Portraits of Australian Prime Ministers
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When Australia Said NO! Fifteen Years Ago, the Australian People Turned Down the Menzies Govt's Bid to Shackle Democracy
„ By ERNIE CAMPBELL When Australia said NO! Fifteen years ago, the Australian people turned down the Menzies Govt's bid to shackle democracy. gE PT E M B E R . 22 is the 15th Anniversary of the defeat of the Menzies Government’s attempt, by referendum, to obtain power to suppress the Communist Party. Suppression of communism is a long-standing plank in the platform of the Liberal Party. The election of the Menzies Government in December 1949 coincided with America’s stepping-up of the “Cold War”. the Communist Party an unlawful association, to dissolve it, Chairmanship of Senator Joseph McCarthy, was engaged in an orgy of red-baiting, blackmail and intimidation. This was the situation when Menzies, soon after taking office, visited the United States to negotiate a big dollar loan. On his return from America, Menzies dramatically proclaimed that Australia had to prepare for war “within three years”. T o forestall resistance to the burdens and dangers involved in this, and behead the people’s movement of militant leadership, Menzies, in April 1950, introduced a Communist Party Dis solution Bill in the Federal Parliament. T h e Bill commenced with a series o f recitals accusing the Communist Party of advocating seizure of power by a minority through violence, intimidation and fraudulent practices, of being engaged in espionage activities, of promoting strikes for pur poses of sabotage and the like. Had there been one atom of truth in these charges, the Government possessed ample powers under the Commonwealth Crimes Act to launch an action against the Communist Party. -
Political Attitudes to Conscription: 1914–1918
RESEARCH PAPER SERIES, 2016–17 27 OCTOBER 2016 Political attitudes to conscription: 1914–1918 Dr Nathan Church Foreign Affairs, Defence and Security Section Contents Introduction ................................................................................................ 2 Attitudes of the Australian Labor Party ........................................................ 2 Federal government ......................................................................................... 2 New South Wales ............................................................................................. 7 Victoria ............................................................................................................. 8 Queensland ...................................................................................................... 9 Western Australia ........................................................................................... 10 South Australia ............................................................................................... 11 Political impact on the ALP ............................................................................... 11 Attitudes of the Commonwealth Liberal Party ............................................. 12 Attitudes of the Nationalist Party of Australia ............................................. 13 The second conscription plebiscite .................................................................. 14 Conclusion ................................................................................................ -
The Removal of Whitlam
MAKING A DEMOCRACY to run things, any member could turn up to its meetings to listen and speak. Of course all members cannot participate equally in an org- anisation, and organisations do need leaders. The hopes of these reformers could not be realised. But from these times survives the idea that any governing body should consult with the people affected by its decisions. Local councils and governments do this regularly—and not just because they think it right. If they don’t consult, they may find a demonstration with banners and TV cameras outside their doors. The opponents of democracy used to say that interests had to be represented in government, not mere numbers of people. Democrats opposed this view, but modern democracies have to some extent returned to it. When making decisions, governments consult all those who have an interest in the matter—the stake- holders, as they are called. The danger in this approach is that the general interest of the citizens might be ignored. The removal of Whitlam The Labor Party captured the mood of the 1960s in its election campaign of 1972, with its slogan ‘It’s Time’. The Liberals had been in power for 23 years, and Gough Whitlam said it was time for a change, time for a fresh beginning, time to do things differently. Whitlam’s government was in tune with the times because it was committed to protecting human rights, to setting up an ombuds- man and to running an open government where there would be freedom of information. But in one thing Whitlam was old- fashioned: he believed in the original Labor idea of democracy. -
I Should Say, at the Outset of This Function on the Senate Side Of
I should say, at the outset of this function on the Senate side of Parliament House, that my subject today—former Tasmanian premier and Australian prime minister Joseph Lyons—was not all that enamoured with upper houses for much of his political career. As a Labor premier of Tasmania, he stood up to the Tasmanian Legislative Council in the 1920s over its financial powers. On a couple of occasions he even managed to by- pass the Council entirely. (How many prime ministers would like to be able to do that these days?) As well, during Lyons’ first two years as a federal minister in the Scullin Government, he faced strong opposition from the Nationalist Party dominated Senate. But then Joseph Lyons moved to stand with the conservatives in 1931. Thereafter, upper houses became more to his liking. Of course—that’s a long time ago and upper houses today cannot be relied upon so easily to reflect the conservative side of politics. As we know well … I am here to discuss one of Australia’s longest serving and most popular prime ministers. And, yet, it has taken some seventy years to get to a point of acknowledging this in the national record. As I discovered on researching his biography, Lyons has been shoved off to some remote region of forgetfulness— thought of as a prime minister who achieved little and was merely used by stronger forces to win elections. This legacy has stalked the memory of J. A. Lyons—as he was wont to sign on documents. Yet, nothing could be further from the truth. -
Paranoia and Prejudice: Billy Hughes and the Irish Question 19 76-1922
Paranoia and Prejudice: Billy Hughes and the Irish Question 19 76-1922 DRJEFF KILDEA Arcltbisbap I)mie/ l,ldnnix n.,,t.r dccu.;ed nJ nurtuin.qtlte ,\'inn ltiin 'pe.r/' d r.,iet.'tt.'ill.t n'l.tirl.t Aaslrd/idn Prittt l.,[inisler H4ghes nor/r/ hrnc ,tgre,:d. (l)tiirt'Telegraph ol 22 NrtL'erthtr /9/ 7) I l l I Y r56 On 17 August 1917 Australian Primc N'Iinister William Nlorris Hughes \vrote t() his British c()untcrPert Da\id Llovcl (ieorgc: oJ aur dif/i.cttltie.r in Amhzlia. T/Le1-the ltatte caplttred As I ltaue ta/d_you Q), ,rl,1r, the Irish qrru.rlion is at the baltan al/ Iith 'l'lte tlLe pa/itical rtachinerl, oJ the Labor organi:ationt a.r.ri.rted by l,ndimlists and l.V.lf/. peofle. Charch i.r .ratret/y rpain.rt rerruiting. lt infuenn kilhd mn.rcnption. One of their arcl:thisltop.r-).,tannix i.r a .\linn f'einer-And I dru tryingto nake np ny rtind n,helherI .rhaald praset'fte hin.fitr .ttdlerleilts /tindering reruiting or defiorl /tin. A.r I r-ite ue htte a sredt strike .;/11y,/y an-fo/ding itre lf . The l.l{/.Va. and the lish dre nainly re.rpon.ribh.f'ar the troah/e. ln t yts .ren.re it i.r po/itica/ rutlter tltan indu.rtial. The./bct i.s il.,l?ed the foar aitb thert iin the ehctionsi an l|a1' 5't' and t/tey ./r( ililr tuins, to lake the reirts af' Gout otrl ttf' atr hand.r.I The strikc to u,,hich Hughes referred u,as the New South \I'ales general strike of 1.977, u,hich became a fedcral concern u'hen it sptead to rvharf laboutcrs in Nfelbourne, while the Industrial \\trrliers of the \{bilcl (tW\t) u,as a rcr.olutionarr,u,rtrking-class movemcnt that originated in thc Lhited States in 1905 ancl came to Ausrralia in 1907. -
Whitlam As Internationalist: a Centenary Reflection
WHITLAM AS INTERNATIONALIST: A CENTENARY REFLECTION T HE HON MICHAEL KIRBY AC CMG* Edward Gough Whitlam, the 21st Prime Minister of Australia, was born in July 1916. This year is the centenary of his birth. It follows closely on his death in October 2014 when his achievements, including in the law, were widely debated. In this article, the author reviews Whitlam’s particular interest in international law and relations. It outlines the many treaties that were ratified by the Whitlam government, following a long period of comparative disengagement by Australia from international treaty law. The range, variety and significance of the treaties are noted as is Whitlam’s attraction to treaties as a potential source of constitutional power for the enactment of federal laws by the Australian Parliament. This article also reviews Whitlam’s role in the conduct of international relations with Australia’s neighbours, notably the People’s Republic of China, Papua New Guinea, Indonesia and Indochina. The reconfiguration of geopolitical arrangements is noted as is the close engagement with the United Nations, its agencies and multilateralism. Whilst mistakes by Whitlam and his government are acknowledged, his strong emphasis on international law, and treaty law in particular, was timely. It became a signature theme of his government and life. CONTENTS I Introduction .............................................................................................................. 852 II Australia’s Ratification of International Treaties ................................................. -
After Fire: a Biography of Clifton Pugh : Aartlook : Australian Art Review
After Fire: A Biography of Clifton Pugh : aARTlook : Australian Art Reviewhttp://artreview.com.au/contents/552716783-after-fire-a-biography-of-cl... Australian Art Review Art News Exhibition Reviews Features aARTlook Art Directory Artist Profiles From the Editor Latest Issue Submit Content Homepage FREE Email Update Subscribe About Us Advertising Contact Us Posted: 04 Oct 2010 | By: Patricia Anderson - Editor Clifton Pugh did not disappear into the undergrowth, but on either side of the canyon between the abstractionists of the Sydney scene in the 1950s and 60s and the aggressively narrative painters of Melbourne of the same period, Pugh does seem to have gone missing for years on end. Sally Morrison's biography - nine years in the writing - should put him in the clearing once and for all. His work was more sophisticated, more cerebral and more finely crafted than many of his peers who have ascended the auction room ladder, so it seems completely timely that a heartfelt, finely tuned and exhaustively researched biography by novelist and scientist Sally Morrison should make its appearance now. Morrison had attracted the attention of Patrick White years earlier with her novel Who's Taking You to the Dance? and in 1995 she won the National Book Council's Banjo Award with Mad Meg. Both books exhibit a degree of psychological penetration, which makes her biography of Pugh compelling reading. Morrison became friends with Pugh in his later years; and when he died in 1990, she waited ten years before undertaking a detailed and frank account of his life. Pugh, however, does not appear to be a particularly likeable character. -
The Secret Life of Elsie Curtin
Curtin University The secret life of Elsie Curtin Public Lecture presented by JCPML Visiting Scholar Associate Professor Bobbie Oliver on 17 October 2012. Vice Chancellor, distinguished guests, members of the Curtin family, colleagues, friends. It is a great honour to give the John Curtin Prime Ministerial Library’s lecture as their 2012 Visiting Scholar. I thank Lesley Wallace, Deanne Barrett and all the staff of the John Curtin Prime Ministerial Library, firstly for their invitation to me last year to be the 2012 Visiting Scholar, and for their willing and courteous assistance throughout this year as I researched Elsie Curtin’s life. You will soon be able to see the full results on the web site. I dedicate this lecture to the late Professor Tom Stannage, a fine historian, who sadly and most unexpectedly passed away on 4 October. Many of you knew Tom as Executive Dean of Humanities from 1999 to 2005, but some years prior to that, he was my colleague, mentor, friend and Ph.D. supervisor in the History Department at UWA. Working with Tom inspired an enthusiasm for Australian history that I had not previously known, and through him, I discovered John Curtin – and then Elsie Curtin, whose story is the subject of my lecture today. Elsie Needham was born at Ballarat, Victoria, on 4 October 1890 – the third child of Abraham Needham, a sign writer and painter, and his wife, Annie. She had two older brothers, William and Leslie. From 1898 until 1908, Elsie lived with her family in Cape Town, South Africa, where her father had established the signwriting firm of Needham and Bennett. -
Some Aspects of the Federal Political Career of Andrew Fisher
SOME ASPECTS OF THE FEDERAL POLITICAL CAREER OF ANDREW FISHER By EDWARD WIL.LIAM I-IUMPHREYS, B.A. Hans. MASTER OF ARTS Department of History I Faculty of Arts, The University of Melbourne Submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements of the degr'ee of Masters of Arts (by Thesis only) JulV 2005 ABSTRACT Andrew Fisher was prime minister of Australia three times. During his second ministry (1910-1913) he headed a government that was, until the 1940s, Australia's most reformist government. Fisher's second government controlled both Houses; it was the first effective Labor administration in the history of the Commonwealth. In the three years, 113 Acts were placed on the statute books changing the future pattern of the Commonwealth. Despite the volume of legislation and changes in the political life of Australia during his ministry, there is no definitive full-scale biographical published work on Andrew Fisher. There are only limited articles upon his federal political career. Until the 1960s most historians considered Fisher a bit-player, a second ranker whose main quality was his moderating influence upon the Caucus and Labor ministry. Few historians have discussed Fisher's role in the Dreadnought scare of 1909, nor the background to his attempts to change the Constitution in order to correct the considered deficiencies in the original drafting. This thesis will attempt to redress these omissions from historical scholarship Firstly, it investigates Fisher's reaction to the Dreadnought scare in 1909 and the reasons for his refusal to agree to the financing of the Australian navy by overseas borrowing. -
Howard Government Retrospective II
Howard Government Retrospective II “To the brink: 1997 - 2001” Articles by Professor Tom Frame 14 - 15 November 2017 Howard Government Retrospective II The First and Second Howard Governments Initial appraisals and assessments Professor Tom Frame Introduction I have reviewed two contemporaneous treatments Preamble of the first Howard Government. Unlike other Members of the Coalition parties frequently complain retrospectives, these two works focussed entirely on that academics and journalists write more books about the years 1996-1998. One was published in 1997 the Australian Labor Party (ALP) than about Liberal- and marked the first anniversary of the Coalition’s National governments and their leaders. For instance, election victory. The other was published in early three biographical studies had been written about Mark 2000 when the consequences of some first term Latham who was the Opposition leader for a mere decisions and policies were becoming a little clearer. fourteen months (December 2003 to February 2005) Both books are collections of essays that originated when only one book had appeared about John Howard in university faculties and concentrated on questions and he had been prime minister for nearly a decade. of public administration. The contributions to both Certainly, publishers believe that books about the Labor volumes are notable for the consistency of their tone Party (past and present) are usually more successful and tenor. They are not partisan works although there commercially than works on the Coalition parties. The is more than a hint of suspicion that the Coalition sales figures would seem to suggest that history and was tampering with the institutions that undergirded ideas mean more to some Labor followers than to public authority and democratic government in Coalition supporters or to Australian readers generally. -
Andrew FISHER, PC Prime Minister 13 November 1908 to 2 June 1909; 29 April 1910 to 24 June 1913; 17 September 1914 to 27 October 1915
5 Andrew FISHER, PC Prime Minister 13 November 1908 to 2 June 1909; 29 April 1910 to 24 June 1913; 17 September 1914 to 27 October 1915. Andrew Fisher became the 5th prime minister when the Liberal- Labor coalition government headed by Alfred Deakin collapsed due to loss of parliamentary Labor support. Fisher’s first period as prime minister ended when the new Fusion Party of Deakin and Joseph Cook defeated the government in parliament. His second term resulted from an overwhelming Labor victory at elections in 1910. However, Labor lost power by one seat at the 1913 elections. Fisher was prime minister again in 1914, as a result of a double-dissolution election. Fisher resigned from office in October 1915, his health affected by the pressures of political life. Member of the Australian Labor Party c1901-28. Member of the House of Representatives for the seat of Wide Bay (Queensland) 1901-15; Minister for Trade and Customs 1904; Treasurer 1908-09, 1910-13, 1914-15. Main achievements (1904-1915) Under his prime ministership, the Commonwealth Government issued its first currency which replaced bank and State currency as the only legal tender. Also, the Commonwealth Bank was established. Strengthened the Conciliation and Arbitration Act. Introduced a progressive land tax on unimproved properties. Construction began on the trans-Australian railway, linking Port Augusta and Kalgoorlie. Established the Australian Capital Territory and brought the Northern Territory under Commonwealth control. Established the Royal Australian Navy. Improved access to invalid and aged pensions and brought in maternity allowances. Introduced workers’ compensation for federal public servants. -
Chapter Two the Australian Performing Group and Its Legacy, 1968–2008
Chapter Two The Australian Performing Group and Its Legacy, 1968–2008 In 1970, a group of actors, writers and directors formed the Australian Performing Group (APG) in a disused pram factory building in inner- city Melbourne. Where the original site of theatrical activity in sixties Melbourne was the tiny La Mama Café,1 the formation of the APG signified an expanded vision of theatre that would produce large-scale, group-devised performance, new drama, political cabarets and reviews, outdoor agit-prop and small, experimental pieces. The Pram Factory was also a multi-purpose workshop space and venue for outside drama groups, concerts, rock bands and art and craft markets. Later, the APG evolved into a structure that commissioned new plays by emerging playwrights and performance practitioners from around the country. These aspects of the APG identify it as a local instance of both the “daring and extravagance” and internationalism of the vision prevalent in the sixties and a manifestation of the radical combination of theatrical innovation and left-wing politics. In keeping with leftist style, the APG produced manifestos, proposals and multiple position statements that were debated, passed or voted down in committees and general meetings (www.pramfactory.com). An “alternative”, anti- authoritarian and anti-hierarchical ethos was enshrined in processes of collective decision-making on creative and administrative matters and the sharing of responsibilities among members (Milne 2004: 132). The collective was subsidised throughout its life by the newly established Australia Council for the Arts that provided a small income for its members (Brisbane 2005: 131). This chapter situates the formation and activities of the APG within the period of the sixties and the wider historical and cultural sphere in which it evolved.