‘Maistly Scotch’ Campbell-Bannerman and Liberal leadership

Herbert Asquith’s epithet for Law, ‘the unknown Prime Minister’, might apply just as well to another premier from the west of – Henry Campbell- Bannerman. Although the Edwardian Liberal Party, the general election of 1906 and the policies of the government over which he presided have been extensively studied, the career of Campbell-Bannerman has been neglected. Ewen A. Cameron assesses the record of the man who led the Liberal Party into the famous 1906 election landslide.

30 Journal of Liberal History 54 Spring 2007 ‘Maistly Scotch’ Campbell-Bannerman and Liberal leadership

he only substantial mod- his becoming leader of the party 1880–1906.4 His private life was ern biography, a compre- in 1899 and Prime Minister in entirely stable; he was famously hensive and sympathetic 1905. He had served in the War devoted to his wife, Charlotte, work by John Wilson, was Office under Lord Cardwell, whom he nursed in her final ill- published in 1973. Earlier and at the Admiralty; from 1884 ness to the detriment of Prime Tworks include the official life by to 1885 he was Chief Secretary Ministerial duties in 1907. By J. A. Spender and an instant pro- for Ireland (outside the Cabinet); contrast, Lord Rosebery had duction by the Irish nationalist in Gladstone’s third and fourth risen rapidly in Liberal poli- MP, T. P. O’Connor.1 Although administrations and under Lord tics; had masterminded Glad- there are some difficulties in the Rosebery, in 1886 and 1892–95, stone’s Midlothian campaigns biographical study of CB, nota- he had been Secretary of State for in 1879 and 1880; had married bly his tendency to brief letters War. This last post occasioned into the Rothschild family; had, – a trait which annoyed the King the most notable public event of as a racehorse owner, won the in regard to the Prime Minister’s his career, a House of Commons Derby three times; and was one weekly accounts of Cabinets censure over inadequate supplies of the most popular, even iconic, – other reasons have to be found of cordite for army ammunition figures in Scotland in the late to explain the neglect.2 which precipitated the resigna- nineteenth and early twentieth The first surrounds the per- tion of Rosebery’s unhappy gov- centuries, his lustre continuing ception that Campbell-Banner- ernment. Fourth, he left behind well after his disastrous premier- man acceded to the leadership of no established body of political ship, burnished by recruiting the Liberal Party by accident, as thought or doctrine on the con- speeches during the Great War. the least-bad option in the chaos duct of government, although Asquith also had Scottish con- of the party in the late 1890s, a he was highly skilled in the lat- nections, through his seat in East lowest common denomina- ter. This contrasts with the clas- Fife and his marriage into Scot- tor who had none of the objec- sical Liberalism established by tish industrial wealth. Even if tionable characteristics of more Gladstone’s long career or the the Tennants could not rival the prominent politicians such as radical rhetoric of anti-land- Rothschilds, Margot assisted his Harcourt, Morley or Rosebery; lordism bequeathed by Lloyd social and political status as well the last one left standing when George, although both those as his financial security. these heavyweights ruled them- leaders were responsible for fun- Finally, in an age when politi- selves out of the race in one way damental ruptures in the party. cians spent much time speaking or another.3 A second point also Fifth, his biography contrasts to large audiences in punishing relates to his leadership: ret- with many of those around schedules of public meetings, rospective chronology places him in the Liberal politics of and their words were reported him between the glories of the the 1890s and 1900s. He came verbatim in the local and Gladstonian age and the excite- from a solid middle-class Glas- national press, CB lacked ora- ments generated by his glittering wegian background. His family torical buzz. The sources agree, Punch, 21 successors, Asquith and Lloyd were Tories; indeed, his brother February 1906: even allowing for the sympa- George. Third, he had not held James Campbell was MP for Full speed thetic nature of the biographies particularly high office prior to the Scottish Universities from ahead and the countervailing hostility

Journal of Liberal History 54 Spring 2007 31 ‘maistly scotch’: campbell-bannerman and liberal leadership

of the press in Edinburgh, Glas- as a candidate around whom government … at all events it is gow and London, that he was a the party could rally, rather in the thing which is being done poor speaker. the role Gladstone himself had at this moment in the name played in Midlothian in 1880. and by the authority of this ~ Wisely, after consulting Rose- most humane and Christian bery (with whom he had cordial nation … A phrase often used is This short article does not seek relations at this point), Camp- that ‘war is war’, but when one to provide a comprehensive bell-Bannerman refused to act as comes to ask about it one is told review of Campbell-Banner- Gladstone’s pawn.6 He told the that no war is going on, that it man’s career, nor does it seek Prime Minister that Goschen is not a war. When is a war not to be ‘revisionist’. Its princi- was entrenched in the seat with a war? When it is carried on by pal objective is to focus on the a good organisation compared to methods of barbarism in South elements of his political career the Liberals and he concluded: Africa.9 which relate most closely to his Scottish roots. There is no reason why the seat This section of the speech, Campbell-Bannerman, it should not be fought, but it unscripted and spontaneous should be added, is as much seems to me to be a good rea- according to the Manchester the forgotten Prime Minis- son why we should not make Guardian after his death, defined ter in his homeland as in other the contest more conspicuous later hostile views of Campbell- parts of Britain and Ireland.5 than is necessary, and risk a Bannerman: he was perceived He represented a Scottish seat, damaging and almost humili- as a pro-Boer, unpatriotic, a the Stirling district of burghs ating defeat.7 slanderer of the army, defeatist, (which also included Dunferm- and anti-imperialist. These sins line, Culross, Inverkeithing and Within Although he was never parochial, were compounded in the eyes South Queensferry). Scotland as his knowledge of European of his critics by the fact that he was secure Liberal territory; Scottish languages (in contrast to his was a former Secretary of State between 1832 and 1910 the party Edward Grey) for War. won a majority of Scottish seats, Liberalism demonstrated, his Scottish iden- This speech, although it gave with the exception of 1900, and Campbell- tity was important: he described much ammunition to the hostile even that was a blip soon ironed his ideal diet as ‘maistly Scotch’, press, did not signify that he was out by by-election victories. In Banner- and something of this character- a Pro-Boer in the manner of Dr 1910 when Liberal support slipped ised his politics, as will be shown Gavin B. Clark (MP for Caith- in England, Scottish representa- man was a below.8 ness until 1900) or the Irish MPs. tion was stable and crucial to It did, however, expose the divi- the government’s retention of distinctive ~ sions in the Liberal Party over power. Furthermore, although figure, in the war. Campbell-Bannerman Liberal Unionism was popular Nevertheless, the British and tried to deny their existence, but in the West of Scotland, that he imperial dimensions must not this was impossible in the light reform and Liberal Imperialism be neglected and it was a speech of the activities of Rosebery and were not. Campbell-Banner- was home- on the latter theme which his Liberal Imperialist hench- man was solidly supported by yielded the phrase for which he men, especially Asquith, Grey the constituencies and although grown in is best remembered, when he and Haldane, men who would the Scottish Liberal Associa- an age is remembered at all. Given his later conspire against Camp- tion was less enthusiastic, it was reputation as a weak orator it is bell-Bannerman at the forma- not in thrall to Lord Rosebery, when ironic to note that this came in a tion of the Liberal government despite his personal popularity brave and powerful speech. On in December 1905.10 The divi- in south-east Scotland where his there were 14 June 1901, in an address to the sions in the party over the war estates lay. National Reform Union in Lon- were profound and the ‘meth- Within Scottish Liberalism so many don, citing British criticism of ods of barbarism’ speech led to Campbell-Bannerman was a carpet- Spanish conduct in Cuba in 1898 the opening up of political and distinctive figure, in that he was and drawing on details provided social gaps between the Liberal home-grown in an age when baggers by Emily Hobhouse of the hor- Imperialists around Lord Rose- there were so many carpet-bag- rific mortality among women bery, moderates around Camp- gers grateful for the safety of grateful for and children in the concentra- bell-Bannerman and the fully Scottish Liberal seats. In 1886 tion camps for the Boer civilian fledged pro-Boers. A Unionist Gladstone had the notion of try- the safety population in South Africa, he speaker in Cambridge charac- ing to persuade Campbell-Ban- of Scot- remarked: terised the party as ‘a Liberal dog nerman to transfer from the with a head of Lord Rosebery, Stirling Burghs to Edinburgh tish Liberal I do not say for a moment, that an inside of Sir Henry Camp- East to challenge the Liberal this is the deliberate and inten- bell-Bannerman, and a tail of Unionist G. J. Goschen and act seats. tional policy of Her Majesty’s Labouchere and Dr Clark. The

32 Journal of Liberal History 54 Spring 2007 ‘maistly scotch’: campbell-bannerman and liberal leadership whole body would be wagged to the Unionists on important An alterna- to outmanoeuvre Rosebery in by the tail, and they would have issues like .14 Rose- 1901 and 1905, although that may a mongrel of the very vilest bery was a possible exception tive view not have been especially difficult description.’11 to this rule; he was becoming since the latter possessed none of more detached from the Lib- would these skills.15 This is damnation ~ eral Party and after the election by faint praise in comparison of 1906 he became ever more be that with the historical reputations of In the view of most commen- reactionary. This confirmed the he used other politicians, and also repre- tators Campbell-Bannerman’s belief of some Unionists that he sents the neglect and undervalu- greatest achievement was to had been in the wrong party all his delib- ing of the kind of political skills preside over the recovery of the along. Second, subsequent divi- which Campbell-Bannerman Liberal Party from these chronic sions on fiscal policy shifted the erately exhibited throughout his career. divisions. Not only this, but the political agenda on to territory If one compares the unity of the disastrous final phase of the Boer which was much more favour- cultivated Liberal Party, and its successes War, after the general election able to the Liberals. Asquith was image of in government, during the of 1900 and even his speech of the principal rhetorical vehicle period from 1899 to 1908, then June 1901, seemed to vindicate of opposition to Chamberlain’s self-efface- Campbell-Bannerman’s reputa- the critics of the conduct of tariff reform campaigns, and tion ought to be higher than it the war rather than its defend- free trade helped to rally the ment to is. Gladstone had left a divided ers. As CB wrote to Murray party, especially in areas, such party. Rosebery had been a dis- of Elibank in September 1903: as Scotland, where the results mask a aster as premier and by his ego- ‘Those, of whom you are one, of the 1900 general election had keen abil- maniacal behaviour in the late who took the right view about been uncharacteristically bad 1890s and 1900s had compounded the war, have now our chance and where tariff reform was ity and underlying problems. Camp- for a chuckle, but I suppose we unpopular among farmers and bell-Bannerman’s much vaunted must do it with some reserve.’12 businessmen. Third, and perhaps determi- successors, Asquith and Lloyd Nevertheless, his status as leader most important, was the fact that George, presided over the crea- was not assured for many years the 1906 election renewed the nation in tion of new factions around their after 1900; it was often a mat- Liberal Party. The host of new close-quar- personalities and the ultimate ter of debate at Liberal meetings members were uninterested in destruction of the party. Later whether he should be thanked as ancient squabbles and factions: ter politi- Liberal leaders merely managed ‘Leader of the party in the coun- the debates of the Boer War sud- decline into marginal status.16 In try’ or merely ‘in the House of denly seemed antique. cal combat. contrast, Campbell-Bannerman Commons’.13 The party tended produced a coherent Liberal to reserve the unqualified title ~ administration in circumstances of leader for former Prime Min- when that was thought to be isters. Increasingly he came to In assessing this achievement impossible.17 be recognised as the unrivalled much historical comment has Taking advantage of the leader, although his status was emphasised Campbell-Ban- new atmosphere in the House not entirely secured until he was nerman as a tactician, a shrewd of Commons after the election invited to form a government in (an oft-used word) reconciler in 1906, he sought to change the December 1905. of factions, a man who worked nature of political debate. Bal- When he did accede to the behind the scenes to deal with four, whom he disliked, brought premiership and confirmed seemingly intractable problems: his subtle metaphysical style to his right to that role with the the healing of the wounds in the a different house on his return great victory of 1906 he went Liberal Party after the Boer War; to Parliament after his defeat at on to deliver a united govern- the puncturing of the Relugas Manchester and his subsequent ment. Several factors, as well conspiracy in which Asquith, victory in the City of London. as his shrewd ability to exploit Grey and Haldane sought to He was brought up short by his the weaknesses of his internal consign him to the Lords; and, less celebrated successor: opponents – Asquith’s vanity earlier in his career, the success- and desire for high office, for ful and delicate campaign to per- Gen- example, or Rosebery’s tacti- suade the Duke of Cambridge, tleman is like the old Bourbons cal ineptitude – helps to explain cousin to the Queen, to retire as in the oft quoted phrase – he this feat. Three further points Commander-in-Chief. has learnt nothing. He comes are significant. First, the weak- An alternative view would be back to this new House of ness of the Liberal Imperialists that he used his deliberately cul- Commons with the same airy was that they had nowhere else tivated image of self-effacement graces, the subtle dialectics, to go. They did not have a com- to mask a keen ability and deter- the light and frivolous way of mon programme on wider issues mination in close-quarter politi- dealing with a great question, and they were certainly hostile cal combat. This was sufficient and he little knows the temper

Journal of Liberal History 54 Spring 2007 33 ‘maistly scotch’: campbell-bannerman and liberal leadership of the new House of Commons A. J. A. to as, unlike the previous two you greatly admired, myself if he thinks that those methods Liberal administrations, it did for instance? … Yet I ven- will prevail here … enough Morris not require the parliamentary ture to say that I have as much of this foolery … let us get to support of the Irish. As early knowledge of Scotland as Mr business.18 refers to as 1899 Campbell-Bannerman Campbell-Bannerman has of had indicated that Irish Home Ireland.24 As well as giving a higher prior- Campbell- Rule, although part of the Lib- ity to Campbell-Bannerman’s Banner- eral programme, was not a prac- Campbell-Bannerman’s effec- ability to fix problems, extin- tical proposition; this gave the tive discharge of his duties as guish fires and lead the party man as party greater flexibility on the Lord Spencer’s Chief Secretary in an understated but success- question in 1900 and, more par- was the first step in the transfor- ful manner, can we find other ‘Britain’s ticularly, in 1906.22 Despite this mation of his reputation in Ire- dimensions to his political he remained popular with the land. He did not complain about career? first and leaders of Irish politics, espe- the prospect of being sent to Ire- only radi- cially Redmond and O’Connor, land, unlike his mournful pred- ~ to whom he explained that Irish ecessor George Otto Trevelyan, cal Prime legislation need not who was nearly driven out of his A. J. A. Morris refers to Camp- be expected in the early period wits by the threatening atmos- bell-Bannerman as ‘Britain’s first Minister’. of his administration and that phere. Once the drains in the and only radical Prime Minis- when it came it was unlikely Chief Secretary’s residence had ter’.19 Is this a fair assessment? to achieve Home Rule in one been sorted out to the satisfac- In some respects he was a step.23 Coming from Campbell- tion of Charlotte, he seemed traditional Gladstonian: he had Bannerman this seemed accept- to regard it as he did the other served in Gladstone’s govern- able in a way which it would not political offices which he held, a ments in the 1880s and 1890s have from Harcourt or Rosebery, job to be done to the best of his and he expressed traditional both of whom were suspicious of ability.25 Liberal virtues, especially free Irish Home Rule, despite their Like many Scottish Gladsto- trade, prominent in his election support for Gladstone when the nians, Campbell-Bannerman speeches in 1906 – as one would Liberal Party divided over the was also in favour of Scottish expect of a Liberal candidate in a issue in 1886. Home Rule. This was a ques- Scottish constituency.20 Further, This Irish perception of tion which had little autono- he was firm in his belief in Irish Campbell-Bannerman’s benig- mous existence; it tended to Home Rule; some would argue nity had developed over a long be discussed in the context of that constitutional reform was at period, and represents another Irish Home Rule. The Scot- the heart of his political outlook. of his positive virtues as a Lib- tish Home Rule Association One of the major achievements eral leader: he was able to appeal was established in 1886 partly of his government was the con- to the constituent nations of the as a result of the Irish debate. stitutional settlement with the . This was not Although Campbell-Banner- Boer republics which, through as simple a matter as it may seem man favoured the concept he did its magnanimity, brought these for a Scot in the late-Victorian not regard it as practical politics, former enemies back into the or Edwardian period. There recognising that it could only imperial fold. was great suspicion of Scots in be implemented in the context Although the question of nationalist Ireland; Scotland was of granting home rule to other reform of the perceived as a nation which had parts of the United Kingdom; did not have the urgency which sold its soul to Britain and the an asymmetrical system would it acquired after 1910, the upper empire and Scots farmers in Ire- be dangerous. Logically this house prevented progress on land had a terrible reputation for would have to involve some sort land reform and education. evicting small tenants to make of English devolution and, since After Cabinet Committee was way for sheep. Thus, it is not this concept was neither under- appointed to consider the ques- surprising that Tim Healy, that stood nor demanded, it meant tion, Campbell-Bannerman did most vituperative of national- that ‘Scotch home rule must not like its complicated recom- ists, should have greeted Camp- wait until the sluggish mind of mendation and put forward the bell-Bannerman’s appointment John Bull is educated up to that ‘suspensory veto’, which became as Chief Secretary for Ireland point’.26 government policy and the basis in 1884 with something less than As a Scottish Presbyterian of the 1911 Parliament Act.21 rapture. He remarked: he was not necessarily a sup- Nevertheless, his government porter of disestablishment – a did not legislate on Irish Home How would Scotsmen like to segment of the Free Church of Rule (nor on another awkward be ruled by an Irishman sent Scotland adhered to the princi- Celtic question, Welsh dis- over from the sister Ireland ple of established churches – but establishment); it did not have – an Irishman, it might be, who Campbell-Bannerman was a

34 Journal of Liberal History 54 Spring 2007 ‘maistly scotch’: campbell-bannerman and liberal leadership

disestablisher. He saw politi- business, to secure a home ­Gladstonianism. Landown- cal logic in the idea – contrary and a career for the labourers, ers were horrified because the to Gladstone, as he remarked to who are in too many cases cut Bill would have removed their Rosebery in 1894: ‘the Church off from the soil. We wish to monopoly on their choice of ten- people are and will remain hard make the land less of a pleasure ants. A new Board of Agricul- against us, and that we must not ground for the rich and more ture for Scotland would have the in the futile hope of pleasing of a treasure house for the power to create new holdings them damp the zeal of our own nation.28 on privately owned land. Fur- best supporters.’27 Interestingly, ther still, although the funding as Prime Minister he took great He appointed Lord Carrington available for the new Board was time and trouble over his duties to the Board of Agriculture and modest, at £250,000 per year, it in the matter of Church of Eng- English land reform was taken represented public expenditure land appointments. forward through the mecha- on land reform, which under- The issue of Scottish disestab- nism of the county councils.29 mined one of the key principles lishment was less prominent by In Scotland this route was made of Gladstonian dual ownership the time he had become Prime awkward by continuing land- – that it was cheap. Minister than it had been in the lord domination of rural local Scottish land reform ran into 1880s or 1890s. The United Pres- government, and the subject of difficulties not only because byterian Church had united with land reform was inherently more of the newly concerted action the Free Church of Scotland in controversial.30 John Sinclair by landowners and the related 1900, and the long project to heal had been appointed Secretary opposition of the House of the fracture in Scottish Presby- for Scotland and a Small Land- Lords, but also because of hos- terianism which had taken place holders Bill was taken forward tility in the Cabinet. The Bill in 1843 and before was a more early in the life of the govern- was only solidly supported by important practical question of ment. This had to be withdrawn Campbell-Bannerman, loyal ecclesiastical politics north of due to pressure of parliamen- to his crony John Sinclair, and the border than the issue of dis- tary business, but when it was other radicals such as Lord Lore- establishment. This was not, of reintroduced in 1907 it ran into burn, the . Hal- course, true in , where dis- the immovable obstacle of the dane and Tweedmouth were establishment of the Church of House of Lords. A similar fate notably hostile and others were England in Wales was the princi- awaited another Scottish land merely lukewarm. It was seen pal Welsh question and had been bill in 1908. as a faddist measure emanating one of the issues to which Lloyd These bills sought to extend from the prejudices of radicals George, a minister in Camp- the dual-ownership system such as Sinclair and Loreburn. bell- Bannerman’s government, of the 1886 Crofters Holdings After Campbell-Bannerman’s had emphasised in his noisy (Scotland) Act to the rest of death the subject slipped down and vivid rise to prominence. It Scotland. This was sufficient to the agenda and was only imple- was also, like Irish Home Rule, ensure the opposition of low- mented in a watered-down form another question which was not land farming and landlord inter- in 1911, its effect being very lim- dealt with by Campbell-Ban- ests, incorporated in the Scottish ited prior to the outbreak of the nerman’s government which Chamber of Agriculture and the Great War. recognised the insurmountable newly formed Scottish Land and Two reflections are stimulated nature of the obstacle provided Property Federation. They were by this episode. The first is that by the House of Lords. horrified that a system of land Like many this represents a rare example tenure designed for feckless sub- Scottish of a failure of Campbell-Ban- ~ sistence crofters was to be foisted nerman’s instinct for what was on the sophisticated and modern Gladsto- possible. He seems to have kept Finally, there is the question of farmers of southern Scotland. the issue alive out of loyalty to land reform. Campbell-Banner- The parliamentary debates on nians, Sinclair and against the wishes man had dealt with this at the Scottish land reform were graced of many Cabinet colleagues, Albert Hall rally which launched by some reactionary comments Campbell- despite his feeling that the disa- the 1906 election campaign, by Campbell-Bannerman’s old Banner- greements were ‘nasty’.32 Even producing another memorable foe Lord Rosebery, himself a the King, with many friends phrase: lowland landowner with sub- man was among the owners of Scottish stantial estates around his seat at sporting estates, was known to We desire to develop our own Dalmeny in Midlothian.31 also in be worried about the implica- undeveloped estate in this The Bill, however, actu- tions of the Bill. country, to colonise our own ally went much further than favour of Second, Campbell-Ban- country – to give the farmer this, indicating that Camp- Scottish nerman’s motivations for land greater freedom and greater bell-Bannerman’s land policy reform are also worthy of brief security in the exercise of his was more than refashioned Home Rule. comment. He was a decidedly

Journal of Liberal History 54 Spring 2007 35 ‘maistly scotch’: campbell-bannerman and liberal leadership

lowland politician with lit- away. What is all our wealth that such an approach would be tle sympathy for the aggrieved and learning … if the men and unacceptable to Irish opinion highland crofters who had women on whose labour the the bill was withdrawn. Camp- stirred the conscience of Glad- whole social fabric is main- bell-Bannerman’s Irish secre- stone in the 1880s. He was not tained are doomed to live and taries, Bryce and Birrell, had, in the habit of travelling in die in darkness and misery in respectively, created and dealt the highlands in the manner the areas of our great cities.33 with this problem and despite of Harcourt, who had learnt the fact that the unsatisfactory much about the subject while Oddly, Rosebery had expressed Irish Councils Bill represented on yachting holidays on the similar views in his rectorial a failure of Campbell-Ban- west coast. Campbell-Banner- address at the University of Glas- nerman’s government his rela- man preferred the delights of gow, although his concern was tively high stock among leading a French novel and the regime with the impossibility of rearing nationalists meant that the con- at Marienbad to the rigours an imperial race from the ‘slums sequences were less problematic of stalking or fishing amidst and rookeries’ of industrial cities than they might have been.36 the chilly mists of the Scottish rather than with stimulating a highlands. Although he was an back-to-the-land movement. ~ urban politician with roots in the middle class he represented ~ Campbell-Bannerman’s legisla- a constituency composed of tive activities were more popu- small towns and he had not Campbell-Bannerman’s attitude lar in labour than in dissenting been involved in the Georgite to the Scottish land question is or Irish circles. He went much campaigns for land restoration mirrored by that on another further than previous Liberal which were so popular among issue on which his government leaders in making advances to urban radicals in the Scottish failed to carry the day – English the labour movement, not least industrial cities in the Victo- English educational reform. An educa- in the secret Gladstone-Mac- rian period. Nevertheless, we tion bill, designed to reassert Donald pact of 1903, which gave should not assume that he was educa- state control over state-funded Labour a free run in a number an insincere advocate of land Church of England schools, of English seats and facilitated reform. His motivation can tional caused sectarian bitterness their capture of twenty-nine be found in his view of urban reform was between Anglicans and Non- constituencies in 1906. The deal society, concerns about which conformists and constitutional was concluded at a time when it he expressed in a speech on the an issue strife between the houses of par- was by no means clear that the occasion of his receipt of the liament. Provoked by the drastic Liberals were likely to win the freedom of the City of upon which amendment of their bill by the next election, so any assistance in January 1907: Lords the government chose not in tackling the Conservatives Campbell- to force a constitutional crisis so was welcome. (The pact was not Little by little we have come Banner- early in its term of office and on operative in Scotland, where to face the fact that the con- an issue which excited so little Liberal dominance was such centration of human beings man could popular excitement outside dis- that they had little to fear from in dense masses is a state of senting strongholds. Further, Labour, who won only two seats things which is contrary to not rouse this was an issue upon which in 1906 (one of which was Bonar nature, and that, unless pow- Campbell-Bannerman could Law’s at Glasgow Blackfriars), or erful counter-attractive agen- himself not rouse himself to master the the Conservatives.) Also in the cies are introduced, the issue is to master details, much to the exaspera- matter of the Trades Disputes bound to be the suffering and tion of his Cabinet colleagues Act of 1906 Campbell-Banner- gradual destruction of the mass the details, and leading churchmen.34 man surprised his colleagues of the population … Here and Another issue on which the by accepting Labour’s more elsewhere today you have the much to government was not success- advanced bill. spectacle of countless thou- ful in this period was the Irish sands of our fellow-men, and a the exas- Councils Bill, which offered a ~ still larger number of children, peration of measure of devolution short of who are starved of air and space the full Home Rule demanded Much in CB’s background and and sunshine, and of the very his Cabinet by the Irish party. Campbell- career made him act as a tradi- elements which make a happy Bannerman was characteristi- tional Gladstonian – his views life possible. This is a view of colleagues cally downbeat in a speech at on Ireland, for example. His city life which is gradually Manchester in May 1907, refer- ‘methods of barbarism’ speech coming home to the heart and and ring to it as a ‘little, modest, shy, might also be placed in the same understanding and conscience leading humble effort to give admin- tradition of Liberal concern for of our people. The view of it is istrative powers to the Irish human rights which motivated so terrible that it cannot be put churchmen. ­people’.35 When it became clear Gladstone’s agitation for the

36 Journal of Liberal History 54 Spring 2007 ‘maistly scotch’: campbell-bannerman and liberal leadership Bulgarian Christians or the political sagacity was as often The Liberal might well have found that his Armenians. In matters relating exaggerated as Campbell-Ban- hands-off approach might have to disestablishment, on which nerman’s was underestimated, Party has required some amendment Gladstone was fearful lest it fur- on a number of occasions. He in a more contested political ther disrupt the Liberal Party successfully outmanoeuvred had many environment, especially after and endanger the Church of the Relugas conspirators and 1910. An additional factor is the England, Campbell-Bannerman ensured that they became loyal leaders renewed aggression of the Con- was certainly more radical. The ministers – including a very from Scot- servatives after the accession of same was true of his views on successful one in an unfashion- Bonar Law to the leadership in land reform or labour politics. able office, in the case of Hal- land, and 1911; the new Conservative lead- The Liberal Party has had dane as a reforming Secretary er’s style was in marked con- many leaders from Scotland, and of State for War (his leader’s old perhaps trast to that of his predecessor perhaps the Scottish political stamping ground, of course). which Campbell-Bannerman culture from which he emerged Although no master of detail, the Scot- had found so easy to deflate. is the most sensible point of view and absent from the front line tish politi- Nevertheless, to end this article from which to consider Camp- through concern for his wife and where it began, with a thought bell-Bannerman. He was by no his own ill health for a substan- cal culture about the connections between means uncomfortable or out of tial period of his premiership, he Campbell-Bannerman and his depth in London society, but did much to establish the char- from Bonar Law, it would have been it was not his natural milieu. In acter of the Liberal government interesting to see how political this we have to be wary of his and make subsequent reforms which he debate would have developed deliberate cultivation of his possible. He did this by grasp- emerged is between these two men from image as an avuncular Scot puz- ing the opportunity of minority the business community of the zled by the odd ways of met- government presented by Bal- the most west of Scotland. ropolitan politics. This image four on the assumption that it tended to lull opponents, both could not be done; by appoint- sensible Ewen A. Cameron is senior lecturer within his own party and on the ing a Cabinet which, if it was not in Scottish History at the University other side of the House, into a united in outlook, was prepared point of of Edinburgh and co-editor of the false sense of security. to submerge its differences; and view from Scottish Historical Review. His He had a circle of Scottish by allowing talented departmen- books include Land for the People? radical friends which remained tal ministers – Asquith, Haldane, which to The British Government and the important to him throughout Lloyd George – the freedom Scottish Highlands, 1880–1930 his political career. He sus- from interference to develop consider (1996) and Charles Fraser Mack- tained charges of cronyism by policy. This may have stemmed intosh, Crofter MP (2000). He is his appointment of the former from his notorious reluctance to Campbell- currently completing Impaled Upon Scottish whip, John Sinclair, as master detail rather than a grand Banner- the Thistle: Scotland Since 1880 Secretary for Scotland. Robert strategy, but it was the way he for EUP’s New Edinburgh His- Reid, Lord Loreburn, was his operated.37 man. tory of Scotland. Lord Chancellor and he was It might be argued that a closely associated with Tho- positive view of Campbell- 1 John Wilson, CB: A life of Henry mas Shaw, the Lord Advocate, Bannerman rests on the good Campbell Bannerman (London, 1973); J. A Spender, The Life of Sir Henry a fiery radical who might have fortune of the moment at Campbell Bannerman, G.C.B., 2 vols achieved higher office if he had which he held the premiership. (London, c.1924); T. P. O’Connor, desired it. There is no doubt that things Sir Henry Campbell Bannerman (Lon- No one becomes Prime did become more difficult for don, 1908). Minister by accident and the Liberal government after 2 The reports to the King on Cabi- net meetings were certainly terse; Campbell-Bannerman cer- his death. By-elections and see London, British Library, Henry tainly did not. In 1883 or in 1895 the general elections of 1910 Campbell-Bannerman Papers, Add. he might have become Speaker saw dissipation, especially in MS 52512. of the House of Commons, but England, of the electoral assets 3 Jose F. Harris and Cameron Hazle- he did not, possibly regretfully which had been banked in 1906. hurst, ‘Campbell Bannerman as Prime Minister’, History, 55 (1970), on the second occasion. Once A number of the issues which pp. 361–62; Peter Rowland, The he became party leader in 1899, had been foreshadowed from Last Liberal Governments: The Prom- however, his career moved 1905 to 1908 became more dif- ised Land, 1905–1910 (London, 1968), into a new gear. He could have ficult, even intractable, from pp. 34–35. backed out of the premiership, 1908 to 1914: Ireland, labour 4 Henry had taken the additional name of ‘Bannerman’ as a condi- or at least taken an ornamen- questions, women’s suffrage, tion in the will of his uncle Henry tal view of the office from the to name just three. This can- Bannerman who left him an estate House of Lords in 1905, but he not merely be put down to the in 1871. chose not to. He faced down loss of the late Prime Minister’s Concluded on page 45 Lord Rosebery, a man whose sagacity. Campbell-Bannerman

Journal of Liberal History 54 Spring 2007 37 ‘maistly scotch’: campbell-bannerman and liberal leadership

of Conservative Politics: The Dia- Jan. 1950, Appendix B, Con- ‘Maistly Scotch: memorandum by J.A. Spender’, ries and Letters of William Bridge- servative Party Archive, CCO Campbell-Bannerman Bulletin of the Institute of Histori- man 1904–1935 (The Historians’ 4/3/43. cal Research, 45 (1972), pp. 283– Press, London, 1988), p. 215. 28 Churchill to Davies, 25 Jan. and Liberal leadership 302; Wilson, CB, pp. 423–66; 13 Keith Middlemas (ed.), Tho- 1950, quoted in Martin Gilbert, (continued from page Spender, Life, ii, pp. 188–205. mas Jones: Whitehall Diary Vol. Winston S. Churchill, vol. VIII: 37) 18 Parliamentary Debates, 4th series, II: 1926–1930 (Oxford Univer- ‘Never Despair’, 1945–1965 (Hein- 5 Although the apparent pros- vol. 153, cols 990–92, 12 Mar. sity Press, Oxford, 1969), pp. emann, London, 1988), p. 504. pect of a pre- 1906. 175–76 (entry for 6 March 1929). 29 See Davies to Sinclair, 30 May miership has induced some 19 A. J. A. Morris, ‘Banner- 14 ‘The exploitation of unemploy- 1946, Thurso Papers, Churchill sections of the Scottish media man, Sir Henry Campbell- ment: Mr Churchill on “One College, Cambridge, THRS to reacquaint themselves with (1836–1908)’, Oxford Dictionary of the meanest things”’, The IV, 1/10. It is possible that Dav- the Scots who have made it to of National Biography (Oxford, Times, 14 May 1929. ies warmed more to the idea No 10 Downing St.; see Allan 2004) 15 Speech of 5 June 1935. as time went on given that, by Burnett, ‘The Scottish Premier 20 Dunfermline Press, 13 Jan. 1906 16 to 1950, he was reported as say- League’, Sunday Herald, 7 Jan. 21 Harris and Hazlehurst, ‘Camp- Archibald Sinclair, 31 Jan. 1942, ing that he would not mind if 2007, ‘Seven days’ section, pp, bell Bannerman as Prime Min- in Ian Hunter (ed.), Winston individual constituency parties 14–15. ister’, p. 381; Wilson, CB, pp. and Archie: The Letters of Sir made their own local agree- 6 Edinburgh, National Library of 549–66, esp. 562. Archibald Sinclair and Winston S. ments for cooperation spon- Scotland, Rosebery MSS, MS 22 George. L. Bernstein, Liberal- Churchill, 1915–1960 (Politico’s, taneously. (I am grateful to 10002, ff.40–43, Campbell-Ban- ism and Liberal Politics in Edward- London, 2005), pp. 338–39. David Dutton for this informa- nerman to Rosebery, 10, 12 Jun. ian England (London, 1986), pp. 17 ‘Major Lloyd-George’s Future’, tion.) This may, however, have 1886. 30–31. , 20 March 1945. reflected his recognition that 7 BL, Add. Mss, 44117, f.55, 23 Rowland, The Last Liberal Gov- 18 ‘“Vote National, Not Party”’, he could not control the situa- Campbell-Bannerman to ernments, pp. 55, 132. The Times, 5 June 1945. tion on the ground. Gladstone, 11 Jun. 1886. 24 Quoted by Wilson, CB, p. 78. 19 ‘In West Riding Valleys’, The 30 Lord Woolton to WSC, 7 8 Wilson, CB, 122. In making 25 NLS, Rosebery MSS, MS Times, Wednesday, 4 July 1945. Aug. 1947, Churchill Papers, this remark he did not refer to 10002, ff. 13–14, Campbell-Ban- 20 ‘Government Hopes in Scot- Churchill College, Cambridge, whisky but to Scottish produce, nerman to Rosebery, 27 Oct. land’, The Times, 5 July 1945. CHUR 2/64/21. such as the soft fruit grown on 1884. 21 Archibald Sinclair to Clement 31 Churchill to Lord Woolton, the farms around his home at 26 Quoted by Wilson, CB, p. 155. Davies, 3 Dec. 1945, Thurso 11 Aug. 1947, Churchill Papers, Meigle. 27 NLS, Rosebery MSS, MS Papers, Churchill College, CHUR 2/64/19–20. 9 Wilson, CB, 349; Spender, Life, 10002, ff. 184–85, Note by Cambridge, THRS IV 1/10. 32 Conclusions of Consultative i, 336; George L. Bernstein, Campbell Bannerman, 16 Mar. It should be noted that, after Committee, 14 July 1948, Con- ‘Sir Henry Campbell-Banner- 1894. 1945, Gwilym Lloyd-George servative Party Archive, Bod- man and the Liberal Imperial- 28 Scotsman, 22 Dec. 1905, p. 5. hyphenated his surname, leian Library, Oxford, LCC ists’, Journal of British Studies, 23 29 John Brown, ‘Scottish and whereas his sister Megan 1/1/3. (1983), pp. 111–13. English land legislation’, Scot- Lloyd George did not; she 33 ‘The floating vote’,6 Dec. 1949, 10 For an assertion of the unity tish Historical Review, 47 (1968). had objected to her father’s quoted in Zweiniger-Bar- of the party see a speech at 30 The following section is based acceptance of a peerage, as Earl gielowska, ‘Rationing, Auster- Dalkeith in October 1900, on Ewen A. Cameron, Land for Lloyd-George of Dwyfor, in ity and the Conservative Party Scotsman, 2 Oct. 1900, p. 6. the People? The British Govern- the last weeks of his life, and after 1945’, p. 191. 11 Quoted by Paul Readman, ment and the Scottish Highlands¸ c. her refusal to use the hyphen 34 H. G. Nicholas, The British ‘The Conservative party, patri- 1880–1925 (East Linton, 1996), pp. reflected this. General Election of 1950 (Macmil- otism and British politics: the 124–43. 22 Ina Zweiniger-Bargielowska, lan, London, 1951), pp. 86–87. case of the general election of 31 Parliamentary Debates, 4th ‘Rationing, Austerity and the 35 Ibid., p. 94. 1900’, Journal of British Studies, series, vol. 180, col. 988, 13 Aug. Conservative Party after 1945’, 36 Speech of 8 Feb. 1950. 40 (2001), p. 116. 1907. The Historical Journal, Vol. 37, 37 Woolton to Lord Salisbury, 28 12 Edinburgh, National Library 32 B.L., Add. MS, 41230, f. 208, No. 1 (March 1994), pp. 173–97 Sept. 1950, Woolton Papers, of Scotland, Murray of Elibank Campbell-Bannerman to Sin- at p. 192. Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS MSS, MS 8801, f. 29, Campbell- clair, 1 Jan. 1908. 23 Churchill to Lord Woolton, 3 Woolton 21, ff. 73–83. Bannerman to Murray, 12 Sep. 33 Quoted by Wilson, CB, p. 588; Aug. 1946, Conservative Party 38 D. E. Butler, The British Gen- 1903. Spender, Life, ii, p. 321; Glas- Archive, Bodleian Library, eral Election of 1951 (Macmillan, 13 B.L., Add, MS 41252, ff. 235–39, gow Herald, 26 Jan. 1907. Oxford, CCO 3/1/64. London, 1952), p. 95. Sir Henry Campbell-Ban- 34 G. R. Searle, A New England? 24 ‘Dangerous Economic Posi- 39 Ibid., p. 247. nerman’s leadership, notes Peace and War, 1886 to 1918 tion: Mr Churchill’s Attack On 40 Speech of 17 May 1955. from Scotland, by W[illiam] (Oxford, 2004), p. 362; Ber- The Government’, The Times, 41 National Liberal Policy, The W[ebster], Jun. 1922. nstein, Liberalism, pp. 83–86; 17 May 1947. Times, 6 Oct 1951. 14 Wilson, CB, 354. Wilson, CB, pp. 554–60. 25 See Michael Kandiah, ‘Con- 42 See Scott Kelly, The Myth of 15 David W. Gutzke, ‘Rosebery 35 Quoted by Wilson, CB, p. 115. servative Leaders, strategy Mr. Butskell: The Politics of and Campbell-Bannerman: the 36 Patricia Jalland, ‘A Liberal – and “Consensus”? 1945–64, British Economic Policy, 1950–55 conflict over leadership recon- Chief Secretary and the Irish in Harriet Jones and Michael (Ashgate, Aldershot, 2002), pp. sidered’, Bulletin of the Institute question: , Kandiah (eds.), The Myth of 159–71. of Historical Research, 54 (1981), 1907–1914’, Historical Journal, 19 Consensus: New Views on Brit- 43 Churchill to Davies, 25 Jan. 241-50. (1976), pp. 426–30. ish History, 1945–64 (Macmil- 1950, quoted in Gilbert, Never 16 I was forcibly reminded of this 37 Harris and Hazlehurst, ‘Camp- lan, Houndmills, Basingstoke, Despair, p. 504. point at the conference from bell Bannerman as Prime Min- 1996), pp. 58–78, at 62–63. 44 ‘“Vote National, Not Party”: which this article arises by ister’, pp. 377–81. 26 Alan Watkins, The Liberal Prime Minister’s Broadcast David Howarth, Alan Beith Dilemma (MacGibbon and Kee, Attack on Socialism’, The Times, and Duncan Brack. I am grate- 1966), p. 48. 5 June 1945. ful for their comments. 27 E. C. Bradbury to the General 17 T. Boyle, ‘The formation of Director of the Conservative Campbell-Bannerman’s gov- Party (Stephen Piersenne), 21 ernment in December 1905: a

Journal of Liberal History 54 Spring 2007 45