The Allied Occupation of Japan - an Australian View
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Volume 3 | Issue 7 | Article ID 1765 | Jul 06, 2005 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus The Allied Occupation of Japan - an Australian View Christine de Matos The Allied Occupation of Japan – an Britain, British India and New Zealand, Australian View contributed to the British Commonwealth Occupation Forces (BCOF). By Christine de Matos The Australians were stationed in Hiroshima prefecture, with their base at Hiro (the BCOF HQ was at Kure). At its height in 1946, The Japanese Occupation is generallyAustralia provided around 12,000 troops to the remembered as primarily an American affair total of 40,000 BCOF troops (US troops and as a dichotomous relationship between numbered 152,000).[1] However, by 1948 Japan and the United States. However, it was Britain, India and New Zealand had withdrawn an Allied Occupation, and, despite thefrom Japan, leaving Australia as the sole persistence of selective historical memories, representative of the Commonwealth forces, at there was a distinct and at times contentious least until the outbreak of the Korean War. An Allied presence, contribution, and experience. Australian acted as Commander-in-Chief of The Occupation provided a terrain on which the BCOF for the duration of the Occupation. This victor nations, believing their social, economic article focuses on Australia's diplomatic and political values vindicated by victory, contribution to the Occupation. competed to reshape the character of Japan’s modernity. One Ally that participated in this While close attention has been paid to the process, and often acted as a dissenting voice, ideological conflict between the Soviet Union was Australia. Examining the involvement of and the United States, the neglected conflict additional participants in the Occupation does between Australia and the United States, as not challenge the notion of US dominance, but well as their cooperative actions, casts further does demonstrate that others periodically light on the nature of the occupation. For the played significant roles in both administering first four years of the Occupation, Australia had the Occupation and in challenging US policies. a left-wing Australian Labor Party (ALP) government under Ben Chifley, and a Australian participation contentious and outspoken foreign minister in H.V. Evatt. Thus there was great potential and Australia was a party to the Occupation both much ammunition for conflict to occur over the diplomatically and militarily. For instance, an progress of Occupation reforms, especially Australian delegation participated in the Far after the so-called ‘reverse course’ in Eastern Commission (FEC) in Washington, an Occupation policies. The Chifley government Australian represented the Britishhad its own agenda that it wished to impose Commonwealth on the Allied Council for Japan upon Japan. Militarily, diplomatically, (ACJ) in Tokyo, an Australian, William Flood economically and politically, this was of course Webb, presided over the International Military an unequal battle. Yet, in the early post- Tribunal of the Far East (IMTFE), and an hostilities enthusiasm for a new world order, Australian military contingent, along with the Australian government was confident of 1 3 | 7 | 0 APJ | JF contributing to its creation – whether in the unencumbered by any attachment to the UN, or in Occupied Japan – and took a number throne, or to maintaining the social status quo. of initiatives that were actively addressed, if not always implemented. For Australia, communism in Japan was not seen to be a great threat: a return to militarism The role of the emperor was. The Japanese people, unencumbered by the monarchy, were seen as a possible source One of the best-known points of contention of protection against militarism. If the between Australia and the United States Australian government did not carry great occurred over the position of the emperor in international weight in the matter, it did postwar Japan. Australia’s position has been provide a reasoned and consistent voice calling portrayed as one of simple retribution for war for the trial of the emperor as a war criminal. crimes. While populist rhetoric pandered to SCAP/GHQ, while unyielding on this point, used anti-Japanese passions amongst the Australian this aspect of Australian policy to invoke fear electorate, the official policy position was a among uncooperative Japanese leaders – that little more complex. The issue of the emperor is, the threat to take such issues as the had two main components: first, the question of constitution to the FEC where, it was alleged, the trial and punishment of the emperor as a the Australians and Soviets would demand the war criminal; and second, the future of the abdication of the emperor, or worse. It was a imperial institution in the context of political highly effective tactic that maximised American reform. leverage without achieving Australian goals. The Australian government, like the United The postwar constitution States, advocated thoroughgoing democratic reform. However, they differed on how this was Differences in policies towards the emperor best accomplished. While, from at least 1945, became manifest in the positions of the US and Australia favored eliminating the emperor Australia on the constitution. At the end of the system as the way forward for democratic Asia-Pacific War, Australia sought to create the revolution, this was to be decided by the opportunity for the Japanese people to debate Japanese people as soon as conditions permit a and modify the existing Meiji constitution. This freely determined decision. Politicalapproach, a ‘restoration’ of democracy, was movements aiming at the abolition of the believed to make it less likely that the Japanese institution of Emperor or his reduction to a people would later reject the constitution as an constitutional head of State [are] to be allowed imposition.[3] When the fait accompli of the so- freedom of organization and propaganda.[2] called ‘MacArthur constitution’ became evident, Australia and other members of the In other words, while this was to be a decision FEC turned to analysing the draft and made by the Japanese people, the Australian submitting proposed changes. Important government held that the Allies shouldAustralian suggestions included the guarantee encourage movements sympathetic to their of universal suffrage, and the stipulation that agenda. By contrast, the US position was not the prime minister and state officials should be only that the imperial institution in modified civilians, both of which were incorporated into form should be maintained, but also that the constitution during Diet deliberations in Hirohito remain on the throne to help avoid September 1946. [4] widespread chaos. Australian social, economic and political policies towards Japan, in many MacArthur reacted to the FEC suggestions by ways more radical than US policies, were stating that this was ‘a complete repudiation of 2 3 | 7 | 0 APJ | JF the requirement that the constitution must be a constitution was to take effect), while free expression of the people’s will’. He warned exercising censorship within Japan. Although that the Japanese would ‘unquestionably bear the ‘Provision’ was leaked to the Japanese some resentment against such alliedpress in March 1948, with the constitution interference’, thereby attempting to maintain already in effect, it had little public impact. the charade that the constitution had sole Japanese authorship.[5] Thus began a struggle When it came time for the ‘Provisions’ to take between MacArthur and Australian diplomats effect in 1948, the Ashida government began a over who or what best reflected the ‘will’ of the review process, as did two Japanese research Japanese people in the new constitution. In this groups, the Public Law forum (Koho kenkyukai) instance, Australia succeeded in shaping the and the Constitutional Research Committee of constitution in significant ways. Tokyo University (Kempo kenkyukai). However, MacArthur and the second Yoshida On 17 October 1946, the FEC adoptedgovernment, which took office after the fall of ‘Provisions for the Review of a New Japanese the Ashida government in 1948, halted the Constitution’ to counteract the fait accompli. review process. On the FEC, the Australian Sent to MacArthur as an FEC policy directive, delegation encouraged the review but, given the ‘Provisions’ were inspired by H.V. Evatt, the lack of support from Washington and Tokyo and were intended to provide an opportunity within the Occupation context of the ‘reverse for the Japanese people to ‘judge thecourse’, it was conducted without enthusiasm. Constitution in the light of their experience of its working’.[6] The objective was to have the In 1949, the FEC sent some proposals for provision attached to the Constitution at discussion to SCAP, including: promulgation, in order to ensure that the Japanese people were aware of their right to 1. Queries over the use of the terms kokumin comment and have public debate on the (citizens) and nambito (all persons), as ‘it was Constitution, and, if deemed necessary, amend not clear how the Constitution guarantees it. While Evatt favored a public referendum on fundamental civil rights to all persons within the constitution as the final act of review, the Japanese jurisdiction (as distinguished from FEC policy only specified this as an option, the Japanese citizens)’; preferred option being that the Diet and the 2. Greater clarity to be given to empower the FEC conduct the review within one to two Supreme