David Howell, MP "oef-DEF SECRETARY TO THE TREASURY—TheRt. Hon. Leon Brittan, QC, MP priANCELLOR OF THE DUCHY OF LANCASTER, AND LEADER OF THE HOUSE OF LoRDs—The Rt. -
Module 2 Questions & Answers
QUESTIONS & ANSWERS LESSON 1 // CIVIL RIGHTS IN NORTHERN IRELAND 1. Which group were formed on 29th January 1967? Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA). 2. Which group formed as a result of an incident on 5th October 1968? People’s Democracy. 3. a) Which act established the Northern Ireland Housing Executive and when was it passed? ry The Housing Executive Act, 25th February 1971. ra Lib ills (c) RTÉ St 3. b) Which act appointed a Boundaries Commissioner and what was their job? The Local Government Boundaries Act. The job of the Boundaries Commissioner was to recommend the boundaries and names of new district councils and ward areas. 4. Why may some members of the Catholic community have been outraged by the incident which resulted in a protest at Caledon on 20th June 1968? Student’s answers should highlight the allocation of a house to a young, single Protestant female ahead of older Catholic families. EXTENSION ACTIVITY 1 The Cameron Report was set up in January 1969 to look into civil disturbances in Northern Ireland. Looking at the key events, which events may have lead to the establishment of the report? Student’s answers should make mention of disturbances which followed the events of the 5th October 1968 and 1st January 1969. EXTENSION ACTIVITY 2 Below is a table which lists the demands of NICRA. Read through the list of reforms/acts and write down the name of the reform/act which addressed each demand. NICRA DEMANDS REFORM / ACT One man, one vote Electoral Law Act An end to gerrymandering – an end to the setting of -
A Comparative Study of Extremism Within Nationalist Movements
A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF EXTREMISM WITHIN NATIONALIST MOVEMENTS IN THE UNITED KINGDOM AND SPAIN by Ashton Croft Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Departmental Honors in the Department of History Texas Christian University Fort Worth, Texas 22 April 2019 Croft 1 A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF EXTREMISM WITHIN NATIONALIST MOVEMENTS IN THE UNITED KINGDOM AND SPAIN Project Approved: Supervising Professor: William Meier, Ph.D. Department of History Jodi Campbell, Ph.D. Department of History Eric Cox, Ph.D. Department of Political Science Croft 2 ABSTRACT Nationalism in nations without statehood is common throughout history, although what nationalism leads to differs. In the cases of the United Kingdom and Spain, these effects ranged in various forms from extremism to cultural movements. In this paper, I will examine the effects of extremists within the nationalism movement and their overall effects on societies and the imagined communities within the respective states. I will also compare the actions of extremist factions, such as the Irish Republican Army (IRA), the Basque Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA), and the Scottish National Liberation Army (SNLA), and examine what strategies worked for the various nationalist movements at what points, as well as how the movements connected their motives and actions to historical memory. Many of the groups appealed to a wider “imagined community” based on constructing a shared history of nationhood. For example, violence was most effective when it directly targeted oppressors, but it did not work when civilians were harmed. Additionally, organizations that tied rhetoric and acts back to actual histories of oppression or of autonomy tended to garner more widespread support than others. -
Making a Hasty Brexit? Ministerial Turnover and Its Implications
Making a Hasty Brexit? Ministerial Turnover and Its Implications Jessica R. Adolino, Ph. D. Professor of Political Science James Madison University Draft prepared for presentation at the European Studies Association Annual Meeting May 9-12, 2019, Denver, Colorado Please do not cite or distribute without author’s permission. By almost any measure, since the immediate aftermath of the June 16, 2016 Brexit referendum, the British government has been in a state of chaos. The turmoil began with then- Prime Minister David Cameron’s resignation on June 17 and succession by Theresa May within days of the vote. Subsequently, May’s decision to call a snap election in 2017 and the resulting loss of the Conservatives’ parliamentary majority cast doubt on her leadership and further stirred up dissension in her party’s ranks. Perhaps more telling, and the subject of this paper, is the unprecedented number of ministers1—from both senior and junior ranks—that quit the May government over Brexit-related policy disagreements2. Between June 12, 2017 and April 3, 2019, the government witnessed 45 resignations, with high-profile secretaries of state and departmental ministers stepping down to return to the backbenches. Of these, 34 members of her government, including 9 serving in the Cabinet, departed over issues with some aspect of Brexit, ranging from dissatisfaction with the Prime Minister’s Withdrawal Agreement, to disagreements about the proper role of Parliament, to questions about the legitimacy of the entire Brexit process. All told, Theresa May lost more ministers, and at a more rapid pace, than any other prime minister in modern times.