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Scangate Document Opuscula Historica Upsaliensia utges av Historiska institutionen vid Uppsala universitet och syftar till att sprida information om den forskning som bedrivs på institutionen. Huvudredaktör: Asa Karlsson. Redaktion: Gudrun Andersson, Karin Jansson, Linda Oja, Sten Ottosson. Löpande prenumeration tecknas genom skriftlig anmälan till Opuscula, Historiska institutionen, S:t Larsgatan 2, 75310 Uppsala. Enstaka nummer kan beställas från Historiska institutionen. För ytterligare information kontakta på telefon 018-47115 42, 47115 41, telefax 018-4711528 eller E-post: [email protected], [email protected]. State Policy and Gender System in the Two German States and Sweden 1945—1989 Edited by Rolf Torstendahl Distribution Department of History, S:t Larsgatan 2, SE-75310 Uppsala, Sweden Omslagsbild: Morgontidningen 22/9 1957, (UUB). Printed in Sweden by Bloms i Lund Tryckeri AB Lund 1999 ISSN 0284-8783 ISBN 91-506-1347-2 Contents Preface 5 ROLF TORSTENDAHL Introduction: Comparing state policies in the FRG, GDR, and Sweden 7 CHRISTINA FLORIN AND BENGT NILSSON "Something in the nature of a bloodless revolution ..." How new gender relations became gender equality policy in Sweden in the nineteen-sixties and seventies 11 CHRISTINE VON OERTZEN Women, work, and the state: Lobbying for part-time work and 'practical equality' in the West German Civil Service, 1958-1969 79 JONAS HINNFORS Stability through change. Swedish parties and family policies, 1960-1980 105 WLEBKE KOLBE Gender and parenthood in West German family politics from the 1960S to the 1980S 133 ROGER KLINTH The man and the equal family. A study of the new images of masculinity in the educational radio and TV programmes in Sweden, 1946-1971 169 GUNILLA-FRIEDERIKE BUDDE Womens policies in the GDR in the 1960S and 1970S: Between state control and societal reaction 199 ROLF TORSTENDAHL Women, labour märket and gender: Policies in the two Germanies and Sweden, 1945-89 219 The Authors 237 Preface On a flight from Moscow to Stockholm seven years ago the idea of a com- parative research project on state policies in Sweden and the two German states in the decades after World War II was born. Bo Stråth, now profes­ sor at the EUI in Florence, and myself decided to join forces as organisers, trying to find German colleagues willing to participate. The Swedish Council for Research in the Humanities and Social Sciences (HSFR) has generously supported the project with the required means. HSFR not only financed the project and the printing of this volume but, in 1997, arranged a meeting in Prague with all researchers involved in its European research programme. Some of the ideas of the project were tested on this occasion. This volume on gender policies and womens participation in the labour märket is the sequel to a small volume on housing policies in the three sta­ tes, Wohnungsbau im internationalen Vergleich, Leipzig: Comparativ, 1996. The present book is the outcome of intensive research, culminating in a workshop meeting at Odalgården outside of Uppsala in May 1998, organi- sed by Christina Florin, Bengt Nilsson, and Rolf Torstendahl. Special thanks are due to Christina, who carried the main burden of the arrange- ments. In addition to the authors in this volume, Kaj Fölster, Diane Sains- bury, Lena Sommestad, and Urban Lundberg took part in the inspired discussions at this conference. All of them presented ideas of importance to the final versions of the papers and their contributions were most valu- able. The organisers feel especially indebted to Kaj Fölster with her wide experience in both the Swedish and the West German political discussion. Finally I want to thank Michael Srigley for his efforts to improve our English and Asa Karlsson as responsible for the series Opuscula historica Upsaliensia for her active support to make this a volume in the series. Uppsala in April 1999 Rolf Torstendahl 5 Introduction: Comparing State Policies in the FRG, GDR, and Sweden Rolf Torsten dahl Three states and three systems, this is how Sweden, the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic were perceived by most observers in the fifties, sixties and seventies. The rigorous comrau- nism of the GDR entailed that the state professed no limits to its inter­ ventions for the public good and for the good of its citizens. The state fought for its existence and the Berlin wall was evidence of the challenge from the West. The GDR state responded not only with the Wall but also with a number of spectacular buildings in Berlin but the Wall betrayed its fear of losing manpower resources by openness. Socialism had to become a closed system but still with high ambitions to give both equality and a good life to all citizens. The difficulty lay in turning these ambitions into something more than rhetoric. The GDR system formed a contrast to the liberal-conservative system of the FRG under Adenauer and Erhard with its leading ideology of the 'social märket economy', which tended to be more market-oriented than 'social'. Social welfare was, however, essential to its ideology. This system was not radically changed in respect to its principles when the Social Democrats joined the government in the grand coalition' of 1966, even though new initiatives can be found. Up to the late 1970S Sweden, the third country of our comparison, was governed by its Social Democratic party alone or in coalition with one minor partner. The 1 Wohnungsbau irn internationalen Vergleich. Planung und gesellschaftliche Steuerung in den beiden deutschen Staaten und in Schiveden 1945—1980, ed. by H. Siegrist and B. Stråth, Com- parativ, vol. 6 (Leipziger Universitätsverlag), 1986. 7 Swedish Social Democrats were in favour of state influence over society in different respects, even over the private sphere of the home, but they were reluctant to use the orthodox Marxist instrument of nationalisation of the means of production. When companies were brought into state hands in the period after World War II, at least after 1948, this was rather a sign of failure in respect to the influence on the labour märket of the economic policy of the state than a conscious ambition to further state ownership. It is tempting to compare these three countries, where each state showed such different ambitions. There are fields of obvious differences, especially in regard to individual rights and ownership of means of pro­ duction. Equally important were the differences just after World War II between Sweden, neutral in the war and without war damage, and the two Germanies, devastated in regard to material resources and with an enor- mous loss of manpower. Such contrasts, important though they are, have not directly created the differences which we are trying to clarify in this book. We have focused interest on how the three polities made use of po- litical means in order to carry through certain aims in relation to the roles played by men and women in the home and the labour märket. In the research project of which this book forms a part, we have wanted to focus on areas that asked for immediate governmental intervention in Europé during the first post-war decades. Thus we have not chosen the rather well-known systems of welfare support for comparison. Housing and the role of women and men in the home and the labour märket are the fields selected. They are intertwined, for the new labour märket had to provide workers, women and men, for the expanding industrial and com- mercial sectors, and give them appropriate shelter and a hope of advance- ment through education for their children when they felt that their mate­ rial resources were gradually rising. The comparison of housing policies has been carned out earlier.1 It is to be regretted that we see no possibility for the moment of going ahead with a comparison of other policy fields, such as education, in the three states. Society was not left on its own in any of the three countries. The state had ambitions and it felt the demand from the population that something should be done concerning the bur ning questions of daily life. The state was seen as an aid and a maid to clean up the mess after the war. Politi- cians were not content with fulfilling the demands of the people. They 8 had ambitions of their own. The state aimed to control and direct if it was to help. All three states gave support to their populations, mainly in the form of welfare programmes but, indirectly, the limitation of capital resources to be used for the construction of residential areas was of equal importance. Subsidies and housing allowances played a great role in making newer and bigger apartments than earlier available for common people. To what ex- tent and in what way investment in the export industry or conspicuous buildings in city planning or huge housing projects affected the private economy and living standard is far more difficult to show. Suffice it here to state that the differences between the three states in the field of housing were very prominent in the rhetoric of politicians, though far less obvious in the actual policies carried through. One may argue that hard economic facts overshadowed the visions in the field of housing, where capital in­ vestment was so important independently of which political ideology the state professed and favoured. Further, socialist and non-socialist economies alike found an opportu- nity to increase the labour märket through the introduction of women in types of work where they had not been frequently used before, especially not married women with children. To work out the effects of this novelty in the social organisation of work was not easy for experts, far less for the citizens in general.
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