Patricia Kerndt Ahern a Thesis Subrritted To

Home , German Youth Movement, Karl Bittel

TEE FREE GERlv:Al'J YOUTH MOVEMENT 1900 1933

~~ Patricia Kerndt Ahern

A Thesis Subrritted to the Faculty of the Graduate School, }~'::'~"'Cluotte University, in Partial :?uli'illr,:,:mt of the r~equirements ::.'c1'" th8 Degree of Master 01 Arts

The German Youth Movement arose at a particular historical moment

in time) as a necessary protest of a young generation against the value

system of . its day. Amidst all the turmoil and confusion of German his-

tory in the twentieth century, the history of the youth movement appears minor and inconsequential. Yet in analyzing one aspect of Ge::Iilany 50-

ciety -- the youth movement -- one sees the reflection of all the dominant issues of the age. In this sense then, the youth movement appears as a

microcosm of modern Germany.

In order to understand this movement , its· central ideas and. its cultural background) it is necessary to understand the spirit of the age

that engendered its beginning. The youth movement was unique to Germany

in that it grew out of a particular historical experience, one which pro-

vided a unique framework for the rebellion of youth. Its origins lie in

the historical condition of Germany at the turn of the century, and in

its connecting roots to Germany's romantic past. To understand the youth movement is to understand this part of German history.

There is a great deal of controversial historical material written

on Germany of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. It has

been difficult to select one explanation or fuse together relevant parts

of several explanations to form a coherent whole. I have attempted to

seleot those ideas which were most representative, and in particular to

discover that whioh is peouliarly German in modern Germany's cultural and

political heritage. Although I have included two chapters that deal 1i specifically with German historical background, I presume my readers to be familiar with the sequence of situations and events of recent German history.

The purpose of this thesis is essentially historical; first, to delineate the main ourrents in the development of the German Youth Moverr.ent, ai''ld to desoribe a partioular developmental process which sinoe 1900 has in nuenced and at oertain points helped shape German political, SOCial, and oultural life.

Seoondly, rrry purpose is to trace the importanoe of the autonomous youth movement in shaping the outlook of the German middle olass. The <:> youth of middle olass origin were revolting against all that their liberal bourgeois sooiety stood for. In tracing the history of their revolt, I hope to unoover the primary reasons for the revolt within its unique forum, and in doing so better understand the Germany from which it arose.

There was no one single German youth movement. Throughout Germa.."'lY I s history there were dozens of separate groups, each with their own struc ture, leaderShip, ideology, and activities. The primary subject of this thesis is the ~ autonomous youth movement, the group of young people whose purpose was solely their own, rather than that of any church a:tfil- iated group, politioal party, social welfare or other type of organization.

In a thesis of this scope it would be impossible and unnecessary to discuss in detail all the ideas and implications of the vast number of other youth groups. I have chosen to oonoentrate on those autonomous groups which, for reasons given in each particular case, make them more pertinent in youth movement history. Some of the more important groups will be treated in detail, others only mentioned briefly for the sake of further clarification. Throughout its existenoe it remained surrounded iii by diverse historical situations. I will treat in detail only those situations which have a direct impact on the development of the youth movement.

Much of the research material on the German youth movement was lost when the movement I s center disappeared at the end of the second World

War. Previous to this the Nazis had burned huge quantities of pre Hitler youth publications in the years after 1933. The most complete collection of youth material remaining is in Burg Ludwigstein, Germany.

I was able to research the youth movement periodicals only to the extent of their availability in this country. On the whole the periodicaJ.s ap- 0 peared infrequently, at irregular intervals, under a wide variety of titles, and often without proper documentation; all of which has lent difficulty to my study.

iV . TABLE OF CONTENTS

PREFACE

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER I. BACKGROUND: UlPERI1l.L GEPJ1ANY • • • • • • • • • • • • • • 1

CHAPTER II. lvANDERVOOEL (1901-1913) ••••••••••••••• 6

()

CF.APTE..~ III. FREIDEUTSCHE JUGEND: 1~-r IDEAS (1913-1919) • • • • 23

CHAPTER IV. BACKGROmm: WEIHA.tt. GERl1ANY • • • • • • • • • • • • • 36

CHAPTER V. FREIDElJTSCHE JlJGE1iJ): DISUNI'I'Y (1919-1925) ...... 43

CHAPTER VI. BUNDISCHE JUGEND (1925-1933) • • • • • • • • • • • •• 54

CONCLUSION ••• • • • • •.• • • • •.• •• •••••••• • 70

BIBLIOORAPHY • • • • • • • • •• •• •••••••••••• 74

v INTRODUCTION

On November 4, 1901 a group of young boys met in the Ratskeller in

Steglitz, a suburb of Berlin, and founded the Handervogel, Ausschuss fur

SchUlerfahrten, as a hiking association for schoolboys. In doing so they were proclaiming the official beginning of the German youth movement. It arose as a revolt of discontented middle class youth against the liberal bqurgeois society of late nineteenth century Germany. It remained through- () out, a movement of the minority. Though its numbers were never large, its impact and its ideas were significant. Even after its dissolution ma.:w- of its ideas and activities were adopted by the Hitler youth, and later by the Free Youth of East Germany.

The autonomous youth movement believed that if there was to be a moverr~nt of youth, it must be organized and maintained by youth ttemselves.

It is this autonomous movement that we shall trace in subsequent chapters.

The movement is divided into three distinct phases: the Hander- vogel phase (1901-1913), the Freid0utsche Ju~end (Free Youth) phase (1913- 1925), and the Bundische Jugend phase (1925-1933). In its first phase the movement was non political, isolationist, and secessionist. Youth of the

\,[ar;.dervccfel made no attempt to establish a culture of their own wit:hi:: the f~~~work of their own society. They merely wished to escape fro~ their dacadent world and immerse themselves in the triumphs and glories of

Germany I S past.

The second phase, the Freic2,Y:::'sche youth, represented the time of growth and divergence, new ideas and prominent leaders, disillusion and vi disuni ty. Vlorld \'lar I led to the dissolution of previous structures and the creation of new ones. All of these factors helped draw the ~ deutsche into the dominant issues of the day.

The Bundische phase is the stor.y of more turmoil and confusion re sulting from further unions, splits, and reunions. It would be an impos sible task to trace in detail the developments of the many youth organi zations that existed in this period. LikeloTise it would be urJI"..ecessary in a treatise of this kind to characterize each one individually. Therefore the histor.y of the BUnde appears loose and diSjointed. Yet by looking at a few of the more important g-roups and at a number of Significant trends () which characterize the movement, one is able to gain insight into the form, style, ar~ composition of the B~~de.

vii CHAPTER I

BACKGROmw: DiP:m.IAL GERHANY

Germany at the turn of the century was in a transitional state.

The values of the past seemed outmoded, and those of the future still yet

undefined. Germany was in the process of changing from a small-village

agricultural country. to a highly industrialized urban nation. 1 Between

1870 a..'1d 1900 Germany had experienced unprecedented industrial a.11d tech- o

nological progress. The political unity achieved in 1871 produced sig-

nificant effects which encouraged economic expansion. By the turn of the

century Germany had become the leading manufacturing state on the contin-

ent, competing successfully in overseas markets with Britain, where the industrial revolution had previously begun.

By the fall of Bismark in 1890, the greater part of the German

colonial empire had been acquired. Rapid overseas expanSion in this

period had enabled Germany to consolidate her position as a world power

a.'1.d significantly improve economic conditions wi thin the German nation.

These changes in industry, agriculture, and colonial expansion in

turn influenced the growth of Germany I s population. After 1860 urban

population centers such as Cologne, Munich, Essen, Dusseldorf and o~hers

increased significantly in numbers. A high birth rate accounted for a

r.eu age-group composition showing that C-ermany was a country of young

lIn 1800 four out of five Germans were involved in agricultural p~oduction. By 1900 the ratio was revo~sed, and four out of five were involved in employment other than agricultural. Howard Becher, German Yoath: :Bond or Free (New York: Oxford University Press, 1946), p. 43. --- 1 people.2 This growth in population provided the manpovler necessary for the expanding industries and an increase in the size of the ho:r.a market for manufactured goods.

With a new onslaught of materialism which accompanied the techno logical and industrial changes, the values and goals of the Imperial regime were lost in transition. What was to follow was a breaking up of fundamental values in various areas of life -- education, religion, politics, culture, and family life. Technical schools such as the Fachsch~len and Realschulen replaced the number of students who previously attended the old GymnaSia, further indicating the entrenchment of the new technol- () ogy and materialism in German life.

Consequently the standards and aesthetic values of Ger-.nan life before 1870 were lost. The technological changes of the new era had coree so suddenly; along with it came new patterns of thought and behavior, ex- pacially among Germany's youth, who were significantly affected by these events. The old Germany had given way under the urgency of material progress, and the sacrifice of old. ideas and values had gone with it.3

Despite a general increase in the standard of living, not all classes in Germany benefited from this material progress. Social tensions and crises developed within a rapidly advancing technological society. It became increasingly difficult for the newly unified nation to reconcile its technicaJ.-industrial economic structure with its previous value system. The values of the past seemed incongruous with the new society and

2E.J. Passant, b. Short History 9i Germany 1815-12!+5 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1962), p. 103. In 1871 Germany's population was 41 million; by 191.5 it had increased to 68 million. In 191.5, one third were under 1.5 years of age. For further classification see Passant, "Germany's Economic Development, 1871-1914, II pp. 103-117.

3Theodore Herrle, ~ Deutsche Jugendbewegung, (Stuttgart, 1924), pp. 4-10. ~

yet the values of the new society were still vague and undefined.

The reaction of the German people to this situation was diverse and

varied. The new capitalism turned some towards socialism, others tc;,ards

an aristocratic contempt for the problems of the masses, and still otr~rs towards a hostility to bourgeois society and all it stood for.

The youth movement was a reaction occasioned b,y this particular historical situation. It arose as a nonpolitical form of opposition to a society that had little to offer the younger generation. It was a pro test against the lack of values and ideaJ.s in the new society; the lack of vitality, feeling, and sentiment. Individual freedom and happiness () were second only to an idealogy based on aristocratic Prussion ideas of loyalty and service to Kaiser and Reich.4

Several generations of German youth had become increasingly con scious of disillusionment and frustration, living under conditions of economic crisis and political chaos. A medieval, romantic, anti-liberal, anti-capitalistio mentality resulted in a generation of youth who felt bound to unite themselves in a revolt that purported particular intellec tual, cultural, and social ideals which were in opposition to those of their elders.

Up to this point adulthood was the only significant condition to which rank and status could be attributed; youth were considered only a step in that direction. This peculiar kind of discrimination produced reactions and verbal expressions of deep-seated discontent. The result was a group of middle class youth who directly challenged parental con trol in the form of their awn organizations.

4i,{alter Z. Laqueur, Young Germany: ! History !2! the German Youth Movement (New York: Basic Books Publishing Company, 1962), p.4. At this point it is necessary to make a distinction between the youth movement which is the specific topic of this thesis, and other youth oreanizations. Though these other organizations do not relate directly to the development of the youth movement, their existence affected youth movement philosophy at various points between 1900 and 1933. These other organizations, termed youth welfare (Jugendnflege) were organizations established by adults and/or dependent on adult associations. They consisted of youth groups of political parties (Parteijugend), or ganizations of churches and religious groups (Konfessionelle Jugend), youth organizations of the Verbande (¥lehrverbandsjugend), and young 1:1 people WllO were members of sports and. gymnastics clubs. The

Jun~deutschlandbundt Jugendl-Tehr, and Jugendverband are examples of youth welfare organizations.5 The goals and points of view of these organizations paid little heed to the autonomous values of youth. For the most part these groups llTere passive recipients of adult aid and authority. The youth welfare orga~zations were established from above by adults, for a specific purpose which limited their membership.

In contrast, the youth moveuJBnt was established from below by youth the~selves, and included all independent and autonomous youth groups.

Later it came to include all Bunde organizations,6 llTith membership

5Hans Ebeling, The German youth Novement (London: The New Europe Publishing Company, Ltd., 1945), p. 12.

&rhe term ~ needs particular clarification, in that it is a G€::""Y:2an ezpression with no specific Snglish equivalent. The Biind.e (plural.) that co::"prised the youth movement, more especially between the years 1925 to 193.3, meant a p~ticular kind of fellO'Wship, heir of the earlier romantic tradition. BilTIdische Jnger.d l1:3ant a fellowship organized, main tained, ar.d led by youth i tseif:--~derlebnis meant a particular value attached to the experiences of the BULd. :.J

attainable ~ fitting into a particular mode of life that depended on experiences shared by others. It was a special kind of experience; more than just an organization: nthe youth movement is life itself; it is youth1s desire for self-expression ••• it is not merely a manifestation of the adolescent period, beginning in the twelfth year and ending in the twenty-first, but a spiritual movement not limited to any period of life. n7

The German youth movement was no one single entityt with anyone particular pattern of thought. There were dozens of separate groups and

phases within the youth movement, all of which displayed co."'l1plexity and. () confusion in their range of popular concerns, nebulous ideals, and unde fined programs. The following chapters will concentrate on the three most significant phases of youth movement history: the Wandervogel phase, the Freideutsche phase, and the Bundische phase. Despite their distinct differences, there are a few dominant threads which serve to guide us through a maze of confusion surrounding each phase individually.

On these most all participants and writers of youth movement historio graphy are in accord.

7Ebeling, Germany youth Movement, p. 13.

" f r

CHAPTER II

HA:t-..1DERVCGEL

In its initial stages the youth movement was individualistic in

characterj youth criticized a society that was not conducive to the

development of integrated, yet individual human beings. Education was

unreal and irrelevant to their daily middle class experience. The

rigidities, formalism, and prusso-militaristic regime of Imperial Germany ()

became stifling to this generation of youth. Industrial and technical

development had created wealth and influence for their elders, but left

the younger generation empty and searching for a deeper meaning in life.

Traditional social etiquette and family relationship patterns were deep- 1 ly resented by these youth.

other factors -- the effects of urbanization, a change in the tra-

ditional. German family structure, the psychological aspects of adolescent

age, the nature of the German education system -- all of these had a

particular impact on the growth and development of the youth movement.

This generation of youth was living in an adult-centered world, surrou.'1d-

ed by t}:1.e aristocratic nationalist ideology of Imperial Germany. II Only

comparatively few' could expect ultimately to enter professions in which

they would be of direct service to Kaiser and Reich; they had to put up

lVictor Engelhardt, Die deutsche Jugendbe"t\'egung als ::"c:.lturhistorisches ?ha.'1.omen (Berlin: 1923), p. 45. 6 with the fact that leading positions were barred to them ••• ,,2 The ideas and merits of youth as youth rather than as preparation for adulthood were nonexistent in this society.

Hans B1Uher, the movement I s first historian, said that the youth movement '\-Tas a "protest of youth against the stifling of its spirit. 1I3

This became manifest in their attempt to liber~te themselves from the confines of school, parents, and the whole gamut of bourgeois values, prejudices, and hypocriSies: "Bourgeoisll connoted living accoTcung to the requir0- ments of parents and teachers; it connoted being glued year after year to one IS desk, not in order to le~-n a:."lY

thing but simply in order to obtain a ticket of entrf into ~ the higher careers; it connoted taking part in the life of the Student Corps with their sprees and revelry, duelling and beer; "bourgeoisll to the young revolutionaries meant. being subordinate to the self-satisfied and stagn~~t strat~~ c! t.Cce~ -.J:~C ~;:::fb:" """11<:: -'=*;'7 a.~~':"s~.-:et! i:1 t1:..e c.:n:tc:::n:;c::-a...-:r ",.~,"'.:. ,.,~" - ; $-~ .;,. - - - JoUJ_." ...... _ __e. To this generation there was no certainty that change would be brought about by any ~ social or political system. Consequently, their spontaneous form of protest against the society in which they lived drew significantly on Germanyls romantic past. As a reaction against a bourgeois life style, the younger generation immersed themselves in a romanticism based on a return to nature I s outdoor life. Thus a new' tradition of self-expression found its roots in a renewed awareness of Germanyls historical past.

2Laqueur, Young Germany, p.5.

-'Hans').. Bluher," Ha.11dervogel: Geschichte einer JU1!endoow"es:ung (Jena: Eugen Diederichs Verlag, 1912), p. 13.

4:Fri tz Borinski a.11d "lemer Hilc,h, Jugendeeweg-iZg : The ston 21. Germ~n Youth 1896-1933 (London: German Educational Reconstruction No. 3/4, n.d.), p.6. Both Fritz Borinski and Werner ¥dlch were forrr~r members of the German youth movement. Romanticism was deeply rooted in German music, literature, art, philosophy, and the general cultural Zeitgeist. The nineteenth century romantic school of thought had a significant impact on all of Europe, a..'1d in particular on Germany. The youth movement I s emphasis on the simple life, their rediscovery of traditional romantic folk songs, ~~dieval folklore, their medieval hero worship through use of customs and names; all of this meant a rediscovery of past traditions as an anSVler to or escape from the ills of the adult-oriented bourgeois 'VTorld around them.

But th~ Romanticism from which the youth movement drew is difficult to describe. It was in part reactionary ar.d conservative £ir.d represented

() the adoption of par~icular volkisch tendencies on the part of G0rman bou= geois youth.5 Their protest became a radical expression of a Ne'VT Romanti- cismj one loyal to the concept of the Yolk, and to Germanic heroism, J' 6 tradition, faith", and nature lore. This conflict between a bourgeois world around them and their individual Ijyes was also a conflict between generations, where U fathers "were the liberals and the sons the conservatives"; a reversal from the earlier days of Father Jahn I s gymnasts and the Burschenschaften (1815), when the

5Volkisch is a German term derived from Yolk, rr.eaning people or folk. It connoted a particular trend in German right "Wing thought which emphasized anti-Semitism, anti-Catholicism, and the superiority of German Aryan peoples over SlaV's and other ethnic elements. The volkisch move ment represented a rightist opposition to the Enlightenment and the western heritage of the French Revolution. It is not exactly synonomous with nationalism, in tbat it puts people above state and nation as the supreme good. By 1919 the term volkisch was used to describe the German extreme rightist movements and radical splinter groups whose most sig nificant characteristic was their opposition to the western tr~dition, to the democratic and republican ideas of the Weimar Republic, and es pecially to any foreign policy which meant German adjustment to the consequences of defeat in World War I. It lacks for any better word in translation, so allows us to retain ~he original volkisch.

6aeorge L. Mosse, The Crisis of GermaTl Ideology:: Intellectual Origins of ~ Third Reich (New York: Grosset and Dunlap, 1961+), p. 172. generation which fought in the vIars of Liberation was in the fore in the

struggle for a unified German state and for constitutionalism. Now lib-

eralism seemed to have lost its vitality and now stood for a world of con-

finement and convention. liThe you..."lg generation was tired of the state and

tired of constitutions, just as the early conservatives had been distrust-

ful of them. II The youth movement was "anti-authoritative, but it was also

in search of authority and allegiance. This was its conservatism. 117

Much of this conservatism was derived from the verses and stories

of men like Arnim, Bretano, and Eichendorff; the writings of Nietzsche, . 8 Stefan George, and Lagarde. !) In form, the youth movement that carried these ideas was non-

political. It had emerged spontaneously, with no particular ideology or

set of principles surrounding it. It continuously attempted to avoid

political commitments because its members believed that the changes that

needed to be made in society could not be brought about by political

!'Jeans, but only by improvement of the individual within the society.

Yet they could not remain entirely immune to politics, and gradually,

knowir.gly or unknowingly were to be drawn into the dominant issues and

ideas of the age. 9

7Klerr.ens von Klemperer, Gerr.:.-m;v:,' s New Conservatism (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1957~p. 44.

Srbid.

~-lans B1Uher, Der Char3.kter d8r .Ju.pendbe';oregung (LauenburgjElbe: ;.dolf Saal Verlag, 1921), p'.ssim. One of the most significant questio:lS of discussion within the youth movement \-Tas to what extent should youth participate in politics. This question differentiated the free youth ~ovement from all other youth groups'in existence at that ti~.e. In the early phase of the youth movement, Il"..embers called themselves 10 l;landervogel meaning "birds of passage. 11 The form that the movement took was that of a fellmlship of romantic and idealistic youth; a group of

"Roamers II or I'\ianderers" who spent long hours tramping through the forests, wearing simple clothes, playing their lutes and guitars, and singing peasant songs from past German folklore. ~ In an effort to distinguish themselves from current forms of drezs, tradition, and custom, the vTandervogel appeared to lack any preCise form of program:

l-There lively people gather together, there is no need for any program. Our happiest hours are those in 't'J"hich e nothing was planned beforehand... There is nothing more valuable and fruitful than the communion of a small circle of confidants moved by the spirit l'lhich IIbloweth where e"er it listeth.1I The spirit which unites and enthralls us • •• You must say yes only to that which finds an echo in your hearts of strength and true human worth. l 1

These activities, motivated more by feeling than by thought, were

actively encouraged by the earlyWandervogel leaders. Neither the school

nor the parental home were able to adequately provide these youth with

the comradship and inner discipline that was a prerequisite of the early

~~ase of the youth movement. The movement, almost entirely bourgeois in its composition, consisted of discontented youth reacting against a~d esoaping from a liberal bourgeois social system:

10The name Wandervogel didn It emerge until 1901. The earlier ,,;ran dering youth were called "Bachanten, II modeled after the n:edieval vlander ing folk. Karl Fi scher one of the first youth movement leaders, was "Chief Bachant. II Nevertheless the term \eJandervogel applies to the entire first phase of youth movement activities. BOrinski and flilch, Jugendbe'tfegung, p. 7.

lL"Iilhelm St3hl.in, Fieber und Heil in der Jugendbe':-Jegung (Hamburg, 1924), pp. 59... 60 as quoted in Becher', German Youth, p. 97 and Robert L. Wai te, ~ of Nazism: ~ Free Corps Hovement in P,ost't'lar Germa."lY 1918-19~3\Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1952). p. 20. Specifically, they thought that parental religion VJas largely sham, politics boastful ar~ trivial, economics un scrupulous and deceitful, education stereotyped and lifeless, art trashy and sentimental, literature spurious and commer cialized, drama tawdry and mechanical ••• family life repres sive and insincere, and the relations of the sexesizin marriage and without, shot through with hypocrisy.

All of this appeared as a rejection of the false, lifeless, arii

Ir.eaningless bourgeois society filled with luxury and. comfort. The adult- centered cow~unity expected education to produce a generation in replica

" of the present one. In protest the youth advocated Itself-education, U based on wandering, much like the wandering scholars of the l-ti.ddle Ages. Handar- ing was an end in itself. In the beginning it meant no more tha."l a."l escapa

~ from the norr~ living experience into the pine forests around Berlin.

The early '\oJ'andervogel activities had begun in Steglitz, a rr.iddle

class suburb of Berlin, in 1896.13 Steglitz was a commu.>J.ity 'tdth distinct

behavioral patterns: it was Protestant, patriotic, monarchist, conserva-

tive, and anti-liberal. In all it was "a middle class bulwark of Hil-

helminian Germany, as convinced of the essential rightness and justice of

the political and religious order as the British middle classes 'Kere in

late Victorian England, and perhaps believing even more in progress and

in its own security and its country1s mission in the world. 1114 As further indication:

In Steglitz we see in concentrated form all those social factors which we have alre~ w~ntioned more generally as the matrix of the youth movew2nt -- the

l2Gunther Ehrenthal, Die. deutsche Jungef'.dbunde, ~in Handbuch im-er .Organization und ihrer Bastre~bungen (Berlin: Zentral Verlag, 1935), pp. 14-15, as quoted in Becher, German Youth, p. 51.

l:3-rhe first section in Hans Bluer's, 'Iiandervogel: Gesc!1ichte e~ Bsuegung, Vol. I. gives a good description of Steglitz at the turn of the century; a description of the environment in which the youth move ment first began.

l~aqueur, Young Germany, p. 10. paralyzing influence of officialdom, the industrial and cO~2rcial outlook, a conservative and reactionar,y school tradition, and a complete ignoring of t~3 point of view of the young people themselves.l )

The early phase of the youth movemsnt arose from this environment.

The youth were for the most part children of professional people, civil servants, govern."llant officials, or people of the SO,:',:3 level in business, commerce, and. industry. Thus for the most part they "jere dr~m from the very stratum of society from which they were rebelling.

Economically they were secure; politically they were secessior~sts who made little effort to fashion German society tC";'rards their mm ideas ..

!) Their 'youth for youth's sake I attitude simply meant that all they -vl"l.shed was to live life as they felt they had a right to live. accol'"ding to their own rules ar.d standards. In a sense it was an escapist attitude which withdrew these youth from the normal patterns of social and political relationShips: In the beginning it was largely a question of escape from the cramping restrictions of city life and the exist ing social environrrent, escape to the simple life of the countryside, in which youth could find outlet for its pen~ up energies and its zest for adventure and make-believe.l

This apparent goallessness (Ziellossigkeit) of the early p.~ase of the VJandervogel meant that their were no attempts to alter the present situation. Their revolt against the culturaJ. decay of Imperial society was certain, but the structure through which this revolt took place was nebulous and undefined.

15George Thompson, liThe Influence of the youth Hovew.ent on Gerrflan Education" (unpublished Ph.D. thesis at the University of GlasgC1'J, Dept. of Education), p. 21, as quoted in Robert C. Schmid, "German Youth Hovements, a Typological Study" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation at the University of Wisconsin, 1939), p. 90.

16rhompson, "German Education, II p. 41, as quoted in Schmid, "Typological Study, II p. 99. The desire for simplicity and honesty of nature becar...e an actual need. Youth joined together in a great romantic moverr~nt is no more th~ a return to nature. It is not led as the advertiserrBnt writers would have us believe by hygienic motives such as recuperating from the grirr..e and dirt of street life but by the deep-seated desire to disassociat themselves from the insincerity of the adult culture. 17

Those who comprised the ran.~s of \'Jandervogel followers were chief-

ly those youth of high school age, usually between twelve a.~ twenty years old. The early groups were predominantly male-fellowship

(Hannerbund) organizations. .tl.s the youth movement grew and spread throughout Germany the question of whether or not to allow girls into

its ranks beCClIT'.e the subject of intense argun1ent from all sides. Some e groups favored admitting girls into their organization; others agreed, . provided that they remain in separate organizations; still others threatep..ed to secede altogether if girls were allowed to enter the movement. There was never total agreerr.ent. even among the girls themselves,

and the issue never really was resolved. The traditional role of WOI:en

in middle-class German society for the most part was perpetuated in the exclusive attitudes of the male-oriented Handervogel groups.18

The youth movement, almost exclusively middle-class and pre domin- antly Protestant, failed to engender support from eithar the aris"tocratic youth or the working class youth, nor from other religious minorities such as Catholics and Jm-;s. There had never been any real effort to

purposely spread the vTandervogel youth into all classes of \'iilhelmian

17BIUher, Handervogel: Geschichte einer Jugendbe1~egung, p. &.

18Although girls had forrr..ed their own organizations and carried on si~~lar activities, they did not officially become part of the Wandervogel ~ovement until 1906-07. society. The movement I s narrow class character and elitist views were

part of i ts wea.~ness; thus it was never to become a mass organization.19 Geographically, the youth movement held its deepest roots in the

region where L~~er Saxony, Thuringia, and Hesse come together. It r~ver

gained strength in predominantly Catholic areas like the Rhineland,

Alsace-Lorraine, or Upper Silesia. Likewise it failed to gain signifi-

cant influence in the exclusively Protestant areas such as East Prussia

or Schleswig-Holstein, but only because there were very tew large cities

in these regions, and the youth movement was predominantly an urban cen tered movement.20 As the movement spread throughout Germany, it retained

its Protestant, middle class character. ~

The leader to emerge from the group at Steglitz was Karl Fischer.

At nineteen years of age he possessed all the potential qualities and

capabilities tor leadership. His character was one of assurance, virility,

and strength. His charismatic leadership and almost dictatorial pmier wi thin the youth movement won for him respect and admiration. His numer-

ous intellectual endeavors continuously attracted adherents from all over

Germany. It was because of Fischer's influence that the informal group of

wanderers and amateur stenographers grew into a movement that would spread

throughout Germany. Hermann Hoffmann, a student at the Berlin Universi ty. tounded a short-

hand club at Steglitz Grammar School in 1896. Frequently he accompanied

students on excursions out into the countryside. In 1899 Karl Fischer ac

companied him on a trip (Grossfahrt) into the Bohemian mountains. Shortly

thereafter Fischer became their new leader.2l Fischer introduced new 19Laqueur, Young Germany, pp. 12-14.

2Orbid., p. 11. 2lFor further explanation of the initial beginning under Hoffmann see Gerhard. Ziemer and Hans Holf, vlandervogel und Fre~deutsche JUl!end (Bad Godesberg: Voggenreiter Verlag, 1901), pp.~-47. character and form into the movement. A particular leadership structure, a co~~on greeting, specific dress, and a particular preference in music gave the movement distinctive characteristics of simplicity, unpreten tiousness, and naturalness.22 As yet the organization still had no official title, and no written news outlet; it was merely a group of friends who came together frequent ly to share each others company on an informal basis. As enthusiasm for the movement grew, or~ of Fischer's first efforts was to insure its recog nition by parental elders and school officials. In November, 1901,

Fischer and five other youth leaders officially established the rlandervogel, !) Ausschuss fUr Schulerfahrten (Wandervogel, committee for schoolboys' rambles). Soon after, their first leaflet was printed, attempting to assert recognition for the organization and solicit new members. 23

From Steglitz, 1iandervogel groups were established throughout C~r ma.."1.Y. A local gruppe (Horde) consisted of anywhere from seven to twenty members; the branch office of the local group was called an Ortsgruupe and the district office called the QE!. These local divisions maintained strict discipline in structure, and emphasized collective living, leader ship, and service. In the first few years of the 1tJandervogel phase, the only goal, as noted previously was lito wander, to be free, to dream, to escape from the restriction of SChool, and to enjoy to the full the beauty of an untrammeled life. 1124

22Borinski anp. Milch, Jur;end1:>3viegung, p. 7.

23ziemer and Wolf t ~'Ja.'1dervogel und. Freideutsche Jugend, p. 50.

~orinski and l'-Iilch, Jugendbe'i?egung, p. 8. After the turn of the century there were certain basic principles which became inherently a part of youth movement ~1ilosophy. Undzr

Fischer charismatic leadership, these ideas became deeply entrenched in youth movement thought and activity.

Leadership lias of prime importance. The F~f)rer-nrinzip (leadership principle) governed the youth's relationships ~vith their leadPTs.

Each Handervogel member was an individual follOtver, joined by a'1 oath to the ItChief Bachant, II in this instance Karl Fischer~5 Tl:a inte:..""IlaJ.

Ha."1der

Another basic principle of youth movement thought is found in the development of the technique of't·1andering. Wandering did not simply mean hiking; it held a much deeper connotation. Wandering consisted at first of minor excursions such as short Ausfluge (walks) out into the forest area, during the week and on weekends. They were soon suparseded by the

Fahrten (journeys), and especially the GrossfahrtE:n (rr.ajor expeditions), long trips outside Germany's borders. The Fahrterlebnis (expadition experience) served as a unifYing factor which gave cohesiveness to the organization, as well as strength to the individuall'lithin a new social relationship. 27

25Becher, German Youth, pp. 57-59.

26,.laite, Vanguard.2! Nazism, pp. 19-21.

27Becher, German Youth, p. 77-83, and Wandervogel, Mons.tsschr1ft fUr Deutsches Jugendwandern, Ernt1ng 1911, Heft 8, 183-184. These wanderings were imbued with a particular sense of patriotism and love of hOl1".eland, but one that must be understood in terms of latent romantic-nationalistic tendencies of its own. More important for our study here is the emphasis the movement gave to the mystic fellowship of the Yolk:

Because the landscap3 which inspires the Handervogel is the landscape of the German Hei~at, such love awakens love for ~ and fatherland ••• a national-Germ~c back ground for all their culture and style of life.2

Patriotism here rr~ant a love-of-country which looked inward and was based on Heimat (home or phisical. milieu) rather than outwardly based on Staat

(state or political arena). 29

As a result the i-Iandervogel generated a particular kind of allegiance to German tradition, heroism, and folklore, and the adoption of numerous yolkisch aesthetic and ethical. values. Fischer considered the VTandervogel as a romantic expression of German character. To scorn the superficial. patriotism of the day and at the same time to exalt the fatherland and the Y.21!s., were not incongruous. Fischer wanted to create an idealism and an id.entity which

would familiarize the youth 'Hi th ••• an intimate know ledge of one's native land, an acquaintance with the customs and aspirations of the simple peasant folk, and the perception of the intimate relationship between . the present and tradition •••• this would produce a "living contact" with the Yolk heritage that would go deeper than anything to be gained from merely looking at national monuments.30

2EDer Srunann, Heft 12 (1914) t pp. 431-)2, as quoted in Mosse, Crisis of German Ideolo,

29Schmid, "Typological Study, 1\ p. 73.

3DJ3lUher, vlandervoitel: Geschichte einer JugendbewegUJI.g, Vol. I, p. 144. An important principle peculiar to the Handervoo;el phasa of the youth movement is the role of the individual. At this point in the movementls history, the cora of Handervogel thought w'as the individual.

Hhether you can and will travel the hard a..'1d na...-row path lies completely in yourself. The path to ourselves has been blocked for many generations, barred/off ~ school, 'society', traditions, and ~l the other great forces which have forgotten ends and becor.:e enslaved to lJ'l..eans ••• everyone mu~j:. travel alone the road leading to his· II I, his Self. j.L For the youth of vJandervogel days this l"'..eant e:xpresaing one's individual self through a cooperative fellot-Tship experience. The Har.d3rvo~~Ql thus represented two opposing forces: one which exalted the cooperative group experience and the other which emphasized personal i~divicualism.

Despite this predominant emphasis of the individ.ual the early

Handervogel leaders expressed particular concern for collectivG living, a..'Yld eventually for a kind of II folkish corporatism uhich inevi tably led to an attack on the democratic processes which 'Vlere struggling for ex pression in pre 'VITar Germany. 1132 This corporate spirit, ar.d resulting opposition to the bourgeois-capitalistic system around them, appeared to some as an early experiment in middle class socialism. Yet there 'tras really no definite social ~-ogra..~ that ever bec~..e a conscious part of the youth movew~nt.33 Another factor that is basic to Handervogel thought and activity is an understanding of their music. In 1909 Hans B:~ouer publishGd his

~ Zupfp;eigenhansl, a songbook l-lhich becrur.e the handbook of the Germa."l youth movew..ent. The publication expressed the Wandervogells rediscovery

31Herrle, Die Deutsche Jugendbewegund, p. 37.

32'waite, Vanguard of Nazism, p. 21.

33von Klemperer t ~ Conservatism, p. 46. of folk music as·a renaiss~~ce of Germ~~ folklore. The songs themselve~ help explain a part of youth movement tJ:linking that for the most part is difficult to understand. In reviving a..'1cient myth and legend, the youth movel"'...ent hoped to emulate the song, ritual ar.d mannerisms of medieval. heroes: A typical celebration began with the lighting of a bonfire in a selected ro:na.."1tic spot. A speaker would then invoke the true spirit of the German people, praise the virtues of Germ~~c ancestry, a.YJd exhort the youth to emulate this great heritage. This was followed by sing ing, after which each youth, as an act of rededication to Germanic values, jumped through the fire. Their motto, liTo maintain oneself in spite of all the powers that be," clearly expressed a revolutionar,y dynamism which directed itself against the modernity of the bourgeois world arJd which heldtorth a vision of a vital union with romantic Germanism. )LJ. Their music was thus a reaction against the superficial patriotism and shallow culture of their age; a culture filled with the noisy, sentimental popular patriotic music of Imperial Germany. In blatent contrast,

Der Zupfgeigenhansl contained songs from Germany's past tradition; songs filled with verses and stories from the culture of medieval. heroes, soldiers, peasants, laborers, and simple folk)5 The songs of ~ Zupfgeiger.ha.'1sl best express the form and content of \\iandervogel life -- songs of love, countryside, friendShip, and joy; songs of the seasons, eveningtime and d.aylight; songs of dance and laughter; songs of religion, history, myth arJd culture. Der Zupfgeigenhansl enabled the Wand.ervogel to corporately share their ideas and values through the rediscovery of folk music • .36 34Hans - Gerd Rabe, IIGeschichte des \vandervogels Osnabruck" (type written m.s., Archiv der Jugendbewegund, Burg Ludwigstein, 1960), 1913, p. 76, as quoted in MOSSd, Crisis Q£ German Ideology, p. 174.

3~iJ.mar Hochner t Die Musik in der Deutschen Ju.c;endb.'megung (Holfenbuttel: 1927). pp. 24-25. See also \·Jerl'.er Kindt, ed. t ~ E~'1dervog;elzei t t Archiv und Dokwcentation E£.!: Jugendbewe:677 II (~usseldorf-Koln: Eugen Diederichs Verlag, 196~, pp. 63- 7 • .36Hans Breuer, ~ Zupfgeigenha.'1sl (Leipzig: Friedrich Hofmeister Verlag, 1922), passim. In an effort to achieve and maintain individuality within a particular group identification, there was another topic that became a highly controversial issue in youth movement circ~es. Hans BIUher has described the history of the Wandervor;el as an "erotische pha."lomen"

(erotic phenomenon). His treatise brought forth widespread discussions and controversial accusations against the male-oriented composition of

Vlandervogel society; and subsequently the latent possibilities of homo sexual tendencies within the movement. Bllliler believed that men who are in close working relationships with one another inevitably display homo- sexual tendencies. These tendencies were manifest in the creative life of the Nannerbund. the society of men. As a result the Handervogel were criticized ~ various adult groups for some of their activities.37

It is true that in their writings the Wandervogel exhibited numer-

OUB descriptions of male beauty and the ideal Germanic man as one who possessed qualities closely connected with nature and the~. Charis matic leadership, male beauty, and the concept of a Mrumerbund connoted strength and activism. BIUher subsequently was criticized for his homo- sexual implications; nevertheless the problem remained a topic of debate and discussion in youth movement history until the mid 1920 1s.38

It was partly because of these implications that the male-dominated

~landervogel possessed a negative attitude toward the role of wo.ilen.

Ironically enough, it was an attitude similar to the society's present day bourgeois attitude, one which cramped and suppressed all opportunity for self-expression of women in middle class society. It was not until

37Hans Bl'Uher, Die deutsche ~1and8rvogelbei-legung als erotisches ?haenorr.:en (Berlin, 1912), p. 25.

38Borinski and :Hilch, Jugendcewegung, pp. 10-11. 1907 that women were allowed to officially join the H~x).de!"'!Og~;t move~ent,

though previously they had carried on similar Handervogel-typ3 activities.

Numerous divisions and splits resulted ar.1Ong the va:.:'i.ous 'lrJr"ncorvogel

groups because of this controversy. By 1911, most all H~'1dClrvogel

groups agreed, at least in principle, that wo:xen should be a p2.rt. of the

't·lande~!ogel movement, but perhaps should maintain themselves in separate

Wandervogel groups.J9

As was noted previously, the ror.~~tic influence of 19th cent~~

Gernumy was reactionary and conservative, resulting in right-I·ring vol1d sch

tendencies lrlthin the youth movement.. Despite this fact, the early

WQndervogel movew2nt was not really a part of the right-~~ng racialist

movement that was developing in Germany at that tirr.e. Karl Fischer, it is

true, read and familiarized himself with the ideas of Jahn, Riehl, La.."1g-

hehn, and Lagarde. Likewise, other youth movement leaders were familiar

wi th the writi:ngs of volkisc::1 authors such as Chamberlain, Gobineau,

Ammon, Lienhard, Sohnrey, and others •.40

Huch of this kind of reading w·as common in middle class groups from

where the youth movement drew most of its followers. As one author has

said,

they never revolted against this heritage nor did they drml any militant conclusions. They simply did not think it 't-las their business to extract political. lessons from the nationalist writings: they left that to parents and teachers. On occasion they were criticized by the more militant right-wingers for retreating from the poly struggle, for showing detaclunent and individualism.l.j·l

.. 39Zeimer and Wolf, ~iandervop,el und Freidentsche Jugand, Chapter X l1adchen-\fa.ndern, pp. 352-365. 4otaqueur, Young Germany, pp•. 41-42.

41Ibid., p. 42. In SUM, the early phase of the youth movement contained a complex of diverse cultural elements, all of which when added together, gave the

1oJandervogel.its distinct character. A clear picture of this early his tory gives basis for understanding the complexities vihich later arise c.s the movement gains strength and prominence in tha years directly pre ceding the first vTorld War. CHAPTER III

FREIDEIJTSCHE JUGEND: NIl'! IDE-AS

As the youth movement gre1-1 and ex-,?anded, it bacw..e more tha:.'1 just. a. highly idealistic group of young p;ople; nor.:: tha.."1 a group uhich in the beginning found delight in mere wandering and in nature. As the "Vjar:der vORel groups grevl larger, new" personalities and new le""1dprs "Hi th neVI ideas permea.ted the moverr..eht from all sides. It soon "t"1.:l.S "basieged vlith personal quarrels, conflicts, and elivisions among the various groups and group leaders.

1""landervogel leadership lL'1der Karl Fischerhad become increc.singly more difficult. P.d.s own personal philosophy and absolute 2.uthoritaria."l leadership generated discontent and opposition from other 'iJandervo!201 group leaders. Many were conce~ned with the lack of intellectual ap~ cultural interests in \-Jandervogel activities while u..1""J.der the leadership of Fischer.

The first split in the movereent occurred on June 29, 19cL~ when

Fischer' Bsole authority as leader of the 1'J"andervoge;t vIas challenged.

Finding himself in a minority, he broke from his opposition. It "t.J"as only the first of many similar disputes and divisions that "t-Tould follovl in the years preceding World 1>1ar I.

Fisher's group, including \"[olf Heyer and Ha."rls Breuer, became known as the Altvrandervogel (old or original -Vlandervogel), while his opposition likewise former a new group called l-1"andervogel e. V• (Registered

2J association in Steglitz). This group, led b.1 Siegfried Copalle, Bruno Thiede, and Richard Heber, was more ready and '\-."l.lling to conform to ex- pectations of Imperial Germany and accept the parental and school author ity that Fischer l s group had consistently rejected.l

The Wandervogel e.V. proceeded to place greater emphasis on cul tural activities. and in subsequent years, remained predominantly within the geographical area around Berlin. Fischer l s Altw'andervogel soon became torn with dissent and disagreement, and in 1906 Fischer resigned. vIilliam Jansen, who was appointed in his place, met further internal crises and soon he broke from the Altna."'1dervogel and founded the

Jungwandervogel, the organization which subsequently would last the longest of all the groups thus far.2

On the whole the youth movement before 1914 was ideal and restless, full of passion and conviction, but as yet displayed little ability to mold its life and activities into effective new forms. It continued to undermine middle class values and bourgeois life style from within, rather than make a:rry attempts to actively reform or rejuvenate. Its foremost desire was to remain an orgarazation of and i2r youth.

All of this culminated in 1913 when these early youth movement followers met to express their first collective conscious expression of youth movement philosophy. The occasion was the famous Youth Rally on the Hohe Heissner near Leipzig. The event fell in time with the celebration of the Battle of Leipzig and the war in which Napoleon was defeated and driven from German soil. The idea of a festival of youth, in place of the usual patriotic festival, appealed to ma:rry youth. By

-, ...... Ziemer and 'folf, Wandervcvel Ef2: Freideutsche Jugend, pp. 91-ll6. 2Kindt, Die vlandervogelzeit, pp. 104-141 and pp. 18;-229...... /

this time the movement had spread from Germany into Austria a.."1d S,n:::'zer-

land. Some form of unity was deemed necessm~Yt especially for all those

older members of previous 11andervogel groups who v.rished to carry on the vI andervogel traditions.

The meeting was called in October, 1913 in an effort to unify all

groups wi thin the youth moverr.ent into ene central Freideutsche Juger:.d

(Free German Youth). Various groups vlere represented at this meeting:

members of the i:!a.ndervogel splinter groups, university students, reform

youth groups, rr.embers of free school cor~unities and associ~tions, and

adults who considered themselves "friends of youth.u3 The central event of the meeting was a speech by Gustav Wynekon,

a prominent and controversial youth movement leader. vlyneken believed

that the youth of today had a genuine commit~.ent to society; that the

time had come for youth to take their stand against the evils of C-erman

society. No longer 't'lere youth to remain inactive; the need for a commi t 4 ment t

Out of the Hohe Meissner meeting came the famous }Leissner Formula,

the first public statement of youth movewEnt ~1ilosophy:

Die Freideutsche Jugend will aus eigener Bestimmung vor eigener Verantwortung mit innerer WahrnaItigkeit ihr Leben gestalten.5

3Borinski and Milch, JUfL~dbevregung, p. 13.. .Among the more import ant adults present were socialist l"lax Weber, publisher Eugen Diederichs,

pastor Gottfried Traub, free school reformer Gusta.v vJyneken p and Freideutsche spokesman Knud Ahlborn.

4Gustav Hyneken,Rede am Horgen des 12. Okto'b3rs)as quoted in Ziemer and Wolf1Wandervogel und Freideutsche Jugend, pp. 461-465.

5"The Free German Youth, on ~'Cs OtID initiative and u..."1der its Ow'11 responsibilty, is determined "VIith deep inner truthfulness, to shape its ovm destiny. II Ibid., p. 443. . I-V

They further declared:

fur die innere Freiheit tritt die Freigeutsche Jugend unter allen Umstanden geschlossen ein.

Through the Meissner Formula the you.71ger ge:'13ration 't~'a3 clail'ning the right of responsibility for shaping its own life. It Cecmi2 t~e symbol of all those who united v.,'"i th the youth :r.lOV8~ilSnt .;;.s '~he promise 0::'" the ne'i1 generation. In youth movement history the Hohe l·1eissner meetinG is significa.nt, despite the fact that no real unity 'u.;:.s o.chieved. The youth r~ had provided a positive alternative to the usual G8~a~ boer hall-type festival patriotism; a contrast to the rr.eru1ingless attention to national slogans and celebrations. Yet it still remai::led an e.doles- cent search for high hopes in an ideal society, rat,her than a concrete program of political or social thought.

The Hohe Y~issner ~2eting had also r.~arit high hopes for lli~fication of all German youth, even unity with those organizations outside the main- stream of the autonomous youth movement. The F~C'3ideutsche Jugen0. l-Jbich emerged from the Hohe Meissner represented only the older rr~mbGrs of the various Handervogel groups, rather than a real merger of all youth groups.

In the final analysis, the Hohe l.fuissner n:.eeting failed to unify eithar the various groups within the Handervo;!c1 mOVeIT'2nt or the ~'l1mJ.y other youth groups on the perimeter of the free youth movement. Sepm."'ate individw group interests continued to l-1eaken the C0re of the yout,h movement, a:';.d temporary unions, splits, and reunions continued to &dversely affect youth movement activities. Further inner divisions arose in 1914 ~~ong the adult associations which had identified with the youth movement and

6\1the Freideutsche takes a united stand in all circumstances for freedom of conscience. II Ibid. ~,

had come to play an important role in the Freideutsche activities of 1913.

Tp~re were other youth org~izations which carried on activities

simultaneously with the free youth move~~nt. These organizations must be looked at briefly in order to obtain a clearer and more complete pic ture of the society in which the younger generation belonging to the youth movement carried on its activities. Besides the Jugendpflege, the youth welfare organizations we have noted previously, there were numerous other youth groups such as occupa tional youth groups (berufstandische), literary groups. social service groups, music groups, gymnastic youth groups (originating from the

Turnverein of Father Jahn), boy scout groups (Pfadfinder), and military

sports organizations (Jungdeutschland-bund). Most all of these organiza. tions 'Were either led by or subsidiaries of adult groups which advocated direct-action involvement in the political, social, and economic issues of the day.

Another group of youth organizations were those run by religious groups. There were numerous Protestant youth groups -- Jugend rJr

Entschiedenes Christentum, Christian P1'adfinderschaft, K3ngener ~,

and others -- as well as a number 01' strong Catholic youth groups, many

of which were begun earlier in the nineteenth Century. The Cat;J.olic

groups closest in form and content to the autonomous youth move:~nt were too O,JD.ckborn and the Neu-Deutschland, both of which 'h'ere composed of middle class students. The Jewish youth were active through their own associations, the ~-Weiss, and the various Zionist youth groups.7 ?Kindt, lli:& vTandervogelzeit, pp. 728-769. All of these groups 'Were led by adults -- priests, rdnisters, lay persons, parents -- and in both form and content 'torero different fror:l the autonomous youth movement:

they recoGnized ·l:.hG C:ru.l'ch, th3 fC::'i:' .. y 1 <.:~:~d. the school (in that order) as pC:'IG;:'c estC:.blishsd by God. Their leaders ••• rega:;,~ded the c~d::.onor,~~;· of youth as an extremely dubious acbievem3nt of moc.ern tL::;:::: t!1c yOUI'.g human being 1-JaS not divine, r:or 't·7Q.S ce as y0t a whole huma..'1 'being. 'He is assurd.ng a. burden whic:h he cannot ca:rry and 'tv-hich i-rill leG'..d. to hopel~ ~s ir....'1er conflicts or to a wanton playing with words. ,0

It ioras assumed by adult leaders of these groups that youth were incapable of controling their own lives. Youth groups connected to these various religious organizations were thus dependent on the Ohurch and clergy for leadership and direction. In much the same :manner youth groups which "'ere affiliated with political parties or social welfare organizations became dependent upon the ideas and concerns of adults in control of these organizations.

~aqueur, Young Germany, p. 71. ''1

Besides these religious orga~zations, there was another organization of youth whose activities af':ected the autonomous youth. This was the Socialist youth movement, founded in 1904 in M~~eim, Germany) and consistir~ of working class proletariat youth who were spokesmen for their mm political and economic G.Spirations. Their practical concerns were foreign to the more idealistic 'HclIidervoge1 and Freideutsche youth. In addition they possessed a greater degree of political education than did the members of the free youth movement. 9 The free youth movement was in numbers a minority youth group. The sum of the youth who belonged to the Jugendpflege and the various religious organizations far exceeded the numbers belonging to the free youth movement.10

9Kindt, ~ Wandervoge1zeit, pp. 770-775. lOrhe chart below gives some idea of numbers of youth involved in youth movement activities. Distribution of German youth groups in 1929 Wa-s- as follows: Sports Groups 1,700,000 Roman Catholic Groups 881,000 Evangelical Groups 596,000 Trade Union Groups 401,000

Socialist youth 56,000 other Political Groups 44,000 Free youth Hovement 30,000 Jewish Groups 5,000

Other Groups 544 1 000 Total 4,257,000 Statistics from Reichsausschuss der Deutschen Jugenverbande as quoted in Pilgert, Community ~ Group Life in I'Jest Germany (Historical. Division. Office of the Executive Secretary. Office of the U.S. High Commissioner fo!" Germany, 1952), p. 1.5. 30

Thus it becomes increasingly more interesting to further discover how the

Freideutsche spirit will eventually permeate the many other youth groups

surrounding it.

vmen the youth movement met at Hohe Yleissner, one of the main concerns was to discuss ways to change and/or cope with the bourgeois education system and the generally stagnant cultural life of their present society. In an effort to free themselves from the traditional patterns of home-school education, several discussion groups were founded. The groups consisted of numerous i~~ovative and progressive educators, men such as Paul Geheeb, 'tl. Lietz, and Gustav Wyneken. These men had been involved in the establishment of experir.~ntal schools where both students and teachers were able to decide for themselves what form and content their education w'ould have. 11

Nany of these young teachers were present at the Hohe Meissner

Rally in 1913 and had become active thereafter in Freideutsche activities.

Most significant in the history of the youth movement was Gustav Wyneken.

An early activist in German progressive education, Wyneken became involved in experimental or "free school" education. In 1906 Wyneken, together with Paul Geheeb, established the 'Free School Association' of Wickers- dorf. "lyneken brought many of his ideas to the Hohe Meissner. His appearance here had a significant impact on youth movezoont thinking.12

'\'J'yneken avidly despised the liberal bourgeois culture of the . day, ar.d proposed a neirl and innovative educational philosophy based on a

~falter Friedlander, Chil£ Helfare in GernlQYY Before and After Nazism (Chicago: University of Ci"..icago Press, 1940 , pp. 215-216.

12austav vlyneken, 'IVland.orvogol und freie Schulgemeinde, II in i-lerner Kindt. ed., Grul'1dschriften der deutschen JugendbeHegung, Gemeinschaftvlerkes :";,~kur.:3ntation ~ JugendbevTegung (Dusseldorf-Koln: Eugen Diederichs Verlag, 1963), pp. 84-90. ~

humanistic view of man in society. He called it Jugend Kultur (Youth

Culture). Wyneken felt that up to new youth have·had little or no oppor-

tunity for self-expression. Youth should be an end in itself, rather than

merely a transitional stage between childhood and adulthood. Youth should

be a lifetime of its own, rather than a mere preparation for adult maturity.

At Wickersdorf, youth had the opportunity to create a character and

style of life all their own. Here education meant that involvement in a daily routine of school work, social concerns, physical education, and partiCipation in community life. Education was not geared merely to preparation for a career, but toward the recognition of the individual youth as worthy in himself .13 .

"i'lyneken believed that the 1fandervogel had a style of its own, but

as yet had no culture it could call its own. The only way to attain this

'Jugend Kultur ' was to wage 1.war against the school, the home, or whatever other restriction that kept youth from the attainment self-expression through their own self_education.14 Wyneken1s efforts to reform the

German school curriCulum appeared as a left wing radical threat to many educators. even to those who were likewise involved with the Freideutsche.

Meanwhile the youth movement had succeeded in expanding in numbers

and in influence through a series of periodical publications. which, over the years. directly involved the youth movement in many disputes, discus-

sions, and divisions. In January, 1914, a dispute arose over a series of

articles which had severely criticized authority and practices of both

1311ina Specht and Alfons Rosenberg, ErnrimentaJ.. Schools 1n Ger:na.'lY (German Education Reconstruction, No.1, 1943 , pp. 8-9.

14Gustav Wyneken, Schule E.E£ JUf!,endkultur (Jena: Eugen Diederichs Verlag, 1914), passim. See also Hyneken, "Was 1st Jugendkultur1 n in Kindt, Grundschriften, pp. 116.. 128. .)'

parents and school officials. They were published in lli:.!: Anfang (The Beginning), a youth movement monthly magazine which largely reflected the thought of Gustav Wyneken.15 At a meeting in Harch 1914 iiyneken and his IILeague of Free School

Committees" were expelled from the Freideutsche on the grounds that "no opportunist societies of adults could be tolerated in a league which served the self-education of youth.n16 Wyneken was thus forced out of the youth movement for the very thi~s he considered himself representa tive of. Despite the short amount of time he was affiliated with the youth movement, 1913-1914 and later between 1916-1920 when he was re- instated, his ideas and impact were significant. Had he been allowed to remain within youth movement ranks, perhaps a deeper cultural impact could have been qy the Freideutsche. In December 1914 the Freideutsche Jugend, a monthly youth movement periodicaJ., was founded qy Knud Ahlborn, the present leader of the

Freideutsche youth. The periodical gradually increased its discussion of the various refom issues which were of social, educational, religious and polltical nature. Thus the remaining rather anti-intellectual Freideutsche, who had rejected Wyneken as too deeply "intellectual, alien, and adult, II found themselves moving closer to their oun kind of intellectualism. More frequently than ever the philosophy, poetry, and writings of men like Stephan George, Rilke, Hofmannsthal, Nietzsche, and Lagarde were appearing in youth movement discussion circles and periodical literature.17

15Der Anfang expressed the revolutionary zeal of youth in opposition to school authority. lIt is not at all in the interests of the State to have people coming out of its schools who are able to think independently in poli tics. I 12£!: Anfang, August 1913, p. 109. Der Anfang was banned in December 191 as was its successor, ~ Aufbruck in 1915. l6Borinski and Milch, Jugendbe1vegung, p. 13. 17As an example, some of Rilke IS poems are found in Freideutsche ,Jugend, Harch 1918, and poems of Hofmannsthal are found in the November and December issues of Freideutsche Jugend, 1918. ..1..1

The split that ensued after Wyneken left the Freideutsche opened the youth movement to polarization on both the left and the right. }~re than likely this polarization "Tas by now inevitable; it needed only a crisis to precipitate its break into the open. Before any real youth movement philosophy was able to emerge, ~-J'orld War I broke out, only to further dispel their hopes for ultimate unity. The war cut short all preconceived plans for unity and development.

Regular youth movement activities continued on a ver.y sporadic 18 basis throughout the war years. Many of the youth were called to the front lines where they attempted to preserve their previous common e~ perience. Those who went off to fight were united in a rather close knit organization which tried to carr.y on a communication system among all former "\'[andervogel members. The Kriegswandervogel (War Wandervogel) succeeded in maintaining a comradeship of communication based on news bulletins which were circulated among themselves and their families at home. Hany of their evenings were spent in song and reminiscence .19

Their common Fronterlebnis (front experience) created a broad basis for communication with men of varying political and socio-economic back- grounds. This experience provided the basis from which the youth movement members, returning from the vTar, expressed the need to broaden the base of the youth movement to recognize and include all different classes of people.

The experience of war forced them to see their own artificial exclusively middle class elitism. Out of this came a new breath of outlook as a result of interacting with types of people they had never known before.

IBwandervogel, 5, 1916, p. 98.

l%indt, Die Wandervogelzeit, pp. 800-914. .7f'

Optimism and enthusiasm first greeted the youth when the War broke

out, but it was short-lived, and soon turned to despair and disillusion.

ment as the early promise of triumph became more remote. In the begin.

ning the righteousness of the cause they were fighting for was unquestioned.

At face value the youth appeared to accept a war which was led and ration. 20 alized b,y their elders. Most remained silent during the war years, but

not without a critical eye and ear toward attempting to understand the root causes of such a catastrophe. 21 As the war continued, what followed was a gradual disintegration of not only the patriotism of the cause, but

also of the idealism and comradeship that was basic to the pre-war youth

movement. All of this was gradually destroyed b,y the experience of war. i'far destroyed not only the evils of German bourgeois society, but along

wi th it the values and achievements they had long cherished. 22

One root weakness of the pre-war youth movement can be seen clearly

here. There had never been any concretely defined social or political.

program of youth movement philosophy. Consequently, when the reality of

liar was upon them, the result was chaos and confusion. The youth soon

realized that an inability or lack of desire to think in political. terms

doesn't prevent involvement in political disaster. Within the pre-war

youth movement there had never been any real. preparation for active

citizenship nor any effort made totvard educating the youth towards an

understanding of man in the whole of society. Only in an ideal sense was

there present in the youth movement a concern for the whole human being.

20;.·landervogel, I. Kriegs heft, pp. 257-259.

21Friedlander, Child lielfare, p. 216.

22vlandervogel, 11/12, 1914, p. 284-, and iiandervogel, 2, 1916, p. 35. Most of the leaders of the Freideut",che l:;3:~e in the C-3r:~c:;:.n 2:l·my.

As the group of relatively older youth movc::r:ent r::3Ilbers, the Freid::mtsche

suffered greater losses than e:ny of the U::l.nder""vc.:.o:el g:;'40U::JS p r.:ost of whom were ineligible for military duty because of a.3:e. As a result the

Freideutsche inevitably were drrum into the politics of Har, both at home and on the front. They becarr~ ~orc c:~tical of the bove~:~t3ntls policies and practices, and of Germa.'I1 society in ger:ora.l. V2..rious political party groups attempted to enlist youth r.:overr.znt sup::x>ri. Yet ma.'1y continued to resist both right and left wing efforts to fo:~e the youth into adopting their particular political party positions. The yo..:th moverr.znt follow'ers looked mo::-e tOlvard the r.eed for poll tied ed-.;.c<:.tio:.::

I~-Je are looking for a political direction, but caP.llot fir~d it in a..'1y of the existing parties oocause none of them confo:cm llith our yJishes a:.'1d ideas. I. 23 Consequently t a large nUli1ber of Freideutsche a.tte~pted to remain neutral in the ilw.'r'.ediate post. l:ar crisis.

Thus, through the labyrinth of chaos and confusion in the years preceding 1919, the youth moverr~nt as a whole made no significant align- rrent with anyone political, social, or econor.ic school of thought.

Despite the influx of new ideas from the variety of people who ca.~e in contact w~th it, the youth movement remained~ up to this point, a rr~Qdle class bourgeois phenorr.enon. But the chacs and destruction of Horla. Uar I and the ideological conflicts that grm-T out of it, vrould significa.'1.tly affect the strength and viability of the Freideutsche •

. 23 Freideutsche Jug"md 1/2, 1917, p~ 11. CE.. ' ... PTE'? IV

BACKGROmID: ltJZIHAR G~R11;lri

The creation of the HeirJar Republic took plo..co c::uds<:. c.:. b:::..::::kgrv-;x::d.

of political. chaos, econorolic insccu:"ity~ 80cicl tCl'7.sions 9 and p8ycholoJ::'- eel avudeties. In order to un.d3:.... St,~:d. th3 aevalcy::z:.s:y_·".. of "'t!'10 .:?::~2id,:;"tt:/scb.a

JugOl'ld a.."1.d the r..um3:i,"OUS o-c.!-:.or ycu:~:l Gr.::;~~')s in tr.:.: i!::.:.::.:dia;'~:.J post. lJ~4

~ .i1,. years, as well as the later BjVtKii.sct3 Ju:-::;rd (1925-1933) ~ _v is I"..B:cesz~ to revim·J' in p~.. t the lri.sto:.:"'icul backgrourd Dnd i'·.Jr::;,::!.tio:'l of t:1C l!cir:.:::u-

Republic, and the subsequent problems it crG~tod fo~ p1' of Ge~~~~ histOl"Y .1

Gerr...-my's defeat at the end of ';'Jor1d T:To.:r I h~ a significG..'1t. h:,act on all facets of Germcm socie"cy. It embittered ':.110 nc.-:'ion ar-Ci pc.ved the lilay for the ultil1".ate failUTG of Gerr.la"'l derr..ocracy. In this it, served to destroy the bond bet':Jeen Gcrma'1Y ~'1d the Hest. Ge:.-.n:::ny 'tJC-S ropro8.Chod by tha 'VJest for h8.ving deserted the old Gcrr.:m'l volksgeist and t:.::kol'l en a neu viewpoint ll"11ich ran cont:-a:7 to Hest,ern libGralicm and w::.terlcl:' S::-l. G81"- m:m nationalism ooca.'7l.e the teol of the conse:.fYtJati ve t prope:."'tiod, and cC!.u- cated classes who sought to legitiraize t1:oir p0i;Jar by invc:cins; nat~onaJ.is tic volkisch a?peals about their incompatibility ..lith the \-rest. Resentl:10r:.t

1For a detailed. history of tee '~Joiraar Republic see E::..--ick Eyck, !! History £! the irleiTilar Republic (Cw,1bridge, :Haas.: Harvard Ur4 versity Press, 1962). 36 \ ./(

. . against modernity, against democr~y, and e.g a.J..11=;""::' t:~..:: '\{est ~s ·~h3 80u:.~CC

of it lJ'a5 an essential pm.-'c. of Gerrrran nc./ciO:lc.J..isr.l h".(,'"",u~"-"_ ...... 1. .... v 19'__ L~ •• Z

After Ger:nany's defeat by the West -- 3. dei'ee:.t llhich l;:.:':" '::'0 ~ost

Germans more apparent, in its polit:;.ccl. cOD.sequsnce then its 1:;ili~";':':':'7y c::.us;:;;:::

deepened these aversions s'(,i11 !l1Qj,~et it proved to b~ an inopportune time

to adopt any 1'Jestorn de:1"..ocrat,ic ;institutions 't'rl.thin 2.1 esscnti&1ly nO!1-

democratic society.

m.!.he Ver",,,,';llesw~ I:Dikta+.., II ~"~u..'••• c"-,~. ~~·n.c~'"'''''''''''; v .. '_~~~ __ -",1 .... ./.1_,.,.,u __ ~ "-v_v""""'"r,.~·?·-.",4· ....···""'·'~"'n"'d 1,,;..0,,1. ....-....- _ -'"

thorn in Germ,:ny's side, cr:.d 'tV'.::s to C3CC:.~:;) c.::l L:~}O::-t,ru1t, pol:"-::'io::2 tool in

,I.. h .-.";-: e IS II "" r"'sult tho .•. .,..."""0.' -"''''-i '\"'\'~.:• ...;1C:>·'~~""'.~r.'~r ':-.~~.'" i·~",,,,{·..of ..... -i"'1 \#.. J. 1930 • • .. .,;) a I,;j; ,_-v "' ... v"'. C-.v~ ..... ;jV \..o.I.J.'.VVJ,.~,.) '--..~ ...... v .;;:.> ..... _ .. 0.

creased. The \'T0ir.:a:r Republic llCS r.:,:L3 :::·0sy:c~'.3ib13 ::c:~ ~1:8 8~~c..:>-i::>M" the- back theory ~scciatcd -vrit,h Ge:~~1Y~ s Csf\:Qt. 'ir..o :~~:..:~~c:::=:.lict lil:s of

argur.13nt was thus -- the Germa.'1 m

the war had roen lost by the treaohel"".f ru"'.d co::rardic3 or J,:,1::.0 lec.derz ::.:..i

other "subversive~l elements at, hor.')B -- 111::oro.ls v Soci:::.1ist.sp !?<::.Ci~:iG·;:'s_

CO:'l'rmunists.

politiccl. and not milito.ry lea&rship. Trds t.heor-y the.:;;' ·~:1e r:d.lit2.::.--Y

failure 't':as caused by the revolution at ho~ 1:::302".:3 a la-car tool of th2;

Geri,~an right in reversing the order of caUS0 and effect in German

politics. 3

The Republic it.self suffered because of SO::l2G of tJ::e most, impm."'t~1t

institutionaJ. ana intellectual barriers to G3::-;:~:.n dDmOc ...."'2..cy 'i::hicn h~ be-

gu..."l much earlier. Bismm"k h:.d forg0d a ne'VJ" p~tte:."'n fo:.... CC:l"":.!Cl1 politics,

ZKurt Sontheir.:~r, 1l~\nti-d8lilocrntic Thought in t.he "iTeimOX' Repnblicll in ~ Path ,iQ DiC?J:.E;tOi"ship 1918-1933 (NE,u York: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 19b6) , pp. 41-42.

Jrriedrich Meinecke, T:tt~ G~ Catastrophe (Ca."llbriclgc: Harvard University Press, 1950) pp. 30-31. I ,)u

inserting into the older system enoD;h n:oCbrn fea:cure3 to preserve its existence.4 But the conditions of Irilp3riDJ. Gc.;:,,"'wany i"iliibited. tl:a d3velo::?- ment of democracy ru:d .ful.. thered id.e~ of Gcrmon n<:tic!lalisrn a:1d intellcc- tual. rMism l1hich later vlould ins:;?ir3 K.::.zi ideology.

The "Ieirr..3r Constitution provlded too little fi:.:-,,";1 and c0:1tinuous authol"i ty at the top of the goverr£IlG1Tt::d. st:'uctlli~e ~ 2.':cl thus 0.. grec.t c.ccJ... of poll tical poxty instability. Thou~h the ~'Jcimc:r CO~1:.;ti tu-cion hed i~'"l- stilled new eler...ents of mcd3rn; ty into public life -- a ~J'::":""licrr..en-(,<:;·l"Y democracy itself -- no successful cOi.7:.~'Jro:'\'.ise bc-c-:;"ee::1 the bOU1'g:s:oise and the proletariat or between the dcctrines 0: nationalis~ &nd soci~lis~ could ba reached. A huge number of clverse politiccl p~tie~ ;.,.. e:,-alt6d.

The 1·Jeiroar Constitution had attempted to establish :::'::'1 c.dv;;;,.:.-!ced xo:rr:,l of democracy; one 't

As a result the world of bourgeois morality a"ld es-~a.blished institutions a..'1d proc(~dures ultima.looly b:,"oke dmm exposing cl3.33 st:.."U:.;gle, exploitation, ar.d l"'ank prejuG.ices 'tI.Tithin the system,. T!1e i.::::r defe2.-t c:r~d the tl"'eaty erabi ttered tho nation, cmd democracy to ~'1. c::tent. frightened or disappointed political parties ~1d people of nll ~g0S m1d classcs v

The chaotic political situation served to nurt~Bthe doctrines ar.d traditions of a Geraan cultural mission a:::d a unique Ger:nan cho.racter which up to this tir.le had been latent as bourgeois-patriotic conv--ictic::-~s.

This beCaI"..3 clear by the number of anti-Sem itic orgar...izations v volk:::::..' '.

tT'hc... D,-'~"""!""" 4rri tz Stern, introductio:1 J.;,o ~ ...... ,_,..:.J. to Dict,",.tor~:"1i "J, pp. xvii- xix.

5A. F. Nicholls, }leir,~ar Ct'1c1 the Rise of Hi'Ller (London: Ha.cmillan & Company Ltd., 1968) pp. 54--:tr::- --- .17

groups, and party associations which i-:cre for;.-:::;d frer;]. isolat.ed p:~0-~:2.r

roots in GerL'lany af+ver 1918.. Host of these ideas beC;.?:,:8 institutional-

ized in the schools, youth groups, veter311 groups o.:-..d p::>lit.ical pc.rties

which ex:oressed anti-liberal ~ld anti-democratic id301ozies.

Returning war veterans ~""ld their syr.:pathizers i'ol"'rrc8d pr"!J:'a,uli tm"J

"',,",r~ 1"" • 1 •• 6 organizations such as the Freicorps, Ke'I'mi'hl:U."1.cie t ~ ..."'""" 'rOl'li:': .(2::,_~~:···f\::,,-"t'"--.:;'.':'-' 0

....th h t· ~"!.:. J .. , -, 1 ' , , --, , Others JOU'.ec. WJ. suc.. na J.ona.w..s r. groups :;;'8 ·C~le "".. ,-_-a8y~-cs(;:Cd y :::~',)c-:1a

(Pan German League 1918) and tl:.e S!r!'l] 1 e:' a..'lti-S3mitie: p

tions such as the Re~,-chsh81iJ:."c3rburd (Reic:-l Ear::::!:;r Le2'!1:0)- t..r!C!. -ci:;.:, ----D:;:utf:~~1- ~ (Gern'.an League).. In 1920 the Eochsclrl.l..'1.1"in',:: :,u·cscber }:~t (U:;livcrsity

Circle of Gerr.18.:.""l Character) 't-v2.S i'0r:t..3d as the cc:"lective c:..ssoci::.tion of

Gel~UU1 nationalist movements at the U~~versities ..

In a.ddi tion to t~1ese there were ma.'1Y org~"ri :::atioi1s lil((;; the V a:c01"-

li.n.discher VoL'

volkischer Studentenverbcmd (Genlan Volkisch St.udent Association 1920),

_ _ ...;...;..-..;..-.______;..;;.0 ...... _ the Bund ftl:r deutsche ErneuGrun~ (League for Germcm Regc:'"lera.tion) t tl::.e

Vereinigurig vol:cischer Verla';8r ( ..Uliance of Volkiscil PUbliShe3.'s) ~ ~~d

many others l1hich together give a clea:..... picture of the cxte:::.t of ox.i!..ted

nationalistic extrewism v;rhich p8r~:1eaJv0d GermariY since it.s defeat Clt the end of \'[orld vvar I. 7

Such nationalistic extrennSl'll 't'1<:S also evidcnt in tte conter:1pora....-y literature of the H:;.imar Republic. }~uch of this litera.tul"c borro'tled from tl'.02 ideas of nir.eteenth century nationalists ru::.d p~ Germarri.sts such as

0SeeWaite, 'Van:;U~:l:"d £4 lJaz:':.s:':lt pp. 17-21 fo-." refej,·ence to the youth movement as a..l'l origin of the Freicor'os.

7}1artin Broszat, Germ~Yl ~:Cional '?~Jalism, 1919-1945 (Santa Barbara, Cal.: Clio Press;-l"96o), pp .. '3';)-37. Arndt and Jahn; from the philosophies of Fichte, Herder, a~d Nietzsche;

from the Rom3Ilticism of t-1agner a.~d. the racial 't'Tri tin~s of Gobil"'.ez.u ar.:l

Chamberlain, from the anti-modernist aspirations of mzn like Laga.rde t

Langbebn, and ~{oeller van den Bruck. 8

In th.e S8::;19 m.anner the contemporaries of toTem::." -- Rair:er l':

Rilke, Ernst Junger, Stefan Goor;:,;e, Gerhart Heuptnt3.. :'1!l, Bertold Brecht,

Ernst Toller, Om'laJ.d Spengler, and others -- lef·c, their i!lprir~t, O:l vToL.1~

cultural life. The libera.l school of thou~ht.1 r0p:'''ecented by Hoin...-ich

and Thomas Iv'J.a.IlIl defended vleimar demcc:;."acy.. The proleta.-i8J."1 literatur6

of Brecht, G;,,"af, and Toller at·t,a.c::ked c2.pi ta.lisra end. tho im.perso~1a.l

bou::'geois state a~d called for an e::1d. to the vJeimar F~0:::;.ublic. '1":16 r;3-

actionary rightist criticism of Geo::ge ar.:.d Spengler criticized the Iid.oC3.-

dent mass culture II of the \ieima.r Republic ru1d. in the S'.l43 r.;.a.'1r'..er denounced.

its e::dstence. 9 The ideas and "\om tings of these non pe:..--r.:eated Ger:ilan

'!'I...... l- ' .. Ge~~ intellectual-cultured life on reI levels. .L"J.ucn 0:': J. u uas !UJ:Bu.

If.lth racist tendencies, volkiscn characteristics, anti-de:i1ocr.c.tic il:.tol-

erance, Nordic-Germanic elements, c:..1d na.t.ionalistic art Gld ccltur;ll i?~"'-

suits, all of which characterized the early Pan G~rrc;::.:a nationclist Mti-

vities in the Weimar Republic. At t.be back of the .:-.ir.ds of r:::.::..'lY ·uas the

dream of the German Right -- that of oveJ... thru.·n.ng the h;)/~d :,:'epublic,

reversing the decision of 1918, resto~ing the position of the German ~~t

Bror a det.ailed analysis 0::: the thoug?lt a.11d in:tluen.:e of th,::;se three men see Fritz Stern, The Politics of Cultural Des"09.ir (Berkeley a1'ld Los Angeles: University o~alifornia Pre~s, 1961). -

9Loms L. Synder, ~ ~Teirr:;~! Republi,c: ! pisto!'y: c:~ G.~~y ~ Ebert to Hitler (Princeton, Ne"t'1 Jersey: D. Van Nostrar:.d Cv~:1p3J1y? Inc., 1966'Y, pp:-B1-8'6. For a more comple.te picture of ~'Jeirlar intellectual w.d cultural life see Peter G~, ~~ Culture, the OUT:3ider .§.@. ~::~ (New York: Harper & Ro"i.'1 Publishers, 1968'). For references to the youth movement in particular see pp. 77-81. 'i'.L

and re-establishing Germany in her rightful ~~er position in Europ3. Ul-

timately, tpis dynamic nationalism appe~ed on all leveis of society.

The economic conCitions in the latt;:,~.. half of tee Heimo.r Republic v:rere so critical that widespread :-usery Cll1d u-1JXest r..:rthered th::: r..ecd for

a radical change. Economically. GC1"Tcany tloved fro:n post W"-l'" reconstl~uC-

tion, through the short-lived economy boost of the t;id -G:Jenties g to tc-:,a:;"

economic disaster in 1929. The Ruhr invasion v disp'.:tes ever reparat::"ons,

high inflc::.tion, the economic interests of t~:.e ir..dustl"ipJ':' sts t..."'ld J-..:;.'f{e?

landlords, increased class antagoniSl11, un~".l-'_o"-,.,.,."~·I ~:1'r."~-t .:...:... i a:.__.,.,"1 ul"1:.1. -J\~t ••• _ e ly the

Dep:-ession - c-:'J of t=.ese f~tors l:aste::ec. t!:e d..:-:-_:':-~ cf ~·"~e~

-: "~ ~-- ... ---~--... - In addi tic:! C-ern:an society falt tl:e less~~~d i...~2~~::~c of ~.e- ligion and the displacerr.Qnt of the churches from. their traditional ?')sition of importance. Secularization becru;:.:;; reore p:..~vaJ.ent as a result of technical progress, industrialization, and nurr.3rcus e:i':?orts to mod.e:..'"!1ize along vlestern lin~s. The collapse of the Deut:.::che Hark era,~icated the

"realth and security of the middle class and crea.ted a situutiO:1 lJhich the

National Socialists were successf'ully able to e):ploit. L'l the er:d the

Germa.Tl rrd.ddle class did much to ful"the..... th3 cause of ilazis.l'llQ T'ne tension between their desire to preserve their f;r~atus and their equally fervent desire to alter society lias resolved by the ap~~ec.l to a revolution l'lhich would revitalize the nation without revolutionizing its stl~C~J:~c.

Thus all of these factors cont.. 'ibl::.ted to the simult:""'"leous gro-wt.h of two distinct but overlapping historical processes -- tlle disintegration

lOFor statistics and further explanation of the econowic situation of the economic situation of the vleimar Rep'J.blic see Koppal S. Pinson, Modern Ge~!t Its Histo!X and Civilizatio~ (Ne"tf York: the Nacmillan Company, 1966, Chapter XVIIY"'TEconomic Life in Weir.w.r Germ,:\1 til pp. 446-L;..5J. of the 'i'leimar Republic and the rise of National Socialism.

The \.J'eimar Republic, constructed. on a weDJe f::."t.:."T..e, unsupported by public opinion? lacking telp from the outsid.e, was unable to weather tl'le stOI"f.:s of opposi tion from both Hight and Left. It vias "catrayed by friends and. foes alike. It 1vas n:>t, strong enough to In. thstand. political chaos, econmnic trials, social distress, and psychological anxiety. \'lhat had start ed out as a bold experiment in democracy, degenerated into the nightmare of Hitlerismell

On January 30, 1933, Adolf Hitler was appoi::-J.ted Chencellor 0;: 0er- many. Hith incredible rapidity National Socidism't-rould becor.:a es-::'ab- lished in a society which vJ'Ould proceed to subvert tr.o;:;-:'j,tionaJ... GeI"!r.:m beliefs ar..d institutions, plunge Europe into a SE;COnd vIorlc.. I-I:r, &.."'1d emerge u1timately as a defeated &':''1d disillusio:l:;;d nation.

llSnyder, The Weimar RepubliC, p. 100. CHAPTER V

FREIDEUTSCHE JUGENu: DISUNITY

The First 'lforld 1iar had produced pacifists, extreme German national-

ists, Socialists, democrats, social reformers, anti-Semites, Communists,

those who believed in war for war's sake, and those who remained silent,

still attempting to avoid attachment to political parties.

The youth movement emerged from all of this defeated and dis-

illusioned. Many members of their ranks had been lost in battle. Hany

of those that did return, especially pre-war \'landervogel members, no long-

er had any interest in youth movement activities such as wandern, hiking l excursions, camps, or other group activities. The war had destroyed the society which they had hoped to reform.

Imperial Germany no longer existed. liThe old romanticism, the songs with

lute accompaniment, the mixed groups -- in fact everything in the old

Wandervogel spirit -- seemed totally out of place in this new Germany.H2

During the war years the youth movement had been drawn deeper into

the realm of politics; but no one political program was ever agreed upon

by all its members. By this time it was evident that there was polariza-

tion on both the left and the right. The armistice, the Spartacist Revo-

lution, the Versailles 'Diktat', the political chaos surrounding the

lvlandervogel, 4, 1919, p. 111. Of the 14,000 'IJandervogel who fought in iiorld Har I, one in four never returned. Many who did not return were former youth movement leaders such as Hans Breuer, Walter Illgen, Frank Fisher, and Rudolf Sievers.

2Laqueur, Young Germany, p. 129. 43 -T-'"

beginning of the \ieimar Republic; all of thesG factors r.mc::) it ir:evit.e..ble that the youth rr.oveIT~nt could no longer remain aloof fro~ ~olitics:

Thousar..ds of your-~ m:m and uor;:.en 't'Jer0 then d::"um into politics. It 'uas a revolut.ic;:~o.ry sit'.,:,xc.ic!1 '(;i1en the r:lod.erates of yesteryear ciou'c,ed extre~~Jist 'DroJ;r.::":..::.:~.:;; a.11.d those who had been ir:.diffcr0:r(. ~lere r02liy l,o e.C.C}t politics as a vocation. 71:'0 st:'>'>.:. .::;gle to detorr::d.ne the political character of the :-::a 8'::':;.:::'0 hD..::' ;:8.1',:::: ~~·.:d ':!Z~S reflected, on a sr,la1ler scclc, i:'1 'cl'~e fi:;ht ic.~ l):':'C~'::'-.~ inance in the ropublic of youth tL::"~ c::.:.., ...;; t:...~.i:.\.;;::.~ 'tray ::'n 1919.3

It was this situatio:1 vJllich ultimat...;;ly drew the youth :-i!over'~mt into t~:10 i,''',''instrean of GeI'"f:lan poll tics.. ,. ·;:,:-~o e2..l"ly yea:..4 s t:-:o YOi.!th fo:: the most part rejected the extremist politiccl. vie"t-J'S of t~e Left and tl:3

Right; with the idea that no one exict.ing political. p~ty could becor.:a a living political ~ovement for all youtho Yet they realized ttut under the circumstances, individual fulfill!':1ent ultimately l::eant political involVement:

Individuals a~ong Ger":lan free youth must not lose themselves in the political parties, which are at bOttc2 alien to their natures, but must also find their o'tm ''C!<:;! in the political field, i.e., must work for the realiza tion of the politics of th4 Ideal r~d of Right~ r:.ot bound to party-political dogmas.

The youth of the early 1920' s held fal th in a "r.OUr::a."l -- in a r..G"C"T realization of comnrWlity, in the new life, 't>J'hich vJould create a 'net'r.·;rork of islands of culture I, out of which 'the spirit, of a ncu Ge:'N L:2..'1 COTnr::u.nity would grO'tv. I HS Their ideaJism "las expressed in their efforts to IItrc.nscend

Jrbid., p. lC4.

~orinski 3..Yld Y.d.lch, JU!Indbeueguru;, p. 25. See also Helmut TOrmin, "Freideutsche Jugend und pont k,if in Kindt, Grun;gschriften, pp. 180-188. Srbid., p. 20. '''/

'Right and Left I and lead the people of the future togethe:: bayor..:l the old

I isms. I II 6 Their aim 't'7as

to Gxparience life once again as a 't1holG p to OV8".: CO!!~ the dehuma"lising. deadeniI!':; pl·ocess to;::r:xrds a r.lass eristence in which industriDl society 'U~ involve'::. Fer this reason I personali ty a.'1d cOl'lllYt :b.is life for himself as a 't1Jhole and c:::c, tb:l 8::;-;'3 tL,:e to cra'::';':G8 '~he new post-capitalistic form c1 ccmr~U1'.i J;:;y of social ~-:.j economic life. Young people hO):2d by l1'..eans of the revolu tioni~ing of man end of the smp,11 group of the p30ple ~-~ :.:::-:;,ate to alter mankind fi.... om its fOlli'1d.ations through a ro.evlly experienced faith. 7 D.aspi te t:'lis rather intense emp..'1.::.siG on cc:.::.:.uui ty life d.evelop.."r.e:-;t, the basic concern of the Freideutsche remai~:Gd, as in earlier 1'J2..:'1dp:rvor~el

~s, that of self-education and the develop.'t1ent of tile ip..dividual. 'tnthin a particular kind of co:::::r.1U!li ty •

These youth were convinced that this Dneu IT.£.l1 1l could not gr0l:1 up in an at~sphere of political party demonstrations &~ ~eeting hills, at party conferences or in election struggles, but only uithin new forES of group life which they called Lebens':!;e l-':!irl'e;~hc,ft<";n ) living cO:J::,~Ullities. 8

Their attempts to establish communal living patterns took the fo~m of occupational ccmmunities, religious ~~d social groups unit~j under co:~on goals, and experirr.3ntal schools established to refom Ger.:;:~ bourgeois education.

Another form that these commun~ living patterns took aidad greatly the develop.'1'lSnt of the Jugendheroorgen (Youth Hostel) moveIi::ey..:c. in Germcny.

6rbid., p. 21.

7Ibid.

Srbid., p. 19. In 1909 the Organization for Youth Host.els 't-J'as founc.ed.i but, it Has not

until after the First l'1orld \'Tar that ar..y signific~'1t dGvelop:"C.Gnt toO~{

place. In 1919 the National Association of Youth Hostels vTas established.

Neli hostels grew' up in a.ll pru:·ts of Gerrr.a.ny t pl'"oviding iced, s:::;;lte!", 8.."ld

various other activities for the 't-Ta.1'ldering youth. Support f::..'v~'l region::CL

and local units of -che different you';;'h orge"niz~tio:.1S, ':::'3 ",;;.:;:1 t:r~'::,:::'3

from state and district govel~~ent ag~ncies? crl.ded the develo;,:::r..3i::';;' of the

hostel system throughout Ger.nany.9

0::-:: . of the most effective ways of deciphering the ccr.2ple::;;j,:ti0c 01

youth movement history in this period is to look at its litera"('ure 0 T!1C most COll".mon flow of information about youth movel18n-'.:, activities co;;:e f:."om its periodicals. From its conception the movement produced an eno::..'T.lOUS

amount of periodical literature. The numerous divisions, splits, al:.d reunions among the various youth movement groups enhDllcGd this ~:10unt of material in that each subsequent division in t1L.-.o;.'l produced the:ir C;n:l publications. Dozens of uriters contributed tov:TaJ.'"ds these efforts) i::lcluding

the m~ prowinent leaders themselvesolO The ideas and writings of men like Hans Ebeline1 Karl Paetel, v;erner

11ilch, Hans Breuer, Gust~v Wyneken, and Karl Fischer con"c,ributed substarr~iaJ.-

1y to the content, structure, =r.d historical develop:110nt. of the Il1over.:.ent.

Others like Herj,"Jaml Popert, Hans Paasche, Her:llann BUl..t,e, itlaJ.ter Flex, and

Hans BiUher significantly affected youth movel7'.ent ideas ald philosop..~

9Friedlander, Child ~I]"elf'a.re, pp. 219-221.

10, A great 'amount of youth moven:ent literature has disappeared. Huge qucntities wel',,; uur.1ed after 1933, and laws forbidding the sale, distribution, or use of any pre-Hitler youth publications were passed by the Nazis in 1939. The largest and most complete collection of youth movement books, periodicals, and unpublished materials still in existence is at Burg Ludwigstein, Germany. • I

through their numerous liter~J stories, poer:s, legends, and ~~stories.

Many of their works ,-rere widely read and acceptod in YOUt:l r.1ovemer.<:, circles .. ll

The early 1920 I s, the t10st 2.Ctive pl".. ase of yOUtl1 r.:ovem3:1"(:. periodical activity. reflect the ideolcgicaJ. ch3.nges ta1cing plac~ i'nthin the rnoveme:::t, as l~\311 as the political, so~icl~ c.:::.:1 ~~.:.::_~:' :"_~ i::8t~~iJ..it,:.~,~ ::.::: the \feimar Republic.

The most influential and. liridely c:':..'oulated pericc:iccl. during this

'-~':.'.J...., ...... ".v,_ 'r"'~.. ""' .. ;::) t1.J...... ~"" weel"ly'.. J-1""f''''t~",_~,V;''C Fo.n"'chen J.~ ...! ("Ir~""~M..4..v\r ..... ~~ 1:)"'O'J1!O».. I;.;; ... _t,;;; SI :".J..,J..'~'''b1';<:: _ ...... __ ,,:0 \.,.;. i:"~i Z[~<~b1!14g by Freideutsche leaders. Its content bacO!l(; increasingly l::o:.~e attuned "co the political and socio-economic issues of the d~y.

By the wid 1920lS the movement w~~ch had begun as a le~6ue of sChoolboys between the c.ges of t't-lelve and t't·;renty, hcl rlOved its center of gravity •

• • • the movement had shifJc,0d a;vra.y fro::! the self education and group experience of the sixteen year olds, tCNards the transformation of the ~Torld around and to'toTards expe:.-imentation i·ri th the occupational and living co~unity of youn~ adults nho sought to coras to tel"::~3 inth their tin:.es.12 For the youth of the twenties, comr..g to tel"'rus ilith thoir tir;:es

meant involvement in politics 0 The increased pol::.ticizatiol1 of the e~ly years of the 1r1eimar Republic created a inde divergence of opi::uon a:;;:ong youth movereent leaders and members. Youth were subject to political pressures from politicians l-Jho uished to assure them that their active

liThe follo'ri.ng sel'"Ve as examples of so::-.:.:; of the oc.rlier more ir;:- portant liter~ influences: Hermann Burte. vliltfeber (1912) Hermann Popert, Helmut Harringa (1910) \'lalter Flex, ErnSt trlurc~l~",vlc.r Exp3riencell (19:"7).

12Borinski und Milch. JUf.!'endbe'tT00U-1'lg, p. 23. support would enable them to share in the shaping of a new Germany. The result was a gradual polarization of youth movement thought on both the left and the right. The youth movement's left wing representatives were Karl Bittel, Hans Bleuer, and Ernst Joel (editors of Der Aufbruch). These leaders favored cooperative associations among youth, and felt that the youth movement should move more tmiards socialism as a possible answer to the socio-economic needs of their society. youth could no longer isolate

themselves from economics and politics. Alfred Kurella, an earlier ~- dervogel leader and now one of the editors of the Freideutsche Jugend, helped to publish a left wing program for youth. During the war years a substantial number of Freideutsche youth moved. more toward this left ist position.l ; At the same time a particular right wing element had been develop ing wi thin the youth movement. The latent volkisch concerns of the pre- war Wa..'I1dervogel and the Freideutsche were fed through the war years by nationalistic ideas and activities, disputes over the Jewish question,

German war expansionist policies, the racist writings and ideas of various youth movement leaders, and the frequent discussions and divisions over the role of the youth movement in the Germanic-Aryan cultural mission. As a result many of the youth adopted a v~lkische position.14 The largest right wing group to emerge after World War I was the

Jungdeutscher Bund, led by otger Gratf. Many other more extremist groups such as Handervogel V.B., the Geusen, the Adler EE.S! Falken, the Arta.."na..'1s,

l;Der Aufbruch, July 1915 and Freideutsche Jugend, I, 1918; ~., 11, 12, 1918.

14 See supra, Chapter II, p. 8, n. 5. -'7

and others emerged at the end of the uar unable to u:.ufy ther:1:.:;elves cn

any point for any length of time.15

Another rig:"1t wing grou:?~ the J:1Ti~·::,eutscr.s:.E (Youn~ GeriC3rls) ~ organ-

ized by Frarr.<: Glatzel &""1d N3.rtin Volkel, er..erg0d. f"A c::1 the lJa:' c..ttBr:1pting

to give political connotation to the Meissner Fori"i.vl:.:

\'16 young Gerillans desire t.o bGCOl':-..3 inclividu:::::l huxaaIl

beings out of the strength of ou!" n2..tion22. s:pirit j to cre

The youth had thus succeeded in maintcd..r.ing; th::dr ic·~0.::J.ist.ic, volkisch, anti-r:1oderI".ist position, which moved the::.1 cIo;;:,,::r to t:16 C0l"'.71::""'l

right. As Germany moved into the first years of the l';eL~::l.r' RepubliC, the youth movement, caught up in the circunstances aJ.1d situ;:.:.tic::ls of political,

economic, and social unrest, 'would find itselr r.::oviy:g closer to the l"ight

~1ing camp of anti-democratic thought. The passive non-politiccl.. c!1aracter

of the pre-war youth movement was gonel replaced "C'Ji"c.h a r.elJ <.:.:r.:u-encs:;; C:-"'!d

active concern for the society in which they lived..

The first post 't'lar youth movement convention too~, place at J cr~a

in 1919. The meeting had hoped to unite all fo1"'c05 t~at ellicrged after the war under one Freideutsche youth, a BU1.1d of ,~ll Ger[;1a.n yO'uth. Likei.Jic8

the youth who met at Jena had hoped to' forr.~ulate a number of basic ~~l-

e30phic and political principles l:hich could be ~1er0d to by all autono-

raO'us youth. The meeting failed to do either.. No ene single rulS1'J0l'" to or

attitude tot'lard the political questions of the day could be re~hcd by

l.5r.<::queur, YOUU'i Gerrn2nY, p. 108.

16norinski and Milch, Jurz:endbe"]egnng t p. :'9. the Freid2utsche. The l1eissner FOI'""...1ula h~.:i provided t.he tnouzht p2.t/cern

for unity, but no provisicns for any subst.antial prcgr2-:l$

e mJ.'~He ng• ht ~nnL>. ~ J ungd· .~td,u'A'.~,', ·.:.C'.n"L,"' ..... ~,uB""'':; chi c_ 'h J.~::.a."L,~. ~ e-""'-.~"v •••• -iI:'__ U~Jpv"',;"-··~"'''<,.;t; _0 ...... '" +0

the Freideutsch3 Juc.;end, as well as the otb:;:r :"igt.t 1d::.g 0::·~::."er:d.st groups,

were all subject to raction21 secess:ons p pressures from poli~ic21 p~~ty

groups, and voLl{isch id.eologicnl int0:"'p:.~et2.-::'io::s Q In tl-:e S~:3 marill.::::"" t1::.e

increasingly more left -w"ing Freid3t~tsct3 :?;::oup~ .:.nd '~hG 8zt:'~,3::::e =.~::.~

E• n t schi eu.e!l.e ~- J ugend (D'~n;,errrD..nea. . 'Y eu th' 1 I U0re b"ese"(' in."(,n. ,. s:u::::. ..., ... z..:.."". eli... Xl.'~fi C'U.l.-"C

ties.

Nost of the youth had TN"elcc::-.:.z:d the revolut,ion of 191($0 CO::lGCclt::3ntly

.'" . ~ they vlere dr<::m into debates ar~d c1iacussions over -G..;.'2C !~e:~~ 1:,S of zoC:::'aliS::l versus capitalisn, and the role of liberalis~ ~~d democracy in a bOUl~~eois world. Huch of this uas a. conflict as to the degree to "i:'lhich t,hese idea3

should become part of the basic youth m.ovel'r:;:mt philosop:1Y~ At Jeno. the

Freideutsche had been cnticized for indecision ar.d for i.:.iling to cm"ry

on the liberation of middle class youth.. Sorce S;Y'~i1pathis0d 'Hith the G:,~o'i!-

ing Corm:nmist movement; other leaders 1'J0r0 avo':'Jed sccidists p believ:.ng

Ilthat it was the task of the Freid(n~tsch3 to lead i ts ~~Gr.:.bars f1"'o1:: bour

geois liberalism throu$h democracy to sociaLism. 1I17 These leaiers \:Jere

strong advocates of increased coop$ration 't·Jith pro10tari~ youth groups.

Extreme leftist youth leaders such as Alfred Kurella ~~d Kurl

Bittel, moved closer toward the Coramurdst c~up ~~d &t the s~~e ti~e crit-

icized the bourgeois youth for their pacifist illusions 7 ~~d social isolation. In 1920 they declared that they could no longer remain a youth movement in the old sense, and that because of increased cooperation with

l7Politiscl"'.er Bundbrief, No. 20 (published c.5 January, 1919) as quoted in Laqueur, Young Germany, p. Ill. proletarian youth, they had I found their way to reality. I Logically, the next step was to join the Communists, which they did in 1921.18

In the same way that the meeting at Jena failed to unif.1 all German youth under one great Bund, their next attempt provided even further disunity. In September, 1920 all these factions and splinter groups came together for a meeting at Hofgeismar in Hesse. Ever,yone was there --

Freid.eutsche, Juru;deutscher~, Communists, pacifists, Christian socialists, }farxists, democrats, and impartial guests. Much of the debate at

Hofgeismar centered around the uncommitted majority, those who were 'pink rather than red or white. I "Did not the Freideutsche realize that their movement had become a 'morass, I that world historical events were bypass- ing them? Did they not understand that there were but two forces at work, revolution and counter-revolution, and everything inbetween was bound to perish?" 19 ivnat followed was a series of declarations and counter declarations,

acceptances and rejections to restoring unity, and accusations from all

sides. The left wing extremist groups, who were in the minority, claimed that the ideals and philosophy created at the Hohe }Fleissner had been be trayed. In response the majority claimed that these leftist youth had

betrayed the true Freideutsche spirit and given in to the politics and

pressures of the bourgeois world. In sum, the Hofgeismar meeting showed

clearly that the majority of youth had no intention of joining any revo

lution, and that the split in the Freideutsche was beyond repair. Their

basic differences could no longer be reconciled, and division seemed inevitable.

IBpolitischer Rundbrief, 1920, 61-62, as quoted in Laqueur, YounE; Germany, p. 125. 19Freideutsche Jugend, 2, 1921, p. 59. For further description of the Hofgeismar meeting see articles in Freideutsche J~~end, 2, 1921, passim. ,.,-

One last ~tterr.pt to carry on th.J old t ..".::di -Cion "C:::'S nc.eo i:'l 1922 uhen

Knud Ahlborn and Ferdinand Goh31 four:ded the F,-",ei0.eut~;chc~. T::ey

.attempted to hold a second Hehe ~:eissl1..er in 1923. Bo<:.h tho

~ a:."'ld t:1C rr.eeting of 1923 failed to restore Ulll"::'y "::'0 th3 r:1ovc:::.:mt. By

the e1:d of 1923 the Freideutsche youth ceased to exis-(,. For tbe :;.ost part

the youth remained dispersed in sm.-iller groups throu3hout Gel":.i1a.:.1Y" So:ce

retired into private life, outside t£J:0 r;:;::,.'llcs of you!ch r.::ove:-.:8::lt acJ.;.ivi'cy;

others retained their interest in the youth r.:ove::.~::mt 2.;::d bec3.:.:e cau.,zht u:) -, ?O in the new Bundische phase of t1:e youth n:oveIll3nt i:1 t.r..e cid 1920 $ s. -

:Hearahile the remaias of the 'OTe t.J.::tr Hi:)'1C:.'3rvo~te1. r!rou.po 't.'ere exror- ~ ..... '-" - ...

iencing similar difficulties. Most of ·::'hose ·t-rho hed go;::.e c:?i' to ~;a!' nished for a return to the days vrhen thel"e 't-lere :':.0 g:~eat c...:;:;;utes a.:..1d. discussions about the pol~tical ~"'ld social prcblcffis of the day. These

groups were, as the Freideutsche had been, plo.gued -vri th tr...e p:::-oblems of

right and left wing extremist factions. Besides t:.--ying to <:;.void involv0-

ment in tr..e political problems of tho ~·:eima.:;.· Republic, they lrel"e still

r~ced lvith the problems of before; amrassion of girls groups~ ~~bership

age limits, interpretation of youth mover.lent millS and goals 0

The ~unr:;t-1andervogel an.d the A' tt·7C'1l!.dervogel had managed to preserve their existence throughout the "t'lar years. The l;·ung\J.;x:~r')r"o~:G=- hcl succeeded in remaining outside the Freidc:u,:tsche r(;Grgel" of 1913/19147 and. the

Alt't'randervoge,l, aJ.tho·..:Lgh drru-m into the rr..erger, managed ;':'0 reta:i:"l its C1ffl i:rMviduali ty l-1i t:b.in the larger move'/lent. The l':1.t,:,::mc:.e:cvo~el, t.:~der the leadership of Ernst Buske, attempted to carry out a nill~beT of rcfo:.~~s.

One of these reforms required that all those ove .." twenty yec:rs of age

2O:Laqueur, Young Germany, pp. 125-127. must leave the orga.:."lization. As a rosul·:', in 1920 tl:~::; c::"rl,,:.~ ;:~:.::~'be:.~;,:; i'oUTld-

.l.:-",~ ed their m-m organization, lr" .... v ~(ron~.<~he!." Bfu"'!/J., asa r .. z:~r fl"'~~:3'1:~~Ol"l;k fo:..~ ac t J.VJ.· ·t· J.es. 21

Caught in the grips of post -r:m-:: ::-ecGn:.:)"~ruct,ion, tl:<:l ;·~::(;5.'.~·";Uti:o;;>::; had been unable to roconcile their c-cm ideals vTit~l t.he T0<" ity of ~ost W.:.r'

'\"-; ..... -"" politics. Their middle class bOUl"gec:"s back.::;roc:.::13 :~oc;::'",d :"21 p:c~8 ~ 'II .... """

Ir.:,L:.Jrial Gm.'"lnG:nY left them unpr;:;l?D.recl :for t::-_e ::.:;lit:_c[:]. r~~·c::"8S 0:: t.:1cir d~y. For all :?~1actical pU':"'~Joses, t11e SSCOT.. :':: ::"':1::50 of ~::'!'1G y0l:.J~:1 :.1~VQ:::31'1t vIas oVer. Externally the p::>li-;:'ica:!.., 8o(;i

21rbid., pp. 127-129. CHAPTER VI

BUNDISHEt. JUGEND

The yeo.:rs 1919-1923 nero Y0[;J.·S of ·~::·a;,1sitic::1 c:Y:.a C:1,::.:.:~':;3 :'n YO·J.t:::. mOV0Ir'..ent historye Through t:10 l<::.byrilTt.h of c':.ii/-1.sions al'1d c0nfusie::~) a new spirit penncatod not only youth balongi:1g to t,1:a autO:10~~:vU.s yOUt~l

L'10V8Y1'.ent, but Dll German youth. Be they li18r,i'c3Ts of ~:Jol::.tic..:J. p.:::.:rty 01"-

ganizations, tho Ger;l1rul Boyscouts~ I'01igiou's groups p 0-: 8oc;~."l uelfe.re organizations -- all Viere in sO:T.e i:ray affected by ~ D.C\'! s:?irit td1ich gro1'1 out of the traditions of the autonomous youth L:ovement o DiJ to thi3 ti:.:.3 these organizations had for the most pa:.-t rerlained outside thG r.1.:Uns-c.rea!:l of the free youth movemento

In the Y02:rS following 1~orld v-Jar I many of these otl1or orgc.niz2.tions had been confronted liit?:-l. the sar;.e questior:s an.::. co:::cerns

Wandervogel and ;Freideutsche had. beeno They Here concerned as to ho:-1' to preserve and naintain their autonomy from adult inter0sts and centrol; uhat should be their role in poll tics a.Yld soci2.1 issues; 8J."'ld 't;t~at p!:,.rtic- ular kinds of activities would strengthen their basic princi?les ~~j concerns.

From this point on, these organiza:t.ions 'tIGre ·,,0 h::::.ve a decisive :"n- fluc:mce on the fl'"ee youth movement in its bund.i.sch\?: phase,. By thG lTi.CCJ..O of the 1920 IS cll the different types of you.th groups hM. becot:3 I:yout;!_ mover:1ent-Gonscious. II Tl:,:; impact of idc:.:.s fro~ all or: the different orgw"li- zations created a new kir.d of youth; youth :-Jho rec2l1ed very little of the 54 , . days of the Kaiserreich and the lIar, 2...'1d more of the hYPOCl"iSY .::.r..d c.:t.s- tress of the Republic.

!'1ore and more fOrT.:'er vJar~der'\ro~~:cl me:-.1be4~D lrera b3;cc~·,i..ng t,8i:.cher"s; thus inc:..irectly influer:cing Ge~"'L1a.:.·1Y I s educa~cion systo:n by o::oning it t:.p to a particuler mode of life ~.;rl.,);.:.::h you.th them8elves h2.d :"elpsd. d5.scover ..

These teachers vividly recalled their Tilar" ex?eriCnC0s, .::.::_~ ::!.s a ::es'dt c.dvocated responsibility in attitude ~_:::. e.cticn, C!:.~d cl::::.~:i.:i:.y 0:: tir.:s c.::.:c. objectives on the p~-t of the YClli~~er geneAaticn.~

Hnat emerged from all of this ':)"a5 t~1e cor::::e~:;t of Q. I:::::.i, 0:" f-::"'10';1-

... ,~ J...... ~.. ~ ,.,'; .....,~ ..... ship of youth, heir to the traditions of their J.,..I .. i;J-n'-.... J., ::~~.s~c G ~v is dif-

d "b 'h 1 2 -. . - . , f l.C· u1~ \, t 0 escrl e "C ... e b""iUnG.1.SC.l.~3 J.Chenor:3:1on o ..L ~(, 1~O~Jl~02C:':~::C. a SPCCl.L kind of collective experience, without WlY COher0Ylt davelol:::-:~8::~'::'c Its structure attached a particul.:.:.r vcl.ue to the eX'4:;2::.~ic:nccs IJhich youth G1:.- countered as m~mbers of the grou.p -- the Bund.:;;::."J8b:::.is" Tbis Btmd eXp2r- ience developad into the idea of lifelong 2.Ssociations. Rather tha.'1 just the experiences of youth, the B~~de hOp3d to exte~d it to effect their entire lifeti~2, both as youth and l~ter as ad~tso

The result was the establishr.ent of a series c: different org~Diza- tions for different age groups: the Jun.q'enschaf·~ (up to sev,mteen y~c:t's old), the Junrnnan.Ylschaft {seventeen to tvrenty-five yea:r-s) ~ .::.r:.d the }1,"':Tfl- schaft (tl'Tent.y-i'ive yeru.~s and older). Most ir':'pol""ta."1").:' of thes(; ':,·(;..S the

Junf7i1a..vrr:.schaft, vlhich attempted to co:n"!.:line the p"evious tr:,,,-ut::"on:?J. youth

l.t'J'erner Peiser, liThe Educational Failure of tl:e \·:,-,i:r~:::.:r· R0P'.1blic~ fj School ar..d Society LVIII (Saturday, October 16, 194]), 289-291.. l'~c.:~y of the former \o/<1nderv-o;csel r,~embers, nm-! teachsrs in the Gc::'~._....l'1 school systel':1, perpetuated the prevalent anti-denocratic ide2.S end. advocated strong dislike for the \'Jeimar Republic. Like-vdse, the Ger::;~::l1 ur.d.vcrsi ties of the 1920's were bastions of anti-democratic thougtt.

2See supra, Chapter I, p. 4 n.6. .JV

movement activities with an awareness of their responsibility as citizens. 3

Some of the Bunde expressed political, social, and economic pur poses; others aspired to remain free and autonomous, outside the world of adults, united only by a bond of comradeship. Like their predecessors, the B~nde continued to advocate self-education by remaining independent of all adult association and control. The Bund provided the youth with two essential aspects, "a spiritual unity among the members, an Eros; and a framework for action, . for implerenting their 'idealism of deeds. III 4 There were·a number of specific differences between the earlier youth groups and the B&dische JUA;end of the 1920lS and 1930's. Whereas the Wandervdgel and Freideutsche were more individualist oriented, the

B~~dische groups placed greater emphasis on the collective experience - the ~ itself. Group form, solidarity, and action were of more import ance than the individual. Earlier members belonged to the youth movement not because of a specific program of beliefs and purposes, but only be cause they enjoyed each other and found fulfillment in youth movement activities. In contrast, members of the BUnde retained a particular bond of unity with the group, in order to serve a particular cause.

Although the Wanderv~gel and Freideutsche had been highly critical of bourgeois society, they made little effort to change it. In contrast, the Bl;~de made a romantic yet realistic attempt to reform the bourgeois world of their daily experience. There was a greater effort to recog nize and accept the conditions of the world around them; a world filled with insecure political aspirations, social and economic instability, and

3Fritz Borinski, Deutsche Freischar, ), II (1929), p. 182.

4Mosse, Crisis !2! German Ideology, p. 272. .-I,

.. intellectual ar~d cultural stagn~tion. Th~ :'4cr,1istic ~~::'~~ituct::; of 2.::1.'~~~·)

members led therl from individup.1:i 81'.1 8.::::' self-reflection to ~1 C._J:;.:.~cn0SS

,.1 of the_ forc"_.:> .... th"',;'c;.:.v had ul,"J.·IJ IU""t"'!yu...... ~_ '~""'1.,.a.'~uJ",.O.-_ ./+"'---- ... to,.,,,--c.;"',,,,,1v""'" ,£,~ ...... ~ 5

Anothe·.. .4... ~;f+""",..ence.~ ."i..\.;;_ ... 0 boJ-r_~"'·e''''c; l.I ... ..:.;..... t.""~>_-v v~O"''''liG~ .. Y-""':'1I..)U,V..... o"J-7'~O"'~\-..."'';'; '" ~.... __ ·~d , '(.1,1""v ...... _ ;;-.....:..;;.~r-:;,'.:, ..~., was cc::.::.::osition. Although the Ua:~.c':::::I'lOr!el h2.d bOgt'.:.1 as an c~~g=:.r;izaticn

-"'I • . :'i...... " . "'t ~'" ..,,,'1 "t "'I .. , for school boys, and h act CO~·~~G:":1"l:3a. v..) g.l.O:t~iy "'C~:~ ::. ~-:~ 7:;~:'~.;:)~~}~::L~ ~. ~~ did 1~0';":' remain entirely a rWG dorninated C?gc.:;-;::;":z :...·::.:.c:::~ 2":8:"r::'c::.:'c 1 y <;;'(,:'--.:3:-1 hc::.c:: 1:;,:;cn

allowed to join. On the o~"heY' r.:::.r.d t::.::; :.~.:.:, 0:t :;:'1::,) ";~:l3 o::clusiv.:::ly male. Il4onic:>lly thoub"'h, l7l~.l.\''J o:Z ttl.:; 1.:J.:t,.):~ _.__E>·'~'~::"'3 c.'.)~:'::,,-~:'~::..~ LC ....·::~.: .. ~tG ,- ".Tov·~e.nlc.. rYTOU'T"<> b"J· t"'ey T"I1'~'7:"'a.~ ,-"'< s";r?~-,.;.p-1""~11-l· .~, ...... :. : •• , ~.',,,,. , ...... ,_ ..J.. 0 •• J.~~ ..,;,I b .1.'-"",;.1, \A."' .... 1 ~r;",:..CJt,:;.: .... _v -t:J-- ..... -i".;~ v .1:-"- 'i,J __ .4 i-> __...... ·_v ~ ,,-, .. ·,..., •• 1..10

The carefi"ea 'trandering e:':i:;3ditio::~s 2-~d 2c,ose o:"~Z~:.::-.:i.s2.·::'iv:::l st.::~~~8-

ture of Ha~:d31"Vogel 2nd Fj:',.ic~ ;u:~ch:) "UG1'8 :?.:.s-c, C::':..8:.lc::tc;:.;;::..~i~·•. ·,:. I:1 0:.:;:1- the '"===.;..;=,=;:;; . .. ,- - ... -

trast to 't'1hat preceded thEir.'!, the B':mc~3 r3preSel1ted. 2. :;,"o:-::.::.!.:tic c:"::;ce::i1:J';:' ';:'0

cope 'tn th reality. Ra.111bling t fo1!.:c singing t the reco11 ection of r.~~dieval hGToisro and ch~ vcl:J.'Y, the rO",:1a7J.tic return to n:::.tur8 -- 2..11 of t:1ese 11ere

still present in "the B·:!nde, but to a lesser Q...'1i difi'81"ent. degree.

lfhereas the ideal figure of the \';zg-;lE"XY.Q~~~; had been the i tinera.l1t scholar, un a::l2.rchist if not a democrat, the aristocratic tendencies of the Btbd3 "('Jere :reflected not. only in the exo;:-,lpla.:J:"'lJ irc.~:;e of the knight who sets himself a rile of co~duct in d81iberate contrast to that of the multitude, but also in a strict hierarchy 1Jithin the Br.r.d. 7

The Romw.'J.ticism of the Bnx:.ri~ hOO b8en sir:._ific.:::rlcly inf'1t'.ol1ced by

1·Jorld vJm-- 1. The r.::lsult W:lS a b{;edische crgcrJizatiO::l 'tihic:1. gave p:::rtic-

ular emp..lJ.asis to leadership, stl""Ucture t for.::, .:.::.:;1 discipline. Th.:;ir

.5Borinski and Hilch, JU2;cnc.b8H~,"!ung, pp. 27-29.

6r.aqueur, You..1'l':':; Germa.... W t p. 134.

7Ibid., p. lYJ.-135. ·-"oJ

attempt J.:,o gathe:::- together the finest individuals 2.!:d :.:nc~'lS th81~1 croats a unique group consciO:.lsnef.:s, gave the B1:ir:.d.e a ccrt1~n ~ .2.:':~8t,oc=-.2.:cic t exclusiveness. At t~e ;;c.;,!e tirr~:;) tt.:.>y ~Ja...'1ted to intcZ::'<:l-::'o this so:'idly constrll.C ;;'cd youth org::miz3..tion into a society which 2..£"(,13:: 1925 <:lp;?82.:ted to provide a firtll foundation~ But it lJould be trds i e1i-;;'i8t U char<:.ctcr that liOuld later prevent them from fo1lcuing 2.".:ly 0:::10 politic31 ?~:.~ty ~:d fro~ll finding their T!lay into any of the It?.SS r::ov",,::.:::::c.:;. The youth rega.rded the::lselves ~ advocates oi: 3.. t:'''V..8 -----.1.~i6J_!-:5.,;-~(!:~ '):,..~:)- Gral11; IIthey claimed that the cost inpo:r-t<:mt t.t.:sk "t;-::s to ir.cod,r::::'nute ·~'.~e

Volk in a cultural, ideological, 2..'1d activist l'·cnrolution. But t~:.:S..s could only be c.ccc~pli::::hed through -;:'he elitist. leaderd:ip 0= 3.. B~"'.:::;d <.;l'1d not r- through a mass party such as the NSDAP lErational Soci'::':ist Ce!.~~.:a1'l 1':orke1"s 1 "8 PartYJ • Since the VGl1T b3gir~dng of the Weinzr Republic there h~ existed. grouing anti-1vestcrn, ~'1ti-lib~')l*a1 ru-~ a"irlti-deD~OCl"c..tic UlT::'Cst o

The events of the early 1930 I s would serve to bri:'lg -;;'::08e -thoughts out. into the open, ar.d inculcc.:l:.e them l·rl.thin the Burc~',,;~" 9

The most significant grm::.p to emerge out of the k:l'ui~(lj_::>-::he pl-iase of

~-'- <> youth mov'::::'UGnt nistor'J was the D3utscne Freisch:\~, fo-.::nd8d in 19260 ..I.. IJ_ creation "tv-as the r-Gsult of a u::-ion bet"C'J0en the l'Ieur~f<;l :-,finc~)r, ~ r0forrc3d g~oup of Boy Soouts formed in 1920 ar:d led "':Jy H::.rti:l V001.\':8: ) ;:..~d trJ..o

A:_t';ifa.l1dervogel~ uhich had sQ.""Vived t:1e cl"ises of ~:;,ost -rIal." l"Gcons-cr1:c-::'ion.

Other smaller f.:ctions rror.l both GcZ".:1a.'1 a'1d A'J.stria.."l g:.... oups joirwd in to .. make the Dev.tsche Freischa~ the largest, of all t:1e

8l·:o:::se, Crisis of Germf41 Ideology, p. 275.

9'i'he Bund itself lias built on t:..'l authoritari<:1.'1 rath;:;r th.::...'1 c:.;;r.:ocr;::.tic principle -- the ~ihrerprinzip (le~rship p~inciple). ..//

For our purposes tere the D:;u_ts:-=~12 :~:·:'C:1.~- ~::-:,,:;~ -:~.:~.:J ~ .v.;.;; ..., S:i.:;:li::i::: .:,T~:t~

in that it s'Uccecd3d in urd. til'!J t,:18 t:'4.rJ.Ct:.:::'io~:s 0i ~.~,'-'-_.1 - eC~J:"::',.::.~ f.:..o...:..tor.c::.:,,::n:s youth moveIl'£nt 'i::ith the;; more roa2istic 2.::::Jroach of t~-~e 'P':.'~-2.~ :i~'1 doi113

SO thl9 Fr;.=)isc~l:l!" came to r\:presen¥z" "(,~v r.:ost ir~~Jc:~tc.-~':.t, r.:t,ter-:·)~::' .::J :"~:l1:'::e ';;";;;";';=;;;";==.::.. ... ~

w.d consolidato the ideology of tr.:.e yout:'l. r.:o\/e:,:~r:.t~

The Fraisc}:1:~~!.." o11galuzatiO:1 consistod of al:·:):~O:d..l:lo.toly .!cC:"vl,,\lC ~Cll:.:;-c..9- and roc::lbers 11 t!l.ree fourths of -:;'hcrl 't;~:.:\) U~c..3:''' ~i'::1':~8e:1 y0Cul~~ 0:: ':'2>3 0 Of

r ~"-;sv...... r;/':'te"'n"""~ ...... ·-"'''''c~.,..,t.1...... -- ...... iI. ....,... " ...... o,~'" \.:;;; "Y'-""1"'r::1.1 ...... - .... - ""0 lO ,,;..'-, ... ;.;) 'J~''''",_,--"",,-, "'-:-."'.''11o,.J __ ~_.. +l_c,\.I...... ,"'''',,''='_ .... ~...;~ ·;'.'·-,>,.'>I·j'-" ____ ...... ,.....,;. l'··"'(lt ... _v -.Jvu'''''P Io.ot.V_

.':' movement hi st.ory , the m::...jol"ity of i~cs 1'0:20\70:':'8 ::'0:''''8 ~.. '''''' Y:i:.C:.:::J...~ clQS

P~otest~~t origin. Novert,heless ':cl1o ir..~::;I~~8C: i;::~~1::.. :,,;:::c0 ci~ o<.:::.:;? c:lr2s and ethnic groups provid.~d a gl·02.te:." degre':) of C.\lOI'.;;;it,y :s:::or~.:; you':':'h move~nt rar~{s than ever before.

Led by Er11st Buske t the Fr~~;j.sc?:ior exeniJ)lifiod a ::::0::·0 r:::clisF~ic ~P-

Tn :~ ""y~,~~?9~ ,...~::a +"1 ..... ,.;) i::l'\,....,,~.,; ~:::.",1"\~~~ r:"~~""IA p~o~ch to the self-education of ycuth~ _ t\...,1.",.... \;;t;;.._.;,:;) \..I..:.. \o1 ... .l.\J •. .t.. " ... __ C'-v ,.,J",v,.j;,-,;_,-, phase, the movc:::ent had been plague;;d't;;ith ido ...·listic :cc'::":'"'1tic 0;:083;:;;;;;S» oxe;;Y;lplified by the 'wInte knight ~ cil.'6le .11 }!:;:.l':.:r ct thoi::.'" icos:3 'tJc::..... O :::'0- flected in the attitudes and practices of t?::.<:: Gc;.~::r:.a~'l r:.:ic::.:lo class~ ul:ich rejected the de;;::locracy of th3 'VTeinc:.:..'" Ropublic.

In contrast to this Buske ll:!bued the;; F"~Gis·::;h['.~.· '\;1.';:;11 .:::. p:.-.::.::;tic:li ty

that involved youth in various concrete;; efforts to':lc'.rd refor:;: of '..:.h3

German Reich. Buske declared that lithe Bt'lJ.'1d l"eflected the;; eS3el':CO o~ 12 the Volk: ~ spiritu:ll comraunity ce:-':8nted by a CO::.,::·,:::;,n GSist"ll Buske is

l" ...... lOM'ore.L.L d,"t"'~..... ~*"- 1 ad st"'t;s~'';"'" ..II.. v":" Ct:'~ c"'n~ b'"v fo·,·,,·4...... !. ... \",.Ij. ..;...... ~ ~.II. ".~~."V_I,,,, y'v_v ",,--+.11 ...... VV'o.Jl Y·"' ...... ·"'n...-.i.v ...· p-Jricclical D::mt,::;che;; Frei8~hm"', 59 1929 ..

llUnder the influence of :l~t,in Voe;;lkel, t,he iU:1itu Knight' circle glorified medievoJ. knig~thood w.d 2..dvocated a da.l1gerous divor.:;e fl~O::.l reality. See Kindt, Grundsc}rnfte17., 'pp. 368-373_

12'10~' sse, C:::'1S~s .. 2-f Genl1an .,..,.!.Cieo 1 o!ry, p. zr"( .;~ '--J

:, {-1,,,, 7,·t'''7,'-''''''<'';·.'· sudden d",~''-1,..,...... ~l,...lL .J... n... ,__ 9"·0 ~ 't,~~,,,,,o;,v ~". 5r-jre~,t to:;:. loc.".QIIJ to ILIl ... _ yO"'~'hU.Volo ...... :..) " _ ... _...,. ... _v~ ~'1'1_ .... ''-'''''''Y~~I.,,'-J.. ... _~ 0'<>J.

future leadership a3 'tJell ~ tD0 r:::.ove:.:.3nt uS f'uJ.:,:.::~ C::l..':;''::::.:::;e.

Throu;q:"out the :lCa:~S 1926-:'$'3)" ·Gb.~ ~7;~C::'BC~.\. ,;':' C2..:;:~~ic2 C'~_H:' ~ ~Tlc~:; ...... -""""--- .. ~-~-'-

variety of ~ctivities. Under i -::,s vaJ..~ot-;.c lead.ol~s -- El::.~:cG, I-:~_~13 DC~=':'31 ~

Helmuth Kitto:. end Georr!c'-J Gotsch -- tha __Fr,,:i::);~:.·::,~~_ ::'r~i-'.:,i.:;.;G(;c. t:~,) co;;:,in-......

nings of a nu...ll'ber of influenti22. cu1J~;c.:.::·:.l <:.:.r.:i i::.':'::;;l:::":::;c-c:;;:.cl (;::.::':::2::V01'C"

Un."-"wIr'-"'r th'"..___ lA~";'ershi· ~ p of G'-..... ,.),.<"'-v\.::...... , r,,·,'"·~·r'··'""VV~V--:;t .,~.•.. __ ...... ,' __..... '-- _____,.' ... ._,-,-: ...... __ oJ (Oder)

.... , .... , Hus:i.:zl1::im uas establis:;'od in :::"929 "'--' L:.'1 e::~~'o:,:<:, ~;':':; ~. __ .~:G t,:~J ~~c::.; C\.:~::.::7:~.. ~t of

~ •• "" ',4 -', k.,," youth r.1overr.;:mt E31nOerS acces8ib::'o t,:) ",_'J ...... E".:::.d dii~.::··.]:.:·o:.·,;:~ c=-~(/ ... ·~:;s U-'- :::::o::;le"

La"cer of it,s C~J"~l accoy"d tlr:.a I:r.. :3t::'i~~ute bscavc3 a sigrd.fic .... ~~_·::, (:.c:.:·~::~ibut.. ic:.1

to Germ.an Y;':J.sic::::l a.chiovorr..3r~to

.A.nether ~ccc:l'olish:::~~1t 'tl11ic11 1Jtl-S ~::~0t::.:;:'1,y i:~!:~8r~(:;cC: by, ~·~·,,::::'L8:::~::' :,"-':"iI ...... ;; .. £

leadm:"s was the Bo'tel"h,ms. As a cer!·t0i~ Z,~r ~clt ccl~..:~c~t/ion i ts P'"l:.:..~I:;os0

:~;'"',..,~ was to bring the olC':::::r n:;:'::'1oers of the ~~~--B GT'OU:-:;8 in contc.c-c "Cdth the

• ~ 1':1 youn:;e:" youth, th::.'ough a prescribed COUl"ZG cm... r:::..Ct:L:.. ..tll"fl" .J

Perha.ps of even greater sigr'.ific~:nce '';;las tho F:'25_sc~:;:r' efforts t.o

establish labor ca:nps. Tho...... ;00'"_ """'" 0'':'"'"' ~'''<~;\·,..}-<>jt"'l,)r·""'l"l'-' ~.)_,.. '-~) ... ( ~\:;.;__ ,~ ... _ {l~,C~"",_(,.,0;. v_ QIIo..... (~e'CV:\c'-' ... _ \;; C-'''nr.-)1.._..... v..;J

h~ originated in the days of t~ ea=ly Tf!:3.nc~8rv·o,o:ol~ ~~S 2.l:1 ou:'c.grc:-;th of

the G?os8f~hrten. After a long journz:y, frequont:.y to a L .. :'ghboril':':;

countrJ, the youth 't'1Ould se·~tle in one spot fo ...." a clu.::-;:::i;.ion of 't:!.l!:3 .. HGre

J .. 1..-.~ they would partake 01 SC:ilS form of ou·cd.co:.~ ~_c..b~l'" such c.s V ...... '- CO:'1str-llction

of La:r.dheim, 't;'hich "'Jere rural haven:::; ';.:...,o1"'e youth could escape f:::."om parents

and city life. T:1ese ca.'l1pS 1ike:dso ~:::'4oviC:ed exi:.e ..;.d;:,.d. CPfVlrtu:ut.iG..J for

le<:.Ci.ership trcining end recreatior:o.l activities.

13r,aqueur, Young permany, p. 146 .. The youth labor camps established in the years 1925-1933 were a

significant part of Freischar endeavors. Not only did they serve to pro- mote understanding among fellow German youth; they also sought to create a kind of international solidarity with youth of all countries. In the same manner they provided the experience of living in an ideal community .14

The camps provided the opportunity for between sixty and a hundred men to work and live together for a number of weeks at a time. Much of the time was spent in manual labor; the rest of the time men partiCipated in various educational activities, music and theatrical endeavors, and discus sions on a wide variety of topics.15

After the severe economic crisis of 1929 the labor camps took on greater importance. They provided the youth movemnt with an avenue through which one could better understand the plight of individuals in all classes of society. Up to this point the autonomous youth movement had never made ~ concerted efforts to overcome class barriers and antagon isms. The Bunde became the first to take positive steps toward enhanCing class unity. In the end the Freischar helped bridge the gap between classes by providing "an effective means whereby the ~ could break out of the middle-class isolation that had narrowly circumscribed the activi ties of the youth movement until that time. 1116 In the realm of politics the Freischar were significantly affected by the thoughts and writings of a number of contemporary adult thinkers.

l4tater these labor-service camps became coordinated in the Third Reich under the Nazi Compulsory Labor Service program (Arbeitsdienst).

l.5r.aqueur, Yo:upg Germany, p. 146.

l~bid., p. 147. ~

Among these there were Hans Freyer and Eugen Rosenstock-Hussy, both of -- - whom advocated right wing ideas; liberals like Arnold Bergstrasserj Socialists like Fritz Borinski, and the later post liberal views of E. W. Eschmann and the Tat circle.17 Freischar leaders realized the necessity of taking a stand amidst the political chaos of the Weimar Republic. They were plagued with the same question as before: to what extent should the youth movement become involved in the perplexities of the present situation? The Freischar felt that the Weimar Republic held no particular attraction for youth. There was no real opportunity for the self-education of youth in the way the present system operated. They felt themselves continually pressured by the political aspirations of their day. Yet the Freischar continued to believe that the necessary changes could be made from within. As a result they participated in the 1il~dische initiative of 1930 which attempted to establish a strong centre party. The Staatspartei failed and along with it the aspirations of BUnde sup- porters for key parliamentary positions from which they could have initiated change.

The Freischar saw no hope for the centre parties, and regarded the politics of both the left wing Communists and right wing National Social- ists as unacceptable: What they did not like about Communism was its lack of culture, its narrow sectarianism, its inability to give a lead to the middle classes which had been impov erished no less than the proletariat by the economic crisis; and lastly its failure to understand that the '. socialism of a defeated people could only be nationalist in its form. On the other hand, what the Freischar disliked in National Socialism was its lack of clear

l7See Deutsche Freischar, 9, 1929, p. 14. '-'.-/"' ...

ideas in the scci.:ll and ocono::.:':'c field, t.s ·(7011 :"cc:; ::c::: foreig11 polltic.:U [:rlVG11t,~.lriGr.lo ~·;.cil'2: c:.l~p~~c:":~·~il::: ·t::o groat ideclism a~d elw1 to b3 fOr.1i:d i!1 t::c rCJ::::'cc c:? the Hi<:.le:;.'" :Jarty, lJl1ich 17<::'S cGsontially a nr::,vJ'·.:J~1"::' ~'cr c. GG~::'~ Tantissav:.C:G t 1 t118 F-.r8:ln1JC~i(},~'" ~;0r3 cl~oc~':0C:

.'.v 0 di~ I.J'''COV'''''' \...iiJ. ·I-he"" _ \...l.!..-'l~ scr""p"~'cy,\..0 1o...... J. ~,.,t~::::::;;t1~IA./_ ~'J"""' __ J...... two..., ",~-"~...,."." '-'_ v_"',--, .. l-"h v~_ 0·"_ fci th in this r::.ovcr::ent ar..d its in·;;'eil.:;ctual eo;ui -:J .. :.~':::1:(,: - ~ '8 IA g-i_~J, ,-,"'t 4n,:",,,.10..,, t1'1e cloJ"~",sl./ll\J 01." ~ bo~r~ (.,:;IvC'-';n':J ...... , {-oV· ccn·"~.1. ","""olio ~"",",J".!: 'H~·~";.J_\,.,.;_.v ~ ...... :.

SoIr'~ r:..oItbSl"S ~rGGd a":, 18251:, in ~')::":,,,'it, ~:-Jit.:! 80:::3 o! t,l:e icbas of the ext.rcmiEt groups. ll.:ost ~18Z"e :':":1. f:::..vc'2' 01 ~c~ ~,J fC·::"f~ of soc;i~"'2- ieill) given t~e ccono~c situation in 19300 othC~"D SC:j' ::!~~(:.:"c:~::;J,.is~.'] <:r.. C: socidism as one in the sarr.e 0 Il:l g~r::.:':~cl tho 7:·,~~,~~,-~·, ~:~J~,,~~~ :~.. ,:;:.~v C::;11~):.t t..,

'T'r,""'y .,..TC"''''' C""'·7h.l- ~ "'I "i C'", -:",!,.~." "'''l pl,,-j C'l +'~"'·r .~ Y'>~ c.nd ide:!. to idaa...... l_ \101' J...... ~ ...... ~ ..... v __ "*' c:.. ~-I.vlJ.,-",V""'UJ...... J ....._... V-"''-'cI co",·-1~~ .lJ:.. ... _ no ""'layout of ~

Thc:i.... c "'10re geriuine polit:::.ccl clis.:;:;:;r()er.:~~·~·cs I:;~yi ,L L:d n12...Yly of th3!':1 to purs'U.e too forlorn : .. O:f3 0:: i.'ir.:r.::.ing SOY23 synthesis bct~;·oen Co:m:,:"JJ.""lisr.'l. ru:d Ns:.tioncl Socicl

ismQ They agreod 'Hi t:a Hitler I s r~cfJ. nationcliG~,~~ t.hough not with his 8:ilti-BolG1::.evis~1; tl:ey uO:"O crd"~-G vrilling to join in the Cor.zIwlist. aVc.oSJ:!l: on bourgeoia society t bu·;:' not to accept t?lG theo~y o~ Em"'::ism... Len.lf ~:.ism.19

By 1932 the situation hcl :::;-::'oc.d.ily d~torlo::"J;::'sd. to -;:'i.:'3 F:,int d:.. :cc it s8er~d the.t only SO~3 ej'.:tl"e~.::.3 solution could l':.::ic3 CC:<>,:2:::::'Y o'.:..t of :2."':G c::actic state. Un0m?loYii:~mt UClS Gxorbitc.::t, prc::':uct,i::':::l r.:.tos ::::::.:1. c.cc:'0:::;:..:;d rapidly t a.nd the lT2r~::b2:rGlup in rig~1.t r.:.~d left.. 'tj'ir.: 0:~~::'1~8:~St 2irv:;~:tl'l c:'VZ ... 2.~-

-; " ~. -: __!J, , 1 '-"""-Q.1."":,:"!~ r.~';~ ...... ,;.. ~' .. ~*l.... ~ .r:'t"";i""\,,-,",..t. z~tions inc~o~cd d:~astic211yo point:,od to \;--- IJO~~~l.C::~ .J..._v.... .:..vQ

The yout.h of the no.tiol1. l;e1"6 forced into il"..e !.:?o.i~~st:teG.."l: v::: :::xrty politics.

__~.;,> wt 18D.:mtsch;) fJ:.opischsr, 5, 1931 P:),. ff., .1.;.-, '\'J.:)~ 12l!, 2~ 1931~ .1.- cit.:;d inL~ueur, You.."')'~ Germr.tnv, p. :1:-.50.

l%&queur, YOlL"1lS. Ger:.2..!1Yt p .. 180. ...,.,.

In March, 1933 the Freischar announced its intention to join the

Hitler movement. The reality of Hitler and the lack of any firm political convictions on their part made them appear willing to cooperate with National Socialism, though at the time they were forced to disband they were still an autonomous group. The Freischar. as did millions of other Germans, climbed on a bandwagon that promised a new beginning. An interesting figure whose character had a strong impact on the

• ~ was Eberhard Kobel, known as 'Tusk.' As a Wandervogel member in

his younger years, Tusk joined the Freischar and in 1928 became a region- al leader. He was a man full of arabi tion and ideas. His dynamic, yet inconsistent attitude combined the unreal with the practical. His non conformist opposition to society made his ideas appear ambiguous. In the years he served as editor of a number of Freischar magazines, he succeed.-

ed in Significantly reVitalizing the youth movement press. Many of his ideas, based on a kind of emotionalism and moral relativism, were far from the normal experiences of middle class youth. In 1929, disillusioned b.1 his inability to advance in the ranks of Freischar leadership, due to the dominant role of Ernst Buske, Tusk founded a small group within the Freischar. The group called themselves the' D.J. 1. 11. (Deutscher Jungenschraft of Nov. 1st.) After Buske's death in 1930 Tusk ran into problems with the new Freischar leadership and thus broke from the organization. He continued to edit one of the youth movement magazines, Das Lagerfeuer, but for all practical purposes his parti 20 cipation in the youth movement was over.

2~iographiCal information on Tusk can be found in Dar Graue Reiter (December 1955), and Das Lagerfeuer (August 1958); his O\m recollections of the years 1929-1933 are found in Der Eisbrecher, 1933, passim. All cited in Laqueur, Young Germany, p. 172. o~ (t) ()

...o 0'<1 p.~ t" ~ P ,l t-! o :::S (,1 I.. • :g •

o ~s C"Q ,3P i C \...... -,...,,...., Socic.l Democra:cic youth, the Young SccieJ.is'cs 2..!l:' c~<~·:::.3:!"~ 1·z.:fti3t g:::.~-:.',- .~) 1.,.--:- party o~ga:1iza.tions ~;rere engulfed i:1. t.tl:) Ci.S~)t::C8S 070.:C' cl8.S8 c:o:'!f:l:"c·cs)

Goc::":::liS!l1 versus ca.pitalism, d0r.1;) c racy ~ ar..d ·:-'l:-..:ir l~ole in a. l'lCl.'Ci;:':1.::l proZ:':'2.:."1::.:e.

it1!-",j.lc many of these ar..d o"::'110j,," si:':Ailo..r C·l... 6t::1.iZ8.. ..~::0:1S 173:rO ::~~ti ~Jely

,~..,.~~",""~,,,~,,,,,- ~,-~ ~ '."'~'\'-II~ "'>v .'-.... .,....:. .. \.10 dra:m into t:1e political mainstlocc':Tl, I.,.~~.""",. '-" ~;er0 8C::.:3 ~r0":""ClJ. ~- '-1:.A.1.... ~

""" .~, enc.G:J.7ored, fO,!;J C:1e reMon o:.~ ~~vtl;"31~ ~ to ~.31~:2i:'l ...... ,.:j ~r::J..C:1 ~..o::;"''"' ~:,)SS~"b18 Olj.;:'-

y;.... ":"> side of politics o So:x.e of theca c~g~.iz~"ci~:..''1s 'C";01~0 ..~~~~:; I::~c.2i;:.;cl~'J.~~.·~" v~ ..'_

n._,.." •. "'1""-1 u,T"l"''Y'e'''C'c'l~f''+ I.. .t .. "". ~ J.~,"-) 1. C'...... -. 'J, J-he'" Jungentrucht , th'"... C \,,;.~,,~ ..... ~, ~.~ Cr''';-'''',)V.l...,(';.,JJ, ~ ... _ \J"'O're,,,.? .... __ v... +'rv___ .. r:.,'-'-'_ .. ~ ...... ~,,:, '"--" ...,

Boy Scout organiz<:.tiC:1S.

'l1.1eSe lat.tel· orgD-vUz~tic:1S -- t::G I::;r!.t,s·::,:~_...... ;; ~J.f~.

!\I(rt:~-.'I)c~~,]::er --- had a significant iD:p~ct, on th3 Jro"J..t:l ~~:O\/G:i:2)n:.:. L~c.:."i:':J i"::':;

"...... 'h b.u."1QJ..scn~ p.~ase .. Like the other org.:;;.ruz,::,ticns ~.::)ntio:13d? t.::.cy l:c:.~e c.:.~.:::-r_1 into tLe cn2.0s L:.1d cO!lfusiol1 of the inte? ".;Jar yec..:::.."'s ~ I:n 192'~ ~ :;:"\:i:1::'.J cf l~efc:'''wlners broke ~-1::1y and fOTiced tt...31.r C-:'1l1 ol"g~...:.us:::t,iol'~, ~cr-~':; };lc~~f;:,"c~f:l.~j2f:, led by Hartin Voelkel. At the c"mter of this o:.~gc..;.1iz~:::tiOl1 u.s.:;; ";:'1-'.:3 ic.ca of the Bund. Consequently the org2.r"uzaticn too:>: O~'1 ::~~':J i'c:;;':.L1o style? ~:d

T'7'::'-", v"'""",r ~v"O"·{-l.·Vl."t.!,"s· .J,. __ , t.::..J....L!'\" or."T.~~:u·""hVIi_ ~J. .. \i ...;;;J._ '-'4,iJ ~....f.<;0';,':1.,.,.. .. ___ ~ '.-,.vv +~"I'~"1-v ...~v c·<·- t'-·">o.1..- t::..:..~~Y~'l:'~""'::'

A:10t..~er glooup of org~1iza.tic~1S th2.t "(}erG ai'fec'::ed in t1:e S":::.18 i.::::'.2"::;"';:'~

'Dl'~"'r'l-jsc1..o ""f.IT''''' ~ •... ,... -:> '0","1'; ,. •.;..,.,,,,,, o'~':,'",,,,·,;,~, -:,+A ,~.1r"~ ;)''''o+·'~- by the . '_J..!i..I.-!.. .!! ... ,..., fo"""".L"''&' 0...10..."""'d ....."",;j.""" \.0"''-'...... th"..-0.,;;;; """"...:.;....J..G .... I.J ...... v .... b_.....-;,.w ...... w ..... 'J.:.._U -- ... J.. v~u

'" :, '!"..:l",,,,,,,,~.--,,>";t 1=1:,;"c'1", {- 'nc.· ",.", c-"-}""Yl~ '7 ,.,.'--~ c;-· '" ta..l1t, Ca-c.~olic, ar:d J€:'iJishQ Ai::) ,.L..&. ..~~ ...... J.,"","","V"~ J,..)rJ,..;;.. .." ••\..J -- '" _>.;;i:;;;;C _bl",;..,.J,~"""-.. 'vo_ ",,_oJ

't-rere stronge:.:- and in sozr.e cases h"Sgm." thc.:,: m.a.'1Y of e.u:co:~O:T.OUs or feli tic~ party youth groups.

The Church in general fc1.L'1d. disfavor uith tl:<: 1:Jeitl2.r R..::~:/c.bl:!.c. 'i-':~ith the onslaught of National Soci... .lism r:.:::.ny g;rou~:3~ cS~'::;3cicJ.ly f::'1 CJl t:~e

Protestant Church organizations, ad.voc::.t3d cC..J;s:,:,'o.tion 1>Jit:1 rIitler" C~th- olic groups attempted to remtin indiffGr8nt, unsu..."'e of the l'Jei:;u~ Rop:l.tlic -,

and i ts democ~~cy 2.!l,d. yGt un,:,rillir:Z -'co ·~ot,~lly ::rJ..~)~::)~~.!c, t11:: .r~-~-ti-C.8:·, ,: .. 0:r·~'·~ic position of the l~atio:1a1 Socialists", ':;:':... ,~ J GW~:":~:: y01.:~C!l ::'c.~V~~·.:3l':.-::, cc'::1.3is·ccd

,., ...... "" of a widG variety of groQPs o:..ntr:C·~,_0:: J('/~.JSt Libz:"'~ls~ ZiC!"-iS·C,8 9 t:. ... _"'-

F~:~eethirJcers -- cll 0: ",:c::1iC:1 i:el"e cli:,:"oc-~l:l irJ.Zlu.8:'~lced bzr -tho cha:~~:crc,c:;,"

Il·;.>-I-"" ... C'''' ,,-. Q" .. ,', ,,1 and. st:rle of the Bv:nd:3o .. _ .... ,,____ '933_ , J~}-,n...... v ..,.-,C'+-,.~.... ',....,u v":,,.l. c'-':'v_ o"v~..... ,:;) l.J. l"!l-'~-':;,,'-.. l.J..:...'I... ~'- ....'-:..J.. ~VV_~- ism for.::.~d huge nu.:-c.bers of r.:..3!.li:;;.:"s t~ or:.d..g:..'.:.te"

.1"1...".v_ .. _ "''he>_ • .1.", largoC'+~ V e..""d.. """~s+4' .. ...) ..., J."n~-'-"~O"S .. w._... "",,' O-··'·7~1"'l;"'''t.:,o·.,s... 6...;J__ .uc:..- _..... 0'·'.... th-:._"-',~ r:.·:.~r~." -"'''.,,,,,,L ...... ___

~ar~~lit~ o~g~1iz~tion8v Tb.8~l '1~·0::"4e liT11 i::~ t!1e ~J.l~~Onc~::JUS yOU"t!1 rl::lJ8~

!J..z:rc gl-~OUD3 i:~ t,ilat tl~J.eir =Or~~l arlCl s"cruct",U:'"Ja 't:e:I()G cr.:.2.:.'Qc~ct:.::.~~:'e-~ic 01 r:":"J.2,"",

t;:::.."Y society. The rrlore im?Ortarl":'- gl--Ol:l'JS l?3:'A e t118 Jt:~"::f~:~-), C.21 c::-:;~,:~e~~:3 l~ie:1"t,

In;'1g g:c1oup, and tcLte Ob,3:r]_~J.1C~~ 0.. IC)rl'ter J;:~8i.cOl~r~S c,:'\Jg=~z2:~iorlo 'i'hey,

,:,1", •. ....,. • ....,..- 1.;..... l"'e \.,. all_ .... -!'''ev.o.. o ..v·},,"' ... -."...... u,"" Y"-"""'e...... J. C'-'1,,,,1,,,,-c:..~O,/..i.1J u")~ ~.... .'-~~.."V.I.__ J....l..t.--,J..~j J' o-?__ _'Ow,""" ___ "'~n.... -,-~ 22

r,'!,.. =... "/",,,,::"'r' J:J.'-'-"J"f.~t"'i'U' of -:"~'e'v...... B,i"~,~c...._.,.,."u.v O~""~~"'!,.!';}·""":"~J.··'-:"I""~~.,1.bOW'J..!....;., ...... v v.l.';'..,.; ..t-\,t~_...... ;r-:=:-.r\ ...... \.A. "'''0lJ _...I-'?,I"olj__ VI,...... ~ ~t':·~...:.rl~li_"-v;....;...v .. v.J..,,~,..,-;. _\"r:'~v • ....., _u~

cours~ that lay sor:12:~'Jl1e:'--'G wt;~;'Je0n CO~:-,I;:

Jcheir se~ch the Bmlde fell lli~dol11 t11G il1.~tlu.er:ce ci~ :::.::~"! 1:~w~::2 !":~Gl:.:.:" V~1

./ . , V.i. __ {-"h·" J~' ~ ~~.. t, den Bruck, E~-;.st Niekisch~ E:..... ~~st Jll.."1.g8:- 1 c..n:~ ci~cle}) C.. gl"'Gt~~~ of

po1itic.:ll journclists :)":10 eit.he:· nero 01" had b:;en i~1V01\;cd in you':':':: :'.~:;ve-

IT~n"(, activities.

}1ost of these r':3n 'tJera r..:'l7- le2..s~c, i::1 ~~::.~t U":~lCC::.t8S 0:: tl:. _ l'1~tic,,"~2:..l

Bolshevist school of thought. Hc:.r..y of t):1cir- id.J2.S "C-JC~"O c.cVGlopod 'Gk··,)U..s~i

o "":1'"v ... 'V various C1ub-divi"'ionau ,;;;J. U of tb.._ ~~B'~:;"'~ ,...v ..... o~_C.J'--0·~·t'l·i I?" .(}_ on",_.... oJ -t,::3 £?~"!:::~tlir-,~:~,~'" ] .. -

isten, led by H:--.i'lS EbGling, tho At'r.·'c~:"nc~1 cil~(;10, ~.:,ho r",::'"l'1)I)": ~ ~.c'J.7.'()v(')ll'.-

" ',-;"._ O'1';Y'~~('.~ ,.;..._v ...... N!:>tJ.· c.; .. ~ 0"'.""';J.':'~.J...w ",t"'Y1 \:>J._, led i-WT""J K~''''.~...... p~"'t""1~ ...... ,. G:..;."'ld tte Bu',-y:li~3che Reichssch,: '::::'.

22 ~., pp. 160-166. .... oc?-'t f..J p.

(,t) o o ! 'e U I

() c+ <:. ,,I - o (, 1-' l.~

'j C· !.- (~

,,:- - ,J o P,J I:" p. 1-:' c~ ,-(',- ",. ,." I' . " (I) d .'e (;• i ,i" - r' <+ .-' "t1 .', " t" I' -/

Indoed thes8 arr~i-bou:":~G-:;ois YOU~~:l C£~ b'Jtl:''-'~eC:::'G ol~iein hci tr18 S&",:3 goal 2rS t:~8i:..~ I)::··~ .. ,'::8:;88Cv:'\:: to tral1Scend. their OriGil~S th~Ctlg11 a ~ Spil~:'''~'':..~'~ ::~v ~.:c~~. tiono I The d.efeat in lio.r 2.L:!. "1:.:.:;;: ::'i.:i'i'ic"...'.l'::'i()s of: '::'}:.8 1';eil11..al~ Republic r.~:Jrely hGi[:;:.:~~y~sd ~~;11ic (21.:2:3<:, ~cl G:~"'{lG

....'" ,'-t.I 0...., s'n"'Y",-"'r~':v fc'"'usv <"'o~·~~·~"..:lv ~J~.:....L +b"-v ...... 1-,""; ~_~_ l ..li'; ,.~". .. ..::> 0':".... \;." ...... ,~ _._ "·"T .... society./:.'Y

De"'piteu their_... ~,.."...... V ov",,·~J·i.;:. v 1:'~~oli''-'\ ,-,_\J~ ,··~'i ",·V"lV·...... L v_ w~ ...... ,'O. _J._ ..·t. ~ +-r.v ___ ~.:.::.::...;.:.:...... F\:::,:;-:. .... _ C_..J ')"'"~ __ .. ~,. "- to charJ.ge rather th~'1 escc-ps f·ro~tl scoie-:'y r.:t.a:b -(,11'::::1 c"'-ist,inct i:.: yO~·C,:1 rroOVE;n'..ent history.

. .. ~; • ..e,,.... MO'\"/"i T'e ,1 ,'''''f ~~osset C___ Sl,S .sf C"' __ .... JA ~~, p. 278. ~J g. o o I" !-I m o, . 1-" ,> o 01 l:I ....(i> ~ n o (I) p." (I) (') g. o :1 t..J. () (() o IJ· () PI c+' f" ~ft ~ 1../' cl' q t,r, t·•

.I tJl

t..:~ o f·~ ( :. ,I' '

o I'. N n o o I' I';; Co • j. , • 1,) (> I' } fj ,. , ( 'i . ' .,o ' l.; (J .I fl· I, {:. t: U1 { :. \" e (.\ "-, , . ,~. '" I • I' '.' I I 1-' I, ! . ( , (, ,~ r-;; r·;· c' , p 1-': (., toO <.~ W· .. j t '. .. f: I. , ' " °i I·'. L; r l (.!...

,=..-' -:-",,!.-,+..o:, r-:" N'::':vional SCCisliSr:l '72.8 a dic;hotc:,:c~:s u...Lv~''''''''''''.J,.V ... ':' p ~.~ tl~:Js:J 3/"0::"\:' ... 1(1

.,... "... ~ . On on2; hand its att:raction vff:::;:"oc.. lA2.S~:'':::.3:'C::'i.:!.~~/ 'I ~.. ::;~~i 'ri~cy 9 c:r:.3. 221 0-;:·, portun-' ty to labor ,·ri th fello~q- COL'Jrcil.B;:; irl b'..;C:..!.cir.,: -::':::'0 ::'8~l C;:;::·;;:;;:.y,. ():J.

~tl.,:,··· '''rrl ir.:'v·o",v~ J.'~ :~,'~'" ;·i"l·;"c· . t V" y~ the U ...... ,,_ i-"'v le'?+..... v c""u·l..iness.1.1 ...... V ...... u ... u ...... _.1..\.1".l-y. \...... v.. , :-".:..:..:..:..:.:...... <.,.,~:. '-, ;;.:.:;:.:~_..... C'"_.~-- ....

.,- .,...... ,·t-l-·t i.>J.. 'Que ..1_) U

.:.. " ...... !; .... r._.3mb31"t l~bS:d. '~~':1~,,-, Cils~-._ .. ~ _ J..=-L·~,J ,A. ycc;.G ----Bu.t~d.3 c?escl.... V.-!.~ : 'l'113r~ \12..8 a tOl~c~nli:I::-~ p.<::'::~":':':.8 :':1 llC.'1102'l of ·~ ... ~:.2 ~·'..-,·,.T

govcrrm:3n:c: .'Gl:e Bth~gc:c· L'J~3 s~.:.o~c~·cir-,.(; :}=cil }r:'L·~·,=L~;::" 0 c l"~<~.~~ it no"c, ras c..ut/Y "c,o tc l'~:::.r·c:~i.rlg in t.:10SG ccl~~:.:'::~[3 :c~,,-~::.:~· t.h~l"'.t standi11g aloof? I~c fGlt ~lr::k.. :::' li!{2; ~ t.:J '::7.it;:;1

his o:·rn p30ple 0 His C'~':ril 3t~~~::.'~. :!,~ aJ..i.la-;/"C tcllC2C: £~-G'::~<':' ~81--v:.ce, ~d sO::"..::t::~T,..s8 c.bou<.:. s~c:t~t:.gGlo; t11:":Y'" <:_~!.:J\:j C;:l::~ 301clicrs t songs; ·i:n:r~ 1·i'c.8:::~':: Cid i'G r'

\1e:.... e natio~_~st -- th'8Y ~r5:c11 .JCh8i:~ r:l~~r i.~~cg~j,~,:,s J. [;(.. ••: ... - o:,.... ous pt:.r::...i.es cr.d nlli::31,<\JCUS b:il.~es; l~s cor.tl.~:;;\~:s ·G~l::.~C;~~~

Se~~CC Q Of course i':(, 1'T~S n:ucl1 ha:cdel" to ~~3rgo J~!~ti::l_ ing in t:18 ,:OOd:3 tna:"l to 1x~ received iiJith L(;;C::"L.~:.::;cion

-'"~"1 t;"e..... ~+"~C\""t"" \I~ ____ .;;;) !I 2

~T ... 1 c ...., .. " *' + n " , ...,,} f .... """,,, .. l\aX,J.ona...:... ,-,oc~a!..~sn! nn.a. grc·;cf~~ l.n p::.. :~:~ -.I ~'r)o::a ·C[~~ J..a.Ce!1\:' 1::.~~ ::~~~C'.':?

"'_"'"loW..) eler.:sn'(.;:; of pre-';Jar duysg Though the ~ .... ove~".~!lt 11~ S:1.sT~d r':2.l13l' of '0,1 ...... _ .<,- ..,;':"J...~

ideas of the volki,scl1 position, it foiled "CO C8~1~lop :.: siri:il~ ~c._ ~,:"o:;::l

of its Ct·Tl.1. In this se:nse t then, it could ha:,:"dly b~ c2l10c: D.. i y:::·GCu:..~30:::·1

of Natio:131 Sc;::ialis:::c!w Af+e"'"'OJ J,. 19':13...I "'·'·~""'Y·.i. ... '-_ ... , •"~<:'''~'~'''~'r'-' __ .. , ...... ¥ Ii.:) 0''''..Ii.. J.l" ..•.... __ ,.,. ;;.~"~'·"{'.r'", Jv...:..·~~";''' ...... '-"'-... r' .qt,.,~ll,..;;;.. .",

Naticnal Socialists Party, thc-..::.gh so;:-~ g:.',y;:.yS c;;:'t(:.;r'~:7::'ed t.o c:::.:cry 0:1. 'G:heir

autonc::.:0US existei.1Ce a. little loq;(;:.,"'.

'1"-P' ,.~"~ A few of t~e ideas ai~ practices of tile l' :," ~.-.C ..:, /.g.0:c:1: .2:..:l F~u.~'·" ~'Ii\",,;_ 'V -_ ....-- ret~ned by the Hitler ~outh. The loecl ri:3etin~G ~ '-.:.12e sc:-:..::t·2;s-t. .:.:; ~'-::1d c.::..:3-