Sovereign States and National Power: Transition in Federal
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The Secret History of Australia's Nuclear Ambitions
Jim Walsh SURPRISE DOWN UNDER: THE SECRET HISTORY OF AUSTRALIAS NUCLEAR AMBITIONS by Jim Walsh Jim Walsh is a visiting scholar at the Center for Global Security Research at Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory. He is also a Ph.D. candidate in the Political Science program at MIT, where he is completing a dissertation analyzing comparative nuclear decisionmaking in Australia, the Middle East, and Europe. ustralia is widely considered tactical nuclear weapons. In 1961, of state behavior and the kinds of Ato be a world leader in ef- Australia proposed a secret agree- policies that are most likely to retard forts to halt and reverse the ment for the transfer of British the spread of nuclear weapons? 1 spread of nuclear weapons. The nuclear weapons, and, throughout This article attempts to answer Australian government created the the 1960s, Australia took actions in- some of these questions by examin- Canberra Commission, which called tended to keep its nuclear options ing two phases in Australian nuclear for the progressive abolition of open. It was not until 1973, when history: 1) the attempted procure- nuclear weapons. It led the fight at Australia ratified the NPT, that the ment phase (1956-1963); and 2) the the U.N. General Assembly to save country finally renounced the acqui- indigenous capability phase (1964- the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty sition of nuclear weapons. 1972). The historical reconstruction (CTBT), and the year before, played Over the course of four decades, of these events is made possible, in a major role in efforts to extend the Australia has gone from a country part, by newly released materials Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of that once sought nuclear weapons to from the Australian National Archive Nuclear Weapons (NPT) indefi- one that now supports their abolition. -
Howard Government Retrospective II
Howard Government Retrospective II “To the brink: 1997 - 2001” Articles by Professor Tom Frame 14 - 15 November 2017 Howard Government Retrospective II The First and Second Howard Governments Initial appraisals and assessments Professor Tom Frame Introduction I have reviewed two contemporaneous treatments Preamble of the first Howard Government. Unlike other Members of the Coalition parties frequently complain retrospectives, these two works focussed entirely on that academics and journalists write more books about the years 1996-1998. One was published in 1997 the Australian Labor Party (ALP) than about Liberal- and marked the first anniversary of the Coalition’s National governments and their leaders. For instance, election victory. The other was published in early three biographical studies had been written about Mark 2000 when the consequences of some first term Latham who was the Opposition leader for a mere decisions and policies were becoming a little clearer. fourteen months (December 2003 to February 2005) Both books are collections of essays that originated when only one book had appeared about John Howard in university faculties and concentrated on questions and he had been prime minister for nearly a decade. of public administration. The contributions to both Certainly, publishers believe that books about the Labor volumes are notable for the consistency of their tone Party (past and present) are usually more successful and tenor. They are not partisan works although there commercially than works on the Coalition parties. The is more than a hint of suspicion that the Coalition sales figures would seem to suggest that history and was tampering with the institutions that undergirded ideas mean more to some Labor followers than to public authority and democratic government in Coalition supporters or to Australian readers generally. -
John Gorton's Management of the American-Australian
THE COLLAPSE OF AUSTRALIAN COLD WAR POLICY: JOHN GORTON’S MANAGEMENT OF THE AMERICAN-AUSTRALIAN ALLIANCE IN A TIME OF CRISIS Andrew Nicoll Mason-Jones 199946186 Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, The University of Sydney A thesis suBmitted to fulfil the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts 1 This is to certify that, to the best of my knowledge, the content of this thesis is my own work. This thesis has not been suBmitted for any degree or other purposes. I certify that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work and that all the assistance received in preparing this thesis and sources have Been acknowledged. ______________________________________________________________ Andrew Mason-Jones 2 This thesis is dedicated to my dad, Nicoll Mason-Jones, who served in Vietnam from 1967 to 1968. 3 Thesis ABstract Between 1968 and 1971 the Australian government, under the leadership of Prime Minister John Gorton, began to rethink its foreign and defence policy: from one that had as its central tenet a strong relationship with ‘great and powerful friends’ and fighting communism in Asia, to one that saw Australia withdraw from overseas military action in Vietnam and take on a greater degree of self-reliance. This rethink was thrust on Gorton by British and American announcements to play a lesser role in Southeast Asian affairs, announcements that meant, in effect, the collapse of Australia’s Cold War policy. Such changes in relation to British and American intentions to remain engaged in the region prompted a wave of unprecedented national soul-searching in Australia, a key part of which was the task of re-setting the coordinates of Australian defence policy towards a more self- reliant posture. -
Engaging the Neighbours AUSTRALIA and ASEAN SINCE 1974
Engaging the neighbours AUSTRALIA AND ASEAN SINCE 1974 Engaging the neighbours AUSTRALIA AND ASEAN SINCE 1974 FRANK FROST Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Creator: Frost, Frank, 1947- author. Title: Engaging the neighbours : Australia and ASEAN since 1974 / Frank Frost. ISBN: 9781760460174 (paperback) 9781760460181 (ebook) Subjects: ASEAN. Australia--Foreign relations--Southeast Asia. Southeast Asia--Foreign relations--Australia. Dewey Number: 327.94059 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press. This edition © 2016 ANU Press Contents Chronology . vii Preface . xi Abbreviations . xiii Introduction . 1 1 . Australia and the origins of ASEAN (1967–1975) . 7 2 . Economic disputes and the Third Indochina War (1976–1983) . 35 3 . Regional activism and the end of the Cold War (1983–1996) . 65 4 . The Asian financial crisis, multilateral relations and the East Asia Summit (1996–2007) . 107 5 . From the ‘Asia Pacific Community’ to the fortieth anniversary summit and beyond (2007‒2015) . .. 145 6 . Australia and ASEAN: Issues, themes and future prospects . 187 Bibliography . 205 Index . 241 Chronology 1945 Declaration of -
Markets, Rights and Power in Australian Social Policy Cilities Have Been Sold to Private Organisations), but Other Marketising Instruments Have Been More Common
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Sydney eScholarship 1 The politics of market encroachment: Policymaker rationales and voter responses Gabrielle Meagher and Shaun Wilson In recent decades, market ideas and practices have increasingly en- croached on activities previously organised by different logics, primar- ily the bureaucratic logic of the public sector and the associational logics of churches and non-government organisations. One highly vis- ible trend has been privatisation of public assets. Universally accessed public utilities in telecommunications, energy and water have been sold off, along with publicly owned financial institutions and transport car- riers. Less visible, but no less important, has been the marketisation of publicly funded social services. The growing use of contracts, com- petition, and quasi-vouchers to allocate funds and service users to the organisations that provide services are examples of this development. Another has been the disproportionate growth of the share of for-profit providers in Australia’s mixed economy of social services. In Australian social policy, market practices and organisations have played an increasingly significant role in shaping the delivery of ser- vices, but in ways that ordinary voters may not identify as connected to ‘privatisation’, understood as asset sales. Asset sales have also taken place in social services (for example, publicly owned residential care fa- Meagher G. & Wilson S. 2015, ‘The politics of market encroachment: policy maker rationales and voter responses’, in Markets, rights and power in Australian social pol- icy, eds G. Meagher & S. Goodwin, Sydney University Press, Sydney. 29 Markets, Rights and Power in Australian Social Policy cilities have been sold to private organisations), but other marketising instruments have been more common. -
Earle Page and the Imagining of Australia
‘NOW IS THE PSYCHOLOGICAL MOMENT’ EARLE PAGE AND THE IMAGINING OF AUSTRALIA ‘NOW IS THE PSYCHOLOGICAL MOMENT’ EARLE PAGE AND THE IMAGINING OF AUSTRALIA STEPHEN WILKS Ah, but a man’s reach should exceed his grasp, Or what’s a heaven for? Robert Browning, ‘Andrea del Sarto’ The man who makes no mistakes does not usually make anything. Edward John Phelps Earle Page as seen by L.F. Reynolds in Table Talk, 21 October 1926. Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] Available to download for free at press.anu.edu.au ISBN (print): 9781760463670 ISBN (online): 9781760463687 WorldCat (print): 1198529303 WorldCat (online): 1198529152 DOI: 10.22459/NPM.2020 This title is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0). The full licence terms are available at creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode This publication was awarded a College of Arts and Social Sciences PhD Publication Prize in 2018. The prize contributes to the cost of professional copyediting. Cover design and layout by ANU Press. Cover photograph: Earle Page strikes a pose in early Canberra. Mildenhall Collection, NAA, A3560, 6053, undated. This edition © 2020 ANU Press CONTENTS Illustrations . ix Acknowledgements . xi Abbreviations . xiii Prologue: ‘How Many Germans Did You Kill, Doc?’ . xv Introduction: ‘A Dreamer of Dreams’ . 1 1 . Family, Community and Methodism: The Forging of Page’s World View . .. 17 2 . ‘We Were Determined to Use Our Opportunities to the Full’: Page’s Rise to National Prominence . -
Here Are Differences Between the Progressive and the Conservative Traditions of Foreign Policy, and Those Differences Matter
"VTUSBMJBO*OTUJUVUFPG*OUFSOBUJPOBM"GGBJST 1SPNPUJOH6OEFSTUBOEJOHPG*OUFSOBUJPOBM"GGBJST Australian Journal of International Affairs 2016 Federal Election Foreign Policy Special Section Australia’s International Affairs: The Labor Approach Tanya Plibersek Mainstream thinking accepts that the main tenets of Australian foreign policy are the US alliance, engagement with the Indo-Pacific and our global interests. We differ over emphasis and approach, but we are fortunate to have broad agreement on the component parts. This is one reason why foreign policy often plays a marginal role in Australian election campaigns—elections are designed to amplify difference. Foreign policy is most often about continuity and seeking common ground. Election campaigns are built on concentrated points of contrast. Yet even if foreign policy does not shift a single vote in a single seat, Australia’s place in the world deserves to be part of the national conversation. There are differences between the progressive and the conservative traditions of foreign policy, and those differences matter. The key difference is foundational—Labor believes that good international citizenship is a critical driver to achieving a secure and prosperous Australia, while there is a tendency from the conservative parties towards isolation and insularity. We know that Australia will not be wealthier or safer if we only seek safety and wealth inside the walls of a fortress we build for ourselves. Labor understands that, as Gareth Evans observed, “good international citizenship is no more — and no less — than the pursuit of enlightened self-interest”. The principle of good international citizenship aligns with enduring Labor values of solidarity, fairness, equality, justice and inclusion. -
Paul Keating Wheeler Centre
Conversation between Robert Manne and Paul Keating Wheeler Centre Robert Manne Well, thank you very much … [laughter] Paul Keating I knew I was with a popular guy Robert. Robert Manne I’ll speak about what’s just happened towards the end of today. I have to say, we’ve just heard four musicians from the Australian National Academy of Music, performing Wolf’s Italian Serenade. On violins we had Edwina George and Simone Linley Slattery, on viola Laura Curotta and cello Anna Orzech. The reason we heard them was the Australian National Academy of Music was born out of the vision of Paul Keating, its creation being a major component of his government’s 1994 Creative Nation Policy. [applause] Paul I have to say it is my greatest pleasure and privilege to be invited to do this. Paul Keating Thank you Robert. Robert Manne I hope by the end of my questions, the reason for me saying that will be clear. But anyhow, it’s from the bottom of my heart. Paul Keating Thank you for doing it. You are the best one to do it. [laughter] Robert Manne But I’m going to make sure that it’s not entirely comfortable for either of us, so we want to have a rough and tumble time as well. The reason for this conversation is that Paul Keating has produced what I think is a highly agreeable, highly stimulating and I think vividly and beautifully written book and I recommend it to you. It’s a book with a lot in it, a lot in it, just things that struck me, which I won’t be questioning Paul about, but things that struck me – there is for example an extremely moving eulogy for the musical genius Geoffrey Tozer. -
A Delicate Balance: the Accidental Genius of Australian Politics*
A Delicate Balance: * the Accidental Genius of Australian Politics Stanley Bach When it was suggested that I offer some reflections today on the Commonwealth Parliament as I have begun to learn about it, I was happy to agree. As my time in Canberra begins to approach an end, today’s program gives me an opportunity and incentive to sort through some of my impressions and to step back from the trees to look at the forest. Inescapably, my interpretations and evaluations of the Australian political system are reflected through the prism of my experiences in Washington, especially as those experiences have shaped my understandings of how political institutions work and what motivates politicians. Let us stipulate that. I shall begin by foreshadowing my general conclusion. In much of what I have read about Australian government and politics, the Senate is depicted, either explicitly or implicitly, as a problem. Sometimes the Senate is portrayed as a conceptual problem—as an institution that does not quite fit into Australia’s intended constitutional design. Often it is presented as posing a continuing practical problem for the government of the day, especially when the Senate interferes with the government’s ability to fulfil its self- proclaimed electoral mandate by enacting its legislative program. My perspective is a contrary one. For me, the Senate is not the problem, it is the solution—or, perhaps I should say, the Senate is the potential solution for a problem that already is serious, but could become much more serious. Now let me try to explain what I mean. -
J.B. Chifley and the Indonesian Revolution, 19451949
Australian Journal of Politics and History: Volume 59, Number 4, 2013, pp.517-531. J.B. Chifley and the Indonesian Revolution, 1945-1949 DAVID FETTLING Australian National University This article traces the role of the Prime Minister, Joseph Benedict Chifley, in Australia’s response to the Dutch-Indonesian colonial conflict. It argues for Chifley’s centrality to the formation of Australia’s eventual policy to support Indonesian nationalist aspirations, a policy often in antithesis to the views of H.V. Evatt. This is significant because a focus on Evatt has distracted historians from ascertaining the causes of Australia’s policy. Examining Chifley’s attitude and role reveals that Australia’s response to revolutionary Indonesia stemmed from an application to the Southeast Asian colonial question of a labourist and post-war reconstructionist ethos, an idea of sweeping reform to rectify deep economic and social grievances. In July 1947, the Netherlands launched a military invasion to reoccupy Java and Sumatra, key parts of their old colonial empire, the Netherlands East Indies or “NEI”, which they had lost during the Second World War. They had grown tired of stalemated negotiations with the leaders of the so-called “Republic of Indonesia”, which had established itself two years previously during a kaleidoscopic mass uprising by Indonesians. The Dutch action was widely perceived as international aggression, contravening the laws of the new United Nations Organisation; however, Australians had reasons for ambivalent views toward the conflict. The Indonesian Revolution had been accompanied by considerable violence. Anti-foreign sentiment was high: militias roaming the Javanese hinterland had taken to murdering Europeans, including Australians. -
Fadden Thesis2
Arthur Fadden: a political silhouette Author Arklay, Tracey M Published 2011 Thesis Type Thesis (PhD Doctorate) School Griffith Business School DOI https://doi.org/10.25904/1912/1758 Copyright Statement The author owns the copyright in this thesis, unless stated otherwise. Downloaded from http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366904 Griffith Research Online https://research-repository.griffith.edu.au Arthur Fadden: a political silhouette Tracey M Arklay BComm (Hons) (Griffith University) Department of Politics and Public Policy, Griffith Business School Griffith University Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy October 2010 3 Abstract This thesis examines the political legacy of Sir Arthur Fadden, leader of the federal Country Party (1940–58), prime minister (1941) and, until his record was surpassed by Peter Costello, Australia’s longest serving treasurer (1940–41 and 1949–58). It traces his life story from ordinary beginnings in north Queensland, through his foray into business as an accountant and his long career in politics – local, state and federal. The thesis argues that Fadden was integral to the establishment of the enduring coalition arrangement between the Liberal Party and the Country (later National) Party that remains in place to this day. This thesis employs the methodology of political biography, building a portrait of Fadden by looking at the influences that shaped him as a person and a politician. Yet it is not a standard ‘life’ biography but rather a political inquiry into a political figure, focusing particularly on his contribution to the coalition and his role as party leader. As such the thesis contextualises Fadden very much as a man belonging to a particular time and place in Australian history. -
The Allied Occupation of Japan - an Australian View
Volume 3 | Issue 7 | Article ID 1765 | Jul 06, 2005 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus The Allied Occupation of Japan - an Australian View Christine de Matos The Allied Occupation of Japan – an Britain, British India and New Zealand, Australian View contributed to the British Commonwealth Occupation Forces (BCOF). By Christine de Matos The Australians were stationed in Hiroshima prefecture, with their base at Hiro (the BCOF HQ was at Kure). At its height in 1946, The Japanese Occupation is generallyAustralia provided around 12,000 troops to the remembered as primarily an American affair total of 40,000 BCOF troops (US troops and as a dichotomous relationship between numbered 152,000).[1] However, by 1948 Japan and the United States. However, it was Britain, India and New Zealand had withdrawn an Allied Occupation, and, despite thefrom Japan, leaving Australia as the sole persistence of selective historical memories, representative of the Commonwealth forces, at there was a distinct and at times contentious least until the outbreak of the Korean War. An Allied presence, contribution, and experience. Australian acted as Commander-in-Chief of The Occupation provided a terrain on which the BCOF for the duration of the Occupation. This victor nations, believing their social, economic article focuses on Australia's diplomatic and political values vindicated by victory, contribution to the Occupation. competed to reshape the character of Japan’s modernity. One Ally that participated in this While close attention has been paid to the process, and often acted as a dissenting voice, ideological conflict between the Soviet Union was Australia. Examining the involvement of and the United States, the neglected conflict additional participants in the Occupation does between Australia and the United States, as not challenge the notion of US dominance, but well as their cooperative actions, casts further does demonstrate that others periodically light on the nature of the occupation.