Whitlam As Internationalist: a Centenary Reflection
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The Removal of Whitlam
MAKING A DEMOCRACY to run things, any member could turn up to its meetings to listen and speak. Of course all members cannot participate equally in an org- anisation, and organisations do need leaders. The hopes of these reformers could not be realised. But from these times survives the idea that any governing body should consult with the people affected by its decisions. Local councils and governments do this regularly—and not just because they think it right. If they don’t consult, they may find a demonstration with banners and TV cameras outside their doors. The opponents of democracy used to say that interests had to be represented in government, not mere numbers of people. Democrats opposed this view, but modern democracies have to some extent returned to it. When making decisions, governments consult all those who have an interest in the matter—the stake- holders, as they are called. The danger in this approach is that the general interest of the citizens might be ignored. The removal of Whitlam The Labor Party captured the mood of the 1960s in its election campaign of 1972, with its slogan ‘It’s Time’. The Liberals had been in power for 23 years, and Gough Whitlam said it was time for a change, time for a fresh beginning, time to do things differently. Whitlam’s government was in tune with the times because it was committed to protecting human rights, to setting up an ombuds- man and to running an open government where there would be freedom of information. But in one thing Whitlam was old- fashioned: he believed in the original Labor idea of democracy. -
Covers for Hawke "Social Contract" Means Wage Restraint!
NUMBER THIRTEEN OCTOBER 1974 TEN CENTS A CTU Conference: "~left wing" covers for Hawke "Social contract" means wage restraint! The Special ACTU Conference held in Sydney on companies) voted for the ACTU executive motion Carmichael put up a token resistance to the 23-24 September was called to discuss the state presented by Hawke. new Cameron deal on the first day, when he claim of the economy in the light of the Budget brought ed that he "could not accept" that the workers' "current share of the cake" should remain fixed down by the Labor government the week before. As part of the effort to woo the trade unions, Though the Conference had no decision-making and called for affirming the "right" to fight for Labor Minister Clyde Cameron had produced a new a bigger slice. But Carmichael in practice re powers, it was Hawke's and Whitlam's plan to use indexation proposal, a two-tier plan in which it to give union members the impression that the fuses to use that right, as indicated by his sup ACTU was doing something about the economic wages up to the average wage would be adjusted port for the sellout $9 Metal Trades settlement. crisis and at the same time to legitimise a quarterly by a direct percentage applicatiori of And conspicuously absent from any of his remarks "so'cial cohtract" with the government, laying the the consumer price index movement, and by a flat was any mention of the CPA's "autumn offensive". amount for wages above the average. This plan groundwork for a voluntary or state-imposed wage One of Carmichael's proposals was to maintain freeze. -
Herbert Vere Evatt, the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights After 60 Years
238 (2009) 34 UWA LAW REVIEW Herbert Vere Evatt, the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights After 60 Years MICHAEL KIRBY AC CMG* ERBERT VERE EVATT was a product of public schools. He attended Fort HStreet Boys’ High School in Sydney, the oldest public school in Australia, as I later did. That school has refl ected the ethos of public education in Australia: free, compulsory and secular. These values infl uenced Evatt’s values as they did my own.1 As an Australian lawyer, Evatt stood out. He was a Justice of the High Court of Australia for 10 years in the 1930s. However, his greatest fame was won by his leadership role in the formation of the United Nations and in the adoption of its Charter in 1945. He was elected the third President of the General Assembly. He was in the chair of the Assembly, on 10 December 1948, when it voted to accept the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR).2 It is 60 years since that resolution of 1948. In the imagination of immature schoolchildren, like me, in the 1940s and 1950s, the Hiroshima cloud was imprinted on our consciousness. We knew (perhaps more than Australians do today) how important it was for the survival of the human species that the United Nations should be effective, including in the attainment of the values expressed in its new UDHR. When I arrived at high school in 1951, Evatt was honoured as a famous alumnus. By then, he was no longer a judge or Federal minister. -
Whitlam and China
WHITLAM AND CHINA Prime Ministers Series November 2014 FRONT COVER IMAGE: Gough and Margaret Whitlam visit the Temple of Heaven in Beijing November, 1973. © File photo/NLA/Xinhua CONTENTS Introduction 4 Whitlam and China: 6 Transcript of Panel Discussion, Sydney, November 6 2014 A Note from Graham Freudenberg - Terrill and Taiwan (November 9 2014) 35 Whitlam Timeline 38 Further Reading 40 The Panellists 42 Published by Australia-China Relations Institute (ACRI) University of Technology, Sydney PO Box 123 Broadway NSW 2007 Australia t: +61 2 9514 8593 f: +61 2 9514 2189 e: [email protected] w: www.acri.uts.edu.au © Australia-China Relations Institute (ACRI) 2015 ISBN 978-0-9942825-0-7 The publication is copyright. Other than for uses permitted under the Copyright Act 1968, no part may be reproduced by any process without attribution. INTRODUCTION ACRI is proud to have hosted this discussion of Gough Whitlam’s 1971 visit which opened up the contemporary relationship between Australia and China. It is sad that we weren’t able to interview Gough Whitlam about China in the way we intend to interview other Australian Prime Ministers. But we are honoured to add this transcript to the many tributes to Australia’s 21st Prime Minister. In our panel conversation, a long-term Whitlam advisor and friend, 81 year old Graham Freudenberg, recreated the tension around the visit. Mr Whitlam was Opposition Leader; he was taking a political risk in going to ‘Red China’. Mr Freudenberg, a master of story- telling, captured the sense of excitement felt by the Whitlam party encamped at the Peking Hotel. -
Paul Ormonde's Audio Archive About Jim Cairns Melinda Barrie
Giving voice to Melbourne’s radical past Paul Ormonde’s audio archive about Jim Cairns Melinda Barrie University of Melbourne Archives (UMA) has recently Melbourne economic historian and federal politician Jim digitised and catalogued journalist Paul Ormonde’s Cairns’.4 Greer’s respect for Cairns’ contribution to social audio archive of his interviews with ALP politician Jim and cultural life in Australia is further corroborated in her Cairns (1914–2003).1 It contains recordings with Cairns, speech at the launch of Protest!, in which she expressed and various media broadcasts that Ormonde used when her concern about not finding any trace of Cairns at the writing his biography of Cairns, A foolish passionate university, and asked about the whereabouts of his archive: man.2 It also serves as an oral account of the Australian ‘I have looked all over the place and the name brings up Labor Party’s time in office in the 1970s after 23 years in nothing … you can’t afford to forget him’.5 Fortunately, opposition.3 Paul Ormonde offered to donate his collection of taped This article describes how Ormonde’s collection was interviews with Cairns not long after Greer’s speech. acquired and the role it has played in the development During his long and notable career in journalism, of UMA’s audiovisual (AV) collection management Ormonde (b. 1931) worked in both print and broadcast procedures. It also provides an overview of the media, including the Daily Telegraph, Sun News Pictorial Miegunyah-funded AV audit project (2012–15), which and Radio Australia. A member of the Australian Labor established the foundation for the care and safeguarding Party at the time of the party split in 1955, he was directly of UMA’s AV collections. -
University of Canberra Patrick Mullins Quick Books, Quick Manoeuvres
Mullins Quick books, quick manoeuvres University of Canberra Patrick Mullins Quick books, quick manoeuvres: Disentangling the dangers and opportunities of the quickie political biography Abstract: The publication of the biography of the political leader is de rigueur in the Australian electoral cycle. Characterised by their haste of production, by their regurgitation of already-published articles, and by a liberal use of quotes attributed and not, such books are often ephemeral confections, destined for the dustbin whether their subject is successful or not (Blewett, 2007). But the political quickie is, on closer inspection, a mix of competing opportunities and dangers that belie its negative description. When considered, the quickie is revealing of the uses of biographical writing to perform, connect, and manoeuvre within a political context. Biographical note: Patrick Mullins is a PhD candidate at the University of Canberra. Keywords: Biography – Life Writing – Political Subject – Journalism 1 Mullins Quick books, quick manoeuvres Two biographies of Kevin Rudd were commissioned within days of his becoming leader of the Australian Labor Party in December 2006. Upon their near-simultaneous publication in June 2007, Neal Blewett characterised the texts as the latest examples in a long line of ‘quickies’: They have roughly the shelf life of homogenised cheese and are almost certainly destined for that knacker’s yard for books – the remainder store – regardless of whether their subject is successful or not […] These books are hastily compiled confections: a regurgitation of published articles on the subject’s career […] plus a dollop of his speeches and writings, mixed together with a heady collection of quotes from colleagues and associates, frequently unattributed. -
Stephen Wilks Review of John Murphy, Evatt: a Life
Stephen Wilks review of John Murphy, Evatt: A Life (Sydney, NSW: NewSouth Publishing, 2016), 464 pp., HB $49.99, ISBN 9781742234465 When Herbert Vere Evatt died in November 1965 he was buried at Woden cemetery in Canberra’s south. His grave proclaims him as ‘President of the United Nations’ and reinforces the point by bearing the United Nations (UN) emblem. Misleading as this is—as president of the UN General Assembly rather than secretary-general, Evatt was more presiding officer than chief executive—it broadcasts his proud internationalism. The headstone inscription is equally bold—‘Son of Australia’. The Evatt memorial in St John’s Anglican Church in inner Canberra is more subtle. This depicts a pelican drawing its own blood to feed its young, a classical symbol of self-sacrifice and devotion. These idealistic, almost sentimental, commemorations clash with the dominant image of Evatt as a political wrecker. This casts him as the woefully narcissistic leader of the federal parliamentary Labor Party who provoked the great split of 1954, when the party’s predominantly Catholic anti-communist right exited to form the Democratic Labor Party and help keep Labor out of office for the next 18 years. This spectre looms over Evatt’s independent Australian foreign policy and championing of civil liberties during the Cold War. John Murphy’s Evatt: A Life is the fourth full biography of the man, not to mention several more focused studies. This is better than most Australian prime ministers have managed. Evatt invites investigation as a coruscating intelligence with a clarion world view. His foremost achievements were in foreign affairs, a field attractive to Australian historians. -
Public Leadership—Perspectives and Practices
Public Leadership Perspectives and Practices Public Leadership Perspectives and Practices Edited by Paul ‘t Hart and John Uhr Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at: http://epress.anu.edu.au/public_leadership _citation.html National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Title: Public leadership pespectives and practices [electronic resource] / editors, Paul ‘t Hart, John Uhr. ISBN: 9781921536304 (pbk.) 9781921536311 (pdf) Series: ANZSOG series Subjects: Leadership Political leadership Civic leaders. Community leadership Other Authors/Contributors: Hart, Paul ‘t. Uhr, John, 1951- Dewey Number: 303.34 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design by John Butcher Images comprising the cover graphic used by permission of: Victorian Department of Planning and Community Development Australian Associated Press Australian Broadcasting Corporation Scoop Media Group (www.scoop.co.nz) Cover graphic based on M. C. Escher’s Hand with Reflecting Sphere, 1935 (Lithograph). Printed by University Printing Services, ANU Funding for this monograph series has been provided by the Australia and New Zealand School of Government Research Program. This edition © 2008 ANU E Press John Wanna, Series Editor Professor John Wanna is the Sir John Bunting Chair of Public Administration at the Research School of Social Sciences at The Australian National University. He is the director of research for the Australian and New Zealand School of Government (ANZSOG). -
Prime Ministers of Australia
Prime Ministers of Australia No. Prime Minister Term of office Party 1. Edmund Barton 1.1.1901 – 24.9.1903 Protectionist Party 2. Alfred Deakin (1st time) 24.9.1903 – 27.4.1904 Protectionist Party 3. John Christian Watson 27.4.1904 – 18.8.1904 Australian Labor Party 4. George Houstoun Reid 18.8.1904 – 5.7.1905 Free Trade Party - Alfred Deakin (2nd time) 5.7.1905 – 13.11.1908 Protectionist Party 5. Andrew Fisher (1st time) 13.11.1908 – 2.6.1909 Australian Labor Party - Alfred Deakin (3rd time) 2.6.1909 – 29.4.1910 Commonwealth Liberal Party - Andrew Fisher (2nd time) 29.4.1910 – 24.6.1913 Australian Labor Party 6. Joseph Cook 24.6.1913 – 17.9.1914 Commonwealth Liberal Party - Andrew Fisher (3rd time) 17.9.1914 – 27.10.1915 Australian Labor Party 7. William Morris Hughes 27.10.1915 – 9.2.1923 Australian Labor Party (to 1916); National Labor Party (1916-17); Nationalist Party (1917-23) 8. Stanley Melbourne Bruce 9.2.1923 – 22.10.1929 Nationalist Party 9. James Henry Scullin 22.10.1929 – 6.1.1932 Australian Labor Party 10. Joseph Aloysius Lyons 6.1.1932 – 7.4.1939 United Australia Party 11. Earle Christmas Grafton Page 7.4.1939 – 26.4.1939 Country Party 12. Robert Gordon Menzies 26.4.1939 – 29.8.1941 United Australia Party (1st time) 13. Arthur William Fadden 29.8.1941 – 7.10.1941 Country Party 14. John Joseph Ambrose Curtin 7.10.1941 – 5.7.1945 Australian Labor Party 15. Francis Michael Forde 6.7.1945 – 13.7.1945 Australian Labor Party 16. -
The Dismissal of the Whitlam Government: One Politician's Comments
Illawarra Unity - Journal of the Illawarra Branch of the Australian Society for the Study of Labour History Volume 1 Issue 1 Illawarra Unity Article 3 December 1996 The Dismissal of the Whitlam Government: One Politician's Comments George Peterson Follow this and additional works at: https://ro.uow.edu.au/unity Recommended Citation Peterson, George, The Dismissal of the Whitlam Government: One Politician's Comments, Illawarra Unity - Journal of the Illawarra Branch of the Australian Society for the Study of Labour History, 1(1), 1996, 6-16. Available at:https://ro.uow.edu.au/unity/vol1/iss1/3 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact the UOW Library: [email protected] The Dismissal of the Whitlam Government: One Politician's Comments Abstract The twentieth anniversary of the dismissal of the Whitlam Government on 11 November 1975 saw a great outpouring of the reminiscences of hack journalists from the bourgeois press, all convinced that they and they alone knew what had really happened. Most such revelations concentrated upon the personalities of the three principal protagonists Kerr, Fraser and Whitlam instead of the forces that these three individuals represented. This journal article is available in Illawarra Unity - Journal of the Illawarra Branch of the Australian Society for the Study of Labour History: https://ro.uow.edu.au/unity/vol1/iss1/3 Illawarra Unity THE DISMISSAL OF THE WHITLAM GOVERNMENT One politician’s comments George Petersen he twentieth anniversary of the dismissal of the Whitlam Government on 11 November 1975 saw a T great outpouring of the reminiscences of hack journalists from the bourgeois press, all convinced that they and they alone knew what had really happened. -
ACHIEVEMENT and SHORTFALL in the NARCISSISTIC LEADER Gough Whitlam and Australian Politics
CHAPTER 12 ACHIEVEMENT AND SHORTFALL IN THE NARCISSISTIC LEADER Gough Whitlam and Australian Politics JAMES A. WALTER Conservative parties have dominated Australian federal politics since the Second World War. Coming to power in 1949 under Mr. (later Sir) Robert Menzies, the Liberal-Country party (L-CP) coalition held office continuously until 1972, when it was displaced by the reformist Aus tralian Labor party (ALP) government of Mr. Gough Whitlam. Yet the Whitlam ALP government served for only three years before losing office in unusual and controversial circumstances in 1975, since which time the conservative coalition has again held sway. It is my purpose here to examine the leadership of Gough Whitlam and the effects he had upon the fortunes of the ALP government. But first, it is essential to sketch briefly the political history of the years before Whitlam carne to power and the material conditions which the ALP administration en countered, for rarely can the success or failure of an administration be attributed solely to the qualities of an individual. In this case, the con tingencies of situation and history were surely as relevant as the charac teristics of leadership. In Australia, the period from the late 1940s until the late 1960s was, in relative terms, a time of plenty. Prices for Australian exports (agri cultural and later mineral products) were high, foreign investment in the economy flourished, and Robert Menzies' conservative government capitalized by astutely presenting itself as the beneficent author of these conditions. In reality, the government played little part, and develop- 231 C. B. Strozier et al. -
Rethinking Sullivan: New Approaches in Australia, New Zealand and England
The Catholic University of America, Columbus School of Law CUA Law Scholarship Repository Scholarly Articles and Other Contributions Faculty Scholarship 2002 Rethinking Sullivan: New Approaches in Australia, New Zealand and England Susanna Frederick Fischer The Catholic University, Columbus School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.edu/scholar Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Torts Commons Recommended Citation Susanna Frederick Fischer, Rethinking Sullivan: New Approaches in Australia, New Zealand and England, 34 GEO. WASH. INT’L L. REV. 101 (2002). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at CUA Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Scholarly Articles and Other Contributions by an authorized administrator of CUA Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RETHINKING SULLIVAN: NEW APPROACHES IN AUSTRALIA, NEW ZEALAND, AND ENGLAND SUSANNA FREDERICK FISCHER* "This is a difficult problem. No answer is perfect." - Lord Nicholls of Birkenhead in Reynolds v. Times Newspapers1 SUMMARY This Article employs a comparative analysis of some important recent Commonwealth libel cases to analyze what has gone wrong with U.S. defa- mation law since New York Times v. Sullivan and to suggest a new direc- tion for its reform. In Lange v. Australian Broadcasting Corporation, Lange v. Atkinson, and Reynolds v. Times Newspapers, the highest courts of the Australian, New Zealand, and English legal systems were con- fronted with the same challengefaced by the U.S. Supreme Court in New York Times v. Sullivan. They had to decide the proper constitutionalbal- ance between protection of reputation and protection of free expression in defamation actions brought by public officials over statements of fact.