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The Unknown Prime Minister’, Might Apply Just As Well to Another Premier from the West of Scotland – Henry Campbell- Bannerman

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The Unknown Prime Minister’, Might Apply Just As Well to Another Premier from the West of Scotland – Henry Campbell- Bannerman ‘MAIStlY SCOTCH’ CAMPBEll-BANNERMAN AND LIBERAL LEADERSHIP Herbert Asquith’s epithet for Andrew Bonar Law, ‘the unknown Prime Minister’, might apply just as well to another premier from the west of Scotland – Henry Campbell- Bannerman. Although the Edwardian Liberal Party, the general election of 1906 and the policies of the government over which he presided have been extensively studied, the career of Campbell-Bannerman has been neglected. Ewen A. Cameron assesses the record of the man who led the Liberal Party into the famous 1906 election landslide. 0 Journal of Liberal History 54 Spring 2007 ‘MAIStlY SCOTCH’ CAMPBEll-BANNERMAN AND LIBERAL LEADERSHIP HE ONLY substantial mod- his becoming leader of the party 1880–1906.4 His private life was ern biography, a compre- in 1899 and Prime Minister in entirely stable; he was famously hensive and sympathetic 1905. He had served in the War devoted to his wife, Charlotte, work by John Wilson, was Office under Lord Cardwell, whom he nursed in her final ill- published in 1973. Earlier and at the Admiralty; from 1884 ness to the detriment of Prime Tworks include the official life by to 1885 he was Chief Secretary Ministerial duties in 1907. By J. A. Spender and an instant pro- for Ireland (outside the Cabinet); contrast, Lord Rosebery had duction by the Irish nationalist in Gladstone’s third and fourth risen rapidly in Liberal poli- MP, T. P. O’Connor.1 Although administrations and under Lord tics; had masterminded Glad- there are some difficulties in the Rosebery, in 1886 and 1892–95, stone’s Midlothian campaigns biographical study of CB, nota- he had been Secretary of State for in 1879 and 1880; had married bly his tendency to brief letters War. This last post occasioned into the Rothschild family; had, – a trait which annoyed the King the most notable public event of as a racehorse owner, won the in regard to the Prime Minister’s his career, a House of Commons Derby three times; and was one weekly accounts of Cabinets censure over inadequate supplies of the most popular, even iconic, – other reasons have to be found of cordite for army ammunition figures in Scotland in the late to explain the neglect.2 which precipitated the resigna- nineteenth and early twentieth The first surrounds the per- tion of Rosebery’s unhappy gov- centuries, his lustre continuing ception that Campbell-Banner- ernment. Fourth, he left behind well after his disastrous premier- man acceded to the leadership of no established body of political ship, burnished by recruiting the Liberal Party by accident, as thought or doctrine on the con- speeches during the Great War. the least-bad option in the chaos duct of government, although Asquith also had Scottish con- of the party in the late 1890s, a he was highly skilled in the lat- nections, through his seat in East lowest common denomina- ter. This contrasts with the clas- Fife and his marriage into Scot- tor who had none of the objec- sical Liberalism established by tish industrial wealth. Even if tionable characteristics of more Gladstone’s long career or the the Tennants could not rival the prominent politicians such as radical rhetoric of anti-land- Rothschilds, Margot assisted his Harcourt, Morley or Rosebery; lordism bequeathed by Lloyd social and political status as well the last one left standing when George, although both those as his financial security. these heavyweights ruled them- leaders were responsible for fun- Finally, in an age when politi- selves out of the race in one way damental ruptures in the party. cians spent much time speaking or another.3 A second point also Fifth, his biography contrasts to large audiences in punishing relates to his leadership: ret- with many of those around schedules of public meetings, rospective chronology places him in the Liberal politics of and their words were reported him between the glories of the the 1890s and 1900s. He came verbatim in the local and Gladstonian age and the excite- from a solid middle-class Glas- national press, CB lacked ora- ments generated by his glittering wegian background. His family torical buzz. The sources agree, Punch, 21 successors, Asquith and Lloyd were Tories; indeed, his brother February 1906: even allowing for the sympa- George. Third, he had not held James Campbell was MP for Full speed thetic nature of the biographies particularly high office prior to the Scottish Universities from ahead and the countervailing hostility Journal of Liberal History 54 Spring 2007 1 ‘MaistlY SCOTCH’: CAMPBEll-baNNERMAN AND libERal LEadERSHIP of the press in Edinburgh, Glas- as a candidate around whom government … at all events it is gow and London, that he was a the party could rally, rather in the thing which is being done poor speaker. the role Gladstone himself had at this moment in the name played in Midlothian in 1880. and by the authority of this ~ Wisely, after consulting Rose- most humane and Christian bery (with whom he had cordial nation … A phrase often used is This short article does not seek relations at this point), Camp- that ‘war is war’, but when one to provide a comprehensive bell-Bannerman refused to act as comes to ask about it one is told review of Campbell-Banner- Gladstone’s pawn.6 He told the that no war is going on, that it man’s career, nor does it seek Prime Minister that Goschen is not a war. When is a war not to be ‘revisionist’. Its princi- was entrenched in the seat with a war? When it is carried on by pal objective is to focus on the a good organisation compared to methods of barbarism in South elements of his political career the Liberals and he concluded: Africa.9 which relate most closely to his Scottish roots. There is no reason why the seat This section of the speech, Campbell-Bannerman, it should not be fought, but it unscripted and spontaneous should be added, is as much seems to me to be a good rea- according to the Manchester the forgotten Prime Minis- son why we should not make Guardian after his death, defined ter in his homeland as in other the contest more conspicuous later hostile views of Campbell- parts of Britain and Ireland.5 than is necessary, and risk a Bannerman: he was perceived He represented a Scottish seat, damaging and almost humili- as a pro-Boer, unpatriotic, a the Stirling district of burghs ating defeat.7 slanderer of the army, defeatist, (which also included Dunferm- and anti-imperialist. These sins line, Culross, Inverkeithing and Within Although he was never parochial, were compounded in the eyes South Queensferry). Scotland as his knowledge of European of his critics by the fact that he was secure Liberal territory; Scottish languages (in contrast to his was a former Secretary of State between 1832 and 1910 the party Foreign Secretary Edward Grey) for War. won a majority of Scottish seats, Liberalism demonstrated, his Scottish iden- This speech, although it gave with the exception of 1900, and Campbell- tity was important: he described much ammunition to the hostile even that was a blip soon ironed his ideal diet as ‘maistly Scotch’, press, did not signify that he was out by by-election victories. In Banner- and something of this character- a Pro-Boer in the manner of Dr 1910 when Liberal support slipped ised his politics, as will be shown Gavin B. Clark (MP for Caith- in England, Scottish representa- man was a below.8 ness until 1900) or the Irish MPs. tion was stable and crucial to It did, however, expose the divi- the government’s retention of distinctive ~ sions in the Liberal Party over power. Furthermore, although figure, in the war. Campbell-Bannerman Liberal Unionism was popular Nevertheless, the British and tried to deny their existence, but in the West of Scotland, tariff that he imperial dimensions must not this was impossible in the light reform and Liberal Imperialism be neglected and it was a speech of the activities of Rosebery and were not. Campbell-Banner- was home- on the latter theme which his Liberal Imperialist hench- man was solidly supported by yielded the phrase for which he men, especially Asquith, Grey the constituencies and although grown in is best remembered, when he and Haldane, men who would the Scottish Liberal Associa- an age is remembered at all. Given his later conspire against Camp- tion was less enthusiastic, it was reputation as a weak orator it is bell-Bannerman at the forma- not in thrall to Lord Rosebery, when ironic to note that this came in a tion of the Liberal government despite his personal popularity brave and powerful speech. On in December 1905.10 The divi- in south-east Scotland where his there were 14 June 1901, in an address to the sions in the party over the war estates lay. National Reform Union in Lon- were profound and the ‘meth- Within Scottish Liberalism so many don, citing British criticism of ods of barbarism’ speech led to Campbell-Bannerman was a carpet- Spanish conduct in Cuba in 1898 the opening up of political and distinctive figure, in that he was and drawing on details provided social gaps between the Liberal home-grown in an age when baggers by Emily Hobhouse of the hor- Imperialists around Lord Rose- there were so many carpet-bag- rific mortality among women bery, moderates around Camp- gers grateful for the safety of grateful for and children in the concentra- bell-Bannerman and the fully Scottish Liberal seats. In 1886 tion camps for the Boer civilian fledged pro-Boers. A Unionist Gladstone had the notion of try- the safety population in South Africa, he speaker in Cambridge charac- ing to persuade Campbell-Ban- of Scot- remarked: terised the party as ‘a Liberal dog nerman to transfer from the with a head of Lord Rosebery, Stirling Burghs to Edinburgh tish Liberal I do not say for a moment, that an inside of Sir Henry Camp- East to challenge the Liberal this is the deliberate and inten- bell-Bannerman, and a tail of Unionist G.
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