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The myth of ‘New ’ continuity and change in Liberal politics 1889–1914

The concept of ‘New Liberalism’ has played an important part in historical debate about the political health of the Liberal Party before the First World War and the inevitability or otherwise of its subsequent decline. Iain Sharpe argues that in reality it is hard to detect any clear transition from Old to New Liberalism. The Liberals continued to base their appeal on being a moderate, patriotic and pragmatic party of the political centre, capable of governing effectively and responding sympathetically to social problems, but avoiding class rhetoric.

16 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 The myth of ‘New Liberalism’ continuity and change in Liberal politics 1889–1914

he focus on the contribu- At first sight this may seem tan- ‘Manchester School’ economics tion of New Liberalism to gential to the reasons for the decline and a belief in individual respon- Tthe success of the Liberal of the Liberal Party and the of sibility, its chief causes being, as Party is particularly a result of the Labour. However, it tells us some- one historian has put it: ‘, seminal works by and thing about the party’s political sound finance, religious toleration .1 Clarke’s argu- outlook and appeal to the elector- and a pacific foreign policy’.3 How- ment that, by adopting ‘New Lib- ate. While the Asquith govern- ever, Jonathan Parry has questioned eralism’, the party had by 1914 ment introduced significant how far such attitudes really did adapted itself to class-based poli- reforms, such as old age , dominate Victorian Liberalism, tics and was in a strong position national and greater highlighting the importance Lib- to repel any challenge from the employment , the Liberal erals placed on the moral improve- Labour Party, remains controver- Party never became defined by its ment of society and the state’s role sial. Nonetheless, references to commitment to such causes, nor did in promoting this. He describes New Liberalism as an organising it abandon the identification with the legislation of Gladstone’s first principle of the welfare and social political reform that had been an administration in the fields of edu- reforms of the Asquith government essential element of Liberal politics cation, and other have become commonplace in the through much of the nineteenth matters as ‘part of a general burst work of historians discussing this century. Liberal leaders saw social of activity for social and moral period.2 and welfare questions as deserving improvement against vice, crime, The impression conveyed can be to be addressed, and treated them ignorance and pauperism’.4 Parry that New Liberalism was an identi- with a mixture of principle and concludes by arguing that: fied and recognisable intellectual pragmatism: a combination of gen- and political movement that was uine belief and a perceived need to Increasing interest in commu- responsible for repositioning the compete with the Unionists. How- nal social action prefigured the Liberal Party away from ‘Manches- ever, social reform was a secondary so-called New Liberalism of the ter School’ economics, individu- component of the party’s political twentieth century, which only alism and constitutional reform mission, not its raison d’être. This appears as a sharp break from towards giving priority to social was a source of strength as long nineteenth-century practice if and welfare measures. This article as the Liberal Party remained in a nineteenth-century practice questions such an understanding position to compete for power, but is misconceived as dominated of the pre-First World War Liberal it left the party in a weak position by principles of laissez-faire Party and the extent to which it to combat Labour if social reform rather than constitutional embraced a new approach to poli- and welfare politics became domi- inclusiveness.5 tics. It highlights the paucity of nating issues. contemporary references to New Parry’s argument suggests a need to Liberalism in party propaganda, rethink not only the nature of Vic- political speeches and press report- The meanings of ‘New torian Liberalism, but also how far ing of the party’s campaigns, and Liberalism’ Architects of the Liberals in the Edwardian period argues that the concept was not A stereotypical outline of Liberal New Liberalism? saw themselves as engaged in a sig- really part of the contemporary attitudes towards state action on – David Lloyd nificant departure from the work of political language of Liberalism. It social reform might see the party as George and their predecessors. suggests that the continuities within having been dominated for much Winston The first use of the term ‘New Liberal politics are more striking of the late nineteenth century by Churchill as Liberalism’ in the context of social than any ‘New Liberal’ departure. a commitment to laissez-faire Liberal ministers reform has been identified in an

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 17 the myth of ‘new liberalism’: continuity and change in liberal politics 1889–1914 article by the radical Liberal MP is the paucity of references to the One of the Liberalism, arguing that the party L. A. Atherley-Jones in the August phrase in contemporary writing. must stand for democratic as well 1889 edition of Nineteenth Cen- It was also not necessarily used curiosities as social reform.11 Similarly, in 1898 tury magazine.6 Atherley-Jones in the context of social reform. there was a discussion in the Daily argued that ‘The battle of the mid- James Douglas Holms’ article in of studying News’ correspondence columns dle class has been fought and won’ the Westminster Review of July 1890 about whether ‘New’ and ‘Old’ and that ‘the reforms of the future asking ‘Is there a new Liberalism?’ the career of Liberalism were compatible, with menace, or appear to menace the was a reaction to Joseph Chamber- the newspaper’s editorial conclud- interests of the ’. He lain’s use of the term to describe New Liberal- ing, in conciliatory manner: concluded that the Liberal Party the post-1886, home-rule-support- ism before should embrace a ‘new Liberalism’ ing Liberal Party, which he consid- Liberalism, whether ‘old’ or that addressed itself specifically ered ‘cannot claim the inheritance the First ‘new’, ‘individualist’ or ‘collec- to the material needs of the work- of the great party from whose tivist’ aims at substituting for ing classes. However, Atherley- principles they have so widely World War is class interests and class privileges Jones’ argument was not quite the departed’.9 The purpose of Holms’ the social good of the whole ideological shift or articulation article was to rebut the sugges- the paucity community.12 of a new political strategy that it tion that support for Irish home might at first sight seem. The bulk rule represented a ‘new Liberal’ of references In general, however, throughout of his article is concerned with departure from the party’s tradi- this period, debate about New Lib- questioning (with good reason, as tional principles. Over subsequent to the phrase eralism in terms of the emphasis on things turned out) whether Irish years, the phrase occurs in similar social and welfare issues is rare.13 home rule would prove an elector- contexts as a term of disparage- in contempo- Even Michael Freeden’s bibliogra- ally successful cause for the party. ment for the Gladstonian, home- phy in his study The New Liberalism: His discussion of the social ques- rule-supporting Liberal Party. rary writing. an ideology of social reform only identi- tions that he believed the Liberals For example, the Unionist Duke fies eight articles and one book pub- should embrace appears almost an of Argyll denounced Gladstonian lished before 1914 that incorporate afterthought, taking up just two sympathy for Scottish disestablish- the phrase in their title.14 paragraphs. In addition, his argu- ment as ‘new Liberalism’, while ment that social reform would not criticised the Liberal only achieve ‘a wider diffusion of minister Earl Spencer’s support for Liberal continuities physical comfort’ but also a ‘loft- the ’s Evicted In practice, well before the post- ier standard of national morality’, Tenants Bill, as ‘an illustration of 1909 New Liberal heyday, Lib- was very much an echo of the mid- the depths to which the new Lib- eral leaders were neither strongly nineteenth century Liberal moral- eralism may bring a politician who attached to nor ism that Parry describes. was once a respectable Whig’.10 resistant to demands for social The article provoked two The expression did occur occa- reform. Although the 1892–1895 immediate responses in Nineteenth sionally in the context of social Liberal government lacked an out- Century. The first was from former reform. For example, Liberal MPs right majority and spent much time Liberal MP, G. W. E. Russell, who R. B. Haldane and R. Wallace put on doomed attempts to legislate for endorsed Atherley-Jones’ argu- forward alternative views on the Irish Home Rule, temperance and ments about social reform and saw subject in the first edition of the Welsh disestablishment, it could hopeful signs in the programme Progressive Review in 1896. Their point to some achievements in of the Progressive group on the exchange, however, illustrates once terms of wealth redistribution and newly established County again that this was a more nuanced social reforming legislation. This Council, of which he was a mem- debate than it might at first sight included Harcourt’s 1894 budget, ber. His article included a thinly appear. In describing New Liber- which provided for graduated veiled appeal to Lord Rosebery to als as ‘those who esteem a progres- income tax, the Railway Servants lead the Liberal Party in the direc- sive policy in social matters more Act (1893), the Factories and Work- tion of social reform.7 The sec- highly than anything else at present shops Act (1895) and the Local Gov- ond was from the Nonconformist in Liberalism’, Haldane was try- ernment Act (1894) which not only divine. J. Guinness Rogers, who ing to move the party away from created parish councils but gave argued the orthodox Gladstonian the faddism of the 1891 Newcastle them compulsory purchase powers case that the Liberals needed to programme, which he believed had to enable them to create smallhold- retain middle-class support and to burdened it with a set of unachiev- ings. There were also constructive deal with the Irish question before able and electorally unpopular administrative measures, such as they could successfully tackle policy commitments. By contrast Asquith’s strengthening the fac- other reforms.8 Wallace pointed out that legislation inspectorate and Mundella However, there the debate had been passed over many decades creating a separate Labour depart- about ‘New Liberalism’ ended for on issues from education to factory ment at the Board of Trade. The the time being. The expression hours to municipal reform and that government also unsuccessfully does not appear to have become ‘the “New” Liberalism is not new. attempted to legislate for employ- widely used in the sense that It is simply a continuation of what ers’ liability to compensate work- Atherley-Jones coined it. Indeed, had been well begun before. A con- men injured in industrial accidents. one of the curiosities of study- tinuation is not a novelty.’ Wallace Liberals were adapting themselves ing the career of New Liberal- criticised the ‘de haut en bas atti- to evolving political circumstances ism before the First World War tude’ of Haldane’s version of New without identifying this as a change

18 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 the myth of ‘new liberalism’: continuity and change in liberal politics 1889–1914 of political direction. At the 1895 the Home Counties Liberal Federa- industrial risks of danger, the rela- general election, while social and tion, told the NLF annual meet- tions of labour and capital’, along welfare issues other than temper- ing in 1896 that ‘the main purpose with education and land reform.23 ance were only a secondary fea- and object of Liberalism in this The official manifesto of the NLF ture of Liberal candidates’ election day [is] to carry out such wise leg- mentioned the need for land, hous- addresses, nonetheless half of them islative proposals as would enable ing and temperance reforms.24 mentioned the need for employers’ the powers of the State to be used Leaflets issued by the Liberal Pub- liability legislation and just under a to improve the condition of the lication Department strongly third referred to old age pensions.15 masses of the population’, a state- attacked the Unionist government’s Such issues were not in the fore- ment which met with approval failure to legislate on social ques- front of the Liberal Party’s appeal from the assembled delegates.18 tions, particularly old age pensions. to the electorate, but enough can- Although Rosebery’s successor as These stopped short of pledging the didates mentioned them to suggest party leader, Sir William Harcourt, Liberal Party to specific measures, they were hardly heterodox. was temperamentally inclined to but they were implicitly supportive Likewise, the rhetoric of Liberal pure opposition rather than positive of social legislation.25 Yet they did leaders embraced social reform- policy ideas (other than on his own not refer to this as a new form of ing goals, albeit in ambiguous lan- pet cause of temperance reform), he Liberalism. guage that avoided committing the criticised the Unionist government Such references formed at most party to specific measures. In his on the basis that its social legislation a minor part in the Liberals’ elec- first major speech after the Liber- benefited the rich not the poor.19 Sir toral appeal. They put forward no als’ 1895 general election defeat, the Henry Campbell-Bannerman, in specific legislative programme of party leader, Lord Rosebery, told his first address to an NLF confer- social reform. Indeed there was an audience at Scarborough that ence as party leader in March 1899, a strong sense shared by leading while the Liberals had previously attacked the government for failing frontbenchers that detailed pro- emphasised enfranchisement and to introduce old age pensions after grammes were an electoral liability removal of constitutional disabili- making them a key part of the 1895 rather than an asset. In particu- ties, this ‘noble, though negative general election campaign, and lar, they felt that NLF’s Newcas- period has passed away and we are specifically supported the princi- tle programme, agreed in 1891 and face to face with an era of construc- ple of help for the ‘elderly poor’. He endorsed by William Gladstone as tive legislation’.16 Such sentiments At succes- urged this as one of three key social party leader, had been a double dis- were common in the speeches of questions that the state needed to advantage to the party by provok- other leading Liberal politicians. sive annual address, along with ‘housing of ing the hostility of those opposed Asquith told an audience at Mor- the very poor’ and temperance to any single measure in the pro- ley, shortly after Rosebery’s speech, meetings of reform.20 gramme, while disappointing that although he believed the state the National In his election address to his party supporters when the govern- should not interfere in matters that constituents at the 1900 general ment failed to achieve its proposed could be best settled by individual Liberal Fed- election, which was inevitably reforms.26 or voluntary effort, dominated by discussion of the war eration (NLF), in South Africa, Campbell-Banner- … he did hold most strongly man reiterated his support for gov- ‘Piecing together Gladstonian that, where there were social the main ernment action on these three social rags’? wants that only the community questions, attacking the Unionists By 1900, therefore, the Liber- could meet, then the community democratic for having spent public funds on the als could hardly be regarded as a – by which, after all, he meant war that could have been devoted party wedded to individualism. merely the concerted and organ- body for to social reform.21 Such sentiments Of course, there were some front- ised action of individuals, with were echoed, rather surprisingly, benchers, such as a right of recourse, if need be, to the party’s by Harcourt, campaigning in his and the Liberal imperialist H. H. compulsion – had … not only a West Monmouthshire constitu- Fowler, who were less than sympa- title but a duty to interfere.17 grassroots, ency. He argued for the need to thetic to the emerging social reform improve workers’ health through agenda. Indeed Morley had lost his He cited the problems of ‘und- speeches by regulation and shortening working seat at Newcastle in 1895 over his rained towns’, ‘insanitary and over- hours. However, he warned that opposition to miners’ eight-hour crowed factories’, child labour, leading Lib- ‘Social reforms for the good of the legislation.27 There was a tendency terms and conditions of employ- people cannot be carried out with- for those who were impatient for ment, and the need for provision of erals often out large funds, and the resources social reform to see the Liberals a pure water supply, lighting, baths, preached available … have already been as stuck in such a Gladstonian rut. libraries and open space, as matters mortgaged’ [by the costs of the Sidney Webb’s famous 1901 article that the state should address. the need for war].22 Asquith, who was arguably in Nineteenth Century, ‘Lord Rose- At successive annual meetings the second most senior member of bery’s escape from Houndsditch’ of the National Liberal Federation more state the Liberal front bench after Camp- portrayed the party in this light, (NLF), the main democratic body bell-Bannerman, also took the claiming that: for the party’s grassroots, speeches action to Unionists to task for having evaded by leading Liberals often preached ‘their social and political duties’ With amused dismay the new the need for more state action to tackle social and promised that a Liberal govern- generation of have tackle social problems. Herbert ment would tackle such problems lately witnessed Sir Henry Samuel, at this time secretary of problems. as ‘intemperance, overcrowding, Campbell-Bannerman piecing

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 19 the myth of ‘new liberalism’: continuity and change in liberal politics 1889–1914

together the Gladstonian rags not compete with other indus- … if everyone dives into fiscal and remnants, with Sir William tries, although wages should be statistics there will be a feeling Harcourt holding the scissors, fair and ‘not demoralisingly low’.32 that it is with the object of hid- and Mr John Morley unctuously This produced a mixed response ing nakedness … It is all right to waxing the thread.28 from his front-bench colleagues. knock Chamberlain out but that Asquith, Bryce and Lord Spencer doesn’t tell the country what a Ironically, given the former prime agreed that Gladstone’s propos- Liberal Govt. wd. do if & when minister’s later hostility to much of als had merit. Jack Sinclair, H. H. it comes in.37 the 1906–1915 Liberal government’s Fowler and Morley were less sym- welfare agenda, Webb regarded pathetic.33 However, Campbell- Gladstone was clear that the party Rosebery as the one person who Bannerman was clearly convinced: would have to defend free trade on could lead the Liberal Party from he devoted part of his next major practical rather than ideological a laissez-faire past to a collectivist speech, at Limehouse, to advocat- grounds, writing to one of his party future. ing measures along the lines set out officials: ‘Interests and not theories The future Cabinet member by Gladstone.34 are going to settle this business’.38 and party leader Herbert Samuel, Both José Harris and H. W. Emy in his book Liberalism, published have highlighted this as an episode in 1902, emphasised the need for that showed the Liberals’ lukewarm Protecting the poor the party to embrace a more active attitude towards welfare reform, In his study of free trade, Anthony role for the state.29 Such sentiments the former arguing, for example, Howe has pointed out that Liberal were also articulated by another that this ‘did not really signify a opposition to reform was not future Cabinet minister, C. F. G. redirection of Liberal unemploy- based on doctrinaire laissez-faire Masterman, who stood for par- ment policy’.35 There is some truth attitudes, but rather on a wide- liament for the first time in 1903. in this, and as Harris points out, ranging appeal that included; ‘a Masterman’s widow later wrote of Campbell-Bannerman’s speech was theory of international trade, a doc- this period that: ‘in internal poli- partly a response to Joseph Cham- trine of empire, a prescription for tics laissez-faire had both parties in berlain’s comments about tariff revenue and welfare, together with its grip’, something she portrayed reform and unemployment in a a concept of the Liberal democratic Masterman as seeking to change.30 speech the previous week, also at state’.39 Similarly, Frank Trentmann Had this genuinely been the case, Limehouse. The Liberals did not points out how the defence of free the Liberal Party would have been make unemployment a significant trade used innovative campaign- unlikely to promote the candida- campaigning theme through 1905. ing techniques, with the loaf of ture of someone like Masterman They supported the Unionist gov- bread as an emotive symbol of the who was passionate about state ernment’s Unemployed Workmen practical importance of free trade action to ameliorate the condition Bill, which provided for some out- to people’s ordinary lives.40 By con- of the poor. In reality, although door relief for unemployed work- trast, other historians have seen Masterman was a sensitive and dif- ers, without making any more the Liberal campaign in defence of ficult character, the chief whip far-reaching proposals of their free trade as essentially negative. Herbert Gladstone recognised his own.36 While the Liberal leadership David Dutton considers that in the abilities and went to great lengths was willing to support state action approach to the 1906 general elec- to arrange his candidature in the to tackle pressing social ques- tion ‘Much of the Liberal campaign winnable seat of West Ham North, tions, this was primarily a tactical looked back to the nineteenth cen- for which he was elected in 1906.31 response to political events. tury, rather than forward into the In December 1904 Gladstone vis- The need to compete with the twentieth.’ G. R. Searle describes ited the constituency to speak for Unionists was indeed a further free trade as a setback for Liberal Masterman and was confronted reason for supporting social and social reformers since it enabled the by a deputation of unemployed The need welfare legislation. While Liber- party to win without putting for- men demanding to know what a als were critical of the gap between ward a social welfare programme.41 Liberal government would do to to compete Unionist promises and perfor- However, the Liberal campaign, enable them to find work. There mance in office on issues such as old which stressed opposition to taxes was much heckling on the subject with the age pensions, the Unionists could on the food of the working classes, during the meeting. Gladstone claim some past successes such as was compatible with support for responded by writing and circulat- Unionists free elementary education (1891), constructive measures to help the ing a memorandum to members of the Workmen’s Compensation Act poor and certainly not a display of the Liberal front bench setting out was indeed (1897) and various factory acts. doctrinaire laissez-faire economics. proposals for providing relief to a further More pressingly, Chamberlain’s In a leaflet issued in 1904 the Liberal the unemployed. He argued that: tariff reform campaign, launched Publication Department sought to ‘There are great works which can reason for in 1903, was aimed at winning the highlight the increased taxes paid be started by the Govt which can- support of working-class voters by the poor under the Unionist not be considered by individu- support- through the promise of welfare government, which Liberals would als & companies, but which in reform and guaranteed employ- seek to remedy through: time would repay their cost’. This ing social ment. Herbert Gladstone recog- included: ‘reclamations on the coast nised the need for the Liberal Party A peaceful government & inland, harbours, docks, water- and welfare to counter this, pressing Campbell- An economical War Office ways, afforestments’. He entered Bannerman to put forward more A smaller national expendi- the caveat that such work should legislation. constructive policies: ture, and

20 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 the myth of ‘new liberalism’: continuity and change in liberal politics 1889–1914

A reform of our system of taxa- Problems with New Liberalism Even for with opposition to imperialism. tion so that the burdens shall be This did not stop those who The politician whom Hobhouse lighter on the poor and heavier wished to push Liberalism in a Hobson and particularly venerated and hoped on those who are better able to more overtly collectivist direction would assume the Liberal leader- bear them.42 from identifying a clear distinc- Hobhouse, ship was John Morley, who had tion between Liberalism before opposed the South African war, Therefore, the Liberal government and after 1909. As the battle over traditional but who was more hostile than that assumed office in 1905 was the budget was in full , J. A. other leading Liberals to social and sympathetic to social and welfare Hobson, one of the leading think- Liberal con- welfare reform. Yet this does not reform and the need to improve ers associated with ‘New Liberal- seem to have tempered Hobhouse’s the condition of the poor, with- ism’, published his book The Crisis cerns could admiration for him.49 Equally, out having an agreed legislative of Liberalism. Although he acknowl- conflict with Hobson’s hostility to jingoism led programme to achieve such ends. edged that ‘the Liberals of this him to censure all Liberal impe- Soon after becoming prime minis- country as a party never committed their desire rialists who supported the South ter, Campbell-Bannerman received themselves either to the theory or African war, even though some of a deputation of the unemployed the policy of this narrow laissez- for social them, such as Herbert Samuel and at Downing Street, and devoted faire individualism’, he claimed that R. B. Haldane, were sympathetic to a portion of his first major speech over the previous quarter century reform. collectivism.50 In other words, even in office, at the Albert Hall on 21 ‘old laissez-faire individualism’ had Hobson’s and Hobhouse’s collec- December, to social reform pro- been ‘too dominant’ among Lib- They each tivist views were trumped by their posals, including land reform, the eral leaders and that as a result the support for a traditional, Gladsto- creation of a Royal Commission on party had ‘wandered in this valley combined nian imperial policy. canals and waterways, the need for of indecision’. Hobson was keen to The Liberal leaders did not Poor Law reform and mitigating stress the newness of ‘New Liber- support for appear to recognise any change of the ‘evils of non-employment’. He alism’. 45 He saw the 1909 crisis as direction after 1909, introducing claimed that such ideas were ‘a reit- involving ‘the substitution of an degrees of welfare reforms but not putting eration of things which I have been organic for an opportunist policy, these at the heart of the party’s pop- saying up and down the country the adoption of a vigorous, defi- collectivism ular appeal. For example, although for the last three or four years’.43 In nite, positive policy of social recon- Asquith devoted substantial por- the 1906 general election campaign struction’. By this he seems to have with oppo- tions of his first NLF conference more than two-thirds of Liberal meant that such measures should speech as prime minister to social candidates mentioned the need for become fundamental to the Liber- sition to questions, he did not suggest that Poor Law reform and old age pen- als’ political mission, rather than imperialism. this marked a new direction for the sions in their election addresses, a tactical response to events and Liberal Party. He stated that ‘the although there were six other issues external pressure. aims which for the last three years more frequently mentioned.44 A However, even within key New we have followed … continue to similarly high proportion men- Liberal texts, there is an ambiva- be the purposes and the inspiration tioned land reform. Just under half lence about how far the Liberal of our policy’. Somewhat defen- discussed the need for action to Party was heading in a new direc- sively he cited the Liberals’ record tackle unemployment, while just tion, reflected in a lack of references of social legislation as evidence to over a third referred to housing to the term ‘New Liberalism’. In rebut Unionist accusations that reform. L. T. Hobhouse’s classic work, Lib- ‘when the Liberal Party is in power The Liberal government’s atti- eralism, the expression only occurs it devotes all the time and energy of tude towards social reform was once, in a reference to John Stuart Parliament to tinkering with con- in line with the attitude the party Mill.46 Likewise, in the collection stitutional changes to the sacrifice had taken in opposition. It recog- of ’s speeches … of social reform’. He claimed nised that these were issues that it published in 1909 as Liberalism and that the Liberals were enacting needed to tackle, although its flag- the Social Question, at least half the measures that the Unionists had ship bills on education, licensing text is devoted to matters other merely talked about. In doing so and plural voting were more tra- than social reform. The expression he was arguing that the Liberals ditional Liberal fare. While these ‘New Liberalism’ is not mentioned were a more effective vehicle their were being blocked by the Union- in Churchill’s text, although it is Unionist opponents for achieving ist dominated , the used twice by H. W. Massingham social reform. This did not mean, government brought in free school in his introduction to the volume.47 however, that he was trying to cast meals, increased rights The expression is equally absent social reform as the new dividing through the 1906 Trade Disputes from ’s The line between the parties.51 Even Act, a Workmen’s Compensation Condition of England which, along Lloyd George, in his famous and Act that increased the scope of the with Churchill’s book, is one of the inflammatory address at Limehouse Unionists’ 1897 Act, a Smallhold- texts most often cited as showing in July 1909, justified the taxes pro- ings Act and prison reform in 1907, the engagement of active politi- posed in the budget by the need for the Children’s Act and the Old cians with New Liberalism.48 both greater spending on defence Age Pensions Act in 1908. All this Even for Hobson and Hobhouse, and old age pensions, but did not took place before the 1909 ‘Peo- traditional Liberal concerns could suggest that this was a new depar- ple’s Budget’, which is often seen as conflict with their desire for social ture for the Liberal Party.52 initiating the era of ‘New Liberal’ reform. They each combined sup- In December 1909, when legislation. port for degrees of collectivism Asquith opened the Liberal Party’s

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 21 the myth of ‘new liberalism’: continuity and change in liberal politics 1889–1914 general election campaign with a patriotic context. Party leaflets When Magazine, an official journal for a speech at the Albert Hall, he gave increased spending on defence party workers, quoted Keir Har- referred to social legislation as ‘the and social reform as justifications Asquith die as saying he ‘feared the Liber- greatest’ of all outstanding ques- for increased taxation, appealing als, with their social reform, much tions facing the country and to old to patriotic as much as class sen- addressed a more than he did the ’ and age pensions as ‘the first chapter timent. Whereas Hobhouse and it added the comment: ‘We can in a new volume of social legisla- Hobson viewed social reform and dinner in his well believe it. For Social Reform tion’. Yet this was relegated to a imperialism as contrary impulses, as put into practice by the Liberal short section close to the end of his Lloyd George was keen to argue honour in Party since 1906 is the true barrier speech. Although old age pensions for welfare reform as strengthening against .’61 On the ques- and social reform generally were the Empire. For example, speaking March 1912 tion of land reform, which has been the fourth and fifth most popu- at Aberdeen in November 1912, he to celebrate seen as the key to the continued lar topics in Liberal candidates’ told his audience: success of Liberal social reform, the election addresses in the January the passage party was keen to mollify rather 1910 general election (behind the Now we have got a great than antagonise farmers and land- House of Lords, tariff reform/free Empire for the first time walk- of the Par- owners.62 Similarly, a Liberal leaf- trade, and the budget), no candi- ing the hospitals, visiting the let on the Act date ranked these issues first. The sick, inquiring how the infirm liament Act, sought to reassure doctors, whose proportion of Liberal candidates are getting on, helping them professional body had opposed the mentioning them actually declined to mend, and curing and assist- he described Act, that they had nothing to fear at the December 1910 general elec- ing them. It is a new dignity from the measure.63 In both official tion.53 Although Peter Clarke has and glory added to the British the Act as a printed propaganda and platform described this as a period when ‘the Empire.57 rhetoric leaders, there is no indi- apostles of the new Liberalism were ‘means to cation of the Liberal Party trying triumphant’,54 the continuities are The Liberal Publication Depart- to rebrand itself as a party whose more evident than the changes in ment produced more leaflets in 1910 other ends’. core purpose was social and welfare Liberal campaigning themes. on free trade and constitutional reform – it had simply absorbed When Asquith addressed a din- reform (mostly the power of the However, these issues into its agenda along- ner in his honour in March 1912 to House of Lords) than on welfare, side more traditional concerns. celebrate the passage of the Parlia- land or employment issues.58 Simi- the ‘ends’ he ment Act, he described the Act as larly, the leaflets and pamphlets a ‘means to other ends’. However, it issued between 1911 and 1914 cited were Conclusion the ‘ends’ he cited were largely the reflected continuity of purpose largely the In his classic work Lancashire and the unfinished ‘old Liberal’ business of rather than an attempt to rebrand New Liberalism, Peter Clarke con- Irish home rule, Welsh disestablish- the party as ‘New Liberal’. The unfinished cluded that the Liberal Party had ment and licensing. He referred to party was keen to win the cen- made a crucial transition to a new the government’s social legislation tre ground and rebut charges that ‘old Liberal’ form of politics, arguing that ‘The in extravagant terms as an achieve- it had drifted to the left. Among Liberals were by 1910 the party ment that would ‘be found in the the leaflets issued in 1911 was one business of of social reform, and it was upon long run the greatest boon ever entitled ‘What the government this that electoral cleavages were conferred upon the working people has done for the middle classes’. Irish home based’. In his view, by the time of of the country’. But this was a short Another defended the government the January 1910 general election, section of a long speech that was against the charge of extravagance rule, Welsh ‘the change to class politics was sub- largely devoted to explaining why by pointing out that money has stantially complete’.64 Clarke’s view the National Insurance Act was been needed for a strong navy, as disestablish- remains contentious, and there has leading to government by-election well as old age pensions.59 The leaf- been much debate about how far defeats.55 Even where Liberals did let ‘What has Liberalism done for ment and New Liberalism permeated the Lib- acknowledge new political direc- Labour?’, which was updated and eral Party or was responsible for its tions, it was more in the context reprinted several times over the licensing. electoral success.65 Yet the assump- of changes in society rather than a years, highlighted not just recent tion has become commonplace that conscious political strategy or phi- reforms since 1906, but went back New Liberalism was a significant losophy. Addressing a meeting in as far as the 1833 Factory Act, and element of pre-First-World-War Manchester in 1913, Haldane, the referred to the legislation of suc- Liberal Party’s electoral appeal. Lord Chancellor, said: cessive nineteenth-century Liberal In reality it is hard to detect any governments on education reform, clear transition from Old to New The are awake. trade union reform and measures to Liberalism. The Liberals contin- Between the rich and the limit working hours.60 Rather than ued to base their appeal on being a poor there was a great gap – a trying to suggest that the party had moderate, patriotic and pragmatic gap which is being more and changed direction and adopted of the political centre, capa- more realised as education and objectives, party propagandists ble of governing effectively and enlightenment spread, and the were seeking to emphasise a contin- responding sympathetically to justice of which is being chal- uing tradition of Liberal measures social problems, but avoiding class lenged, and rightly challenged.56 to benefit working people. rhetoric. The term ‘New Liberal- The Liberals continued to try ism’ itself appears to have been at Liberals were also keen to place to straddle class divisions. For best marginal to political debate. their welfare legislation within example, in May 1911 the Liberal If anything, it was a construct of

22 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 the myth of ‘new liberalism’: continuity and change in liberal politics 1889–1914 intellectuals such as Hobson and the Liberal Party could no longer a heaven-born leader for the move- Hobhouse, who were not in the claim to be the most effective vehi- ment; but sometimes, Radical as I front line of party politics, rather cle for social and welfare reform. am, I fancy that he may be found in than part of the language of Lib- Instead it retreated into a rheto- the House of Lords.’ Rosebery was eral politicians. There was certainly ric of ‘retrenchment’ and ‘econ- also the founding chairman of the no attempt by the Liberal Party to omy’.68 Whether or not, in Winston . rebrand or reposition itself as New Churchill’s expression, war was 8 J. Guinness Rogers, ‘The Middle Liberal or as a party primarily com- fatal to Liberalism, certainly the Class and the New Liberalism’, Nine- mitted to social and welfare legis- Liberal Party was not prepared teenth Century, vol. 26, no. 152, Oct. lation. Such issues were absorbed for the kind of politics that the 1889, pp. 710–20. by the Liberal Party as it reacted to war brought about, based on new 9 James Douglas Holms, ‘Is there “A changing political circumstances dividing lines between political New Liberalism?”’, Westminster and sought to compete with the parties, defined by social class and Review, vol. 134, no. 1, July 1890, Unionists as the most effective collectivism. pp. 134–47; vehicle for improving the condition speaking at the opening of a Lib- of the working classes. In offer- This article was originally published eral in Birmingham, ing this conclusion, it is important in Revue Francaise de Civilisa- reported in The Times, 11 Apr. 1890. to state that this study is limited tion Britannique Vol. 16(2), 2011. 10 The Times, 31 Aug. 1893 (Argyll let- and tentative. There is much scope The author is grateful to the editors of ter), and 14 Aug. 1894 (editorial on for further exploration of party that journal for permission to reproduce Spencer). rhetoric, propaganda and inter- it here. 11 R. B. Haldane, ‘The New Liberal- nal debates to shed further light on Whether ism’, and R. Wallace ‘The New Lib- how Liberals, from party leaders eralism’, Progressive Review, vol. 1, to local activists, saw the evolution or not, in Iain Sharpe completed a University of 1896, pp. 133–37. of party ideology and how far this London PhD thesis in 2011 on ‘Herbert 12 Daily News, 10, 11, 13 Jan. 1898. involved a ‘New Liberalism’. Winston Gladstone and Liberal Party Revival 13 An electronic search of the Man- The suggestion that the Lib- 1899–1905’. He is a Liberal Democrat chester Guardian archive at http:// eral Party had not become ‘New’ Churchill’s councillor in Watford. archive.guardian.co.uk/ reveals by 1914 does not mean that it was sixty-five references to ‘New Lib- poorly prepared for the politi- expression, 1 P. F. Clarke, Lancashire and the New eralism’ during this period, while cal future or that it could not have Liberalism (London, 1971); Liberals and a similar exercise on The Times enjoyed continuing electoral suc- war was Social Democrats (Cambridge, 1978); digital archive at http://0-infotrac. cess. As Ian Packer has argued, Michael Freeden, The New Liberalism: galegroup.com.catalogue.ulrls.lon. fatal to Lib- An ideology of social reform (Oxford, ac.uk/ revealed just fifty-one for the The ‘old’ Liberalism was far eralism, cer- 1978). same period. While allowance has to from dead or irrelevant in 1905– 2 For example, see Stephen Koss, be made for fallibilities in the search 15. When the Liberal govern- tainly the Asquith (London, 1976), Chapter engines and variations in wording, ment finally ended in 5, ‘From the Old Liberalism to the mentions of ‘New Liberalism’ are … it was not because its ideol- Liberal Party New’; Martin Pugh, The Making relatively few and far between given ogy had been unable to with- of Modern British Politics 1867–1945 the importance that has been attrib- stand the challenges of early was not pre- (Oxford, 2002), originally pub- uted to it. Both accessed 31 Mar. 2011. twentieth-century politics.66 lished 1982, pp. 107–15; Alan Sykes, 14 Freeden, New Liberalism, pp. 261–79. pared for the The Rise and Fall of British Liberalism Those not cited elsewhere in this arti- E. H. H Green has suggested that 1776–1988 (Harlow, 1997) pp. 173–175; cle are: E. T. Cook, ‘Ruskin and the the Conservatives were in greater kind of poli- G. R. Searle, A New England? Peace New Liberalism’, New Liberal Review, danger than the Liberals before the and War, 1886–1918 (Oxford, 2004) no. 1, 1901, pp. 18–25; H. Crossfield, outbreak of the First World War, tics that the pp. 212–13, 394–95; David Dutton, ‘The Ethical Movement and the New pointing out that to a great extent A History of the Liberal Party (Basing- Liberalism’, South Place Magazine, no. ‘the Liberal governments’ innova- war brought stoke, 2004, pp.12–13). 7, 1902, pp. 181–85. The only book tive but careful and wide-ranging 3 Dutton, Liberal Party, p. 6. published during the period that policy priorities satisfied the bulk about, based 4 Jonathan Parry, The Politics of Patriot- incorporated the phrase was David of their own and their allies’ sup- ism: English Liberalism, National Iden- Lloyd George, The New Liberalism: porters’.67 The Liberal Party had on new divid- tity and Europe, 1830–1886 (Cambridge, Speeches (London, 1909). constructed a coalition of sup- 2006) p. 109. 15 Paul A. Readman, ‘The 1895 General port, encompassing Labour, Irish ing lines 5 Ibid. p. 396. Election and Political Change in Late Nationalists and its own traditional between 6 Duncan Brack, ‘New Liberalism’, in Victorian Britain’, Historical Journal, voters that was sufficient to keep it Duncan Brack and Ed Randall (eds.), vol. 42, no. 2, June 1999, pp. 467–93. in power, provided that no exter- political par- Dictionary of Liberal Thought (London, 16 Speech at Scarborough Liberal Club, nal factor disrupted the political 2007) pp. 300–04; L. A. Atherley- The Times, 19 Oct. 1895. system. But of course the outbreak ties, defined Jones, ‘The New Liberalism’, Nine- 17 The Times, 17 Oct. 1895. of war provided just such a disrup- teenth Century, vol. 26, no. 150, Aug. 18 NLF meeting at ,Leeds tion. After the First World War, a by social 1889, pp. 186–93. Mercury, 28 Mar. 1896. divided Liberal Party found itself 7 George W. E. Russell, ‘The New 19 Harcourt’s speech to NLF confer- in competition with a collectiv- class and Liberalism: a response’, Nineteenth ence at Norwich, Daily News, 18 Mar. ist and overtly class-based Labour Century, vol. 26, no. 151, Sept. 1889, 1897. Party. Once overtaken by Labour, collectivism. p. 492. On Rosebery: ‘I do not see 20 Speech to NLF conference at Hull,

Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 23 the myth of ‘new liberalism’: continuity and change in liberal politics 1889–1914

The Times, 9 Mar. 1899. the Unionist government’s 1897 For Liberal dissatisfaction with Escape from Houndsditch’, 21 Herald, 22 Sept. 1900. Workmen’s Compensation Act programme politics see D. A. Nineteenth Century and After, 22 Daily News, 22 Sept. 1900. to include seamen, and 1832, Hamer, Liberal Politics in the Age of vol. 50, no. 295, Sept. 1901, pp. 23 The Times, 29 Sept. 1900. showing a cartoon of Lord Salis- Gladstone and Rosebery (Oxford, 366–86. 24 Leeds Mercury, 26 Sept. 1900. bury writing ‘Nonsense’ over a 1972), pp. 211–13, 257–59, 29 Herbert Samuel, Liberalism: An 25 Liberal Publication Department poster of Chamberlain’s social 280–81. attempt to state the principles and (LPD), Pamphlets and leaflets 1900 programme. 27 For Morley’s views on welfare proposals of contemporary Liberalism (London, 1901). For example: 26 See the speeches of Lord Rose- reform, see D. A. Hamer, John in England (London, 1902), pp. leaflet nos. 1824 on child labour; bery and Herbert Gladstone at Morley: Liberal intellectual in poli- 20–21. 1825 on old age pensions, 1827 the 1896 NLF conference, Leeds tics (Oxford, 1968), pp. 353–55. 30 Lucy Masterman, C. F. G. Mas- on Liberal support for extending Mercury, 27 and 28 Mar. 1896. 28 Sidney Webb, ‘Lord Rosebery’s terman (London, 1939) p. 47. RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 3) for inclusion here.

Letters of (1804–65) Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935 Knowledge of the whereabouts of any letters written by Cobden in Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an private hands, autograph collections, and obscure locations in the UK understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include and abroad for a complete edition of his letters. (For further details of personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold of the Cobden Letters Project, please see www.uea.ac.uk/his/research/ the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Cott, 1a cobdenproject). Dr Anthony Howe, School of History, University of East Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; [email protected]. Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ; [email protected]. Four nations history of the Irish A four nations history of the Irish Home Rule crisis, attempting to Dadabhai Naoroji (1825–1917) was an Indian nationalist and Liberal rebalance the existing Anglo-centric focus. Considering Scottish and member for Central Finsbury, 1892–95 – the first Asian to be elected Welsh reactions and the development of parallel Home Rule movements, to the House of Commons. This research for a PhD at Harvard aims along with how the crisis impacted on political parties across the UK. to produce both a biography of Naoroji and a volume of his selected Sources include newspapers, private papers, Hansard. Naomi Lloyd-Jones; correspondence, to be published by OUP India in 2013. The current [email protected]. phase concentrates on Naoroji’s links with a range of British progressive organisations and individuals, particularly in his later career. Suggestions Beyond Westminster: Grassroots Liberalism 1910–1929 for archival sources very welcome. Dinyar Patel; [email protected] A study of the Liberal Party at its grassroots during the period in which it or 07775 753 724. went from being the party of government to the of politics. This research will use a wide range of sources, including surviving The political career of Edward Strutt, 1st Baron Belper Liberal Party constituency minute books and local press to contextualise Strutt was Whig/Liberal MP for Derby (1830-49), later and the national decline of the party with the reality of the situation on Nottingham; in 1856 he was created Lord Belper and built Kingston the ground. The thesis will focus on three geographic regions (Home Hall (1842-46) in the village of Kingston-on-Soar, Notts. He was a Counties, Midlands and the North West) in order to explore the situation friend of and a supporter of free trade and reform, the Liberals found themselves in nationally. Research for University of and held government office as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster Leicester. Supervisor: Dr Stuart Ball. Gavin Freeman ; [email protected]. and Commissioner of Railways. Any information, location of papers or references welcome. Brian Smith; [email protected]. The Liberal Party’s political communication, 1945–2002 Research on the Liberal party and Lib Dems’ political communication. The emergence of the ‘public service ethos’ Any information welcome (including testimonies) about electoral Aims to analyse how self-interest and patronage was challenged by the campaigns and strategies. Cynthia Boyer, CUFR Champollion, Place de advent of impartial inspectorates, public servants and local authorities Verdun, 81 000 Albi, France; +33 5 63 48 19 77; [email protected]. in provincial Britain in the mid 19th century. Much work has been done on the emergence of a ‘liberal culture’ in the central civil service in The Liberal Party in , 1966–1988 , but much work needs to be done on the motives, behaviour Aims to follow the development of the party from the general election and mentalities of the newly reformed guardians of the poor, sanitary of 1966 to the time of the merger with the SDP. PhD research at Cardiff inspectors, factory and mines inspectors, education authorities, prison University. Nick Alderton; [email protected]. warders and the police. Ian Cawood, Newman University Colllege, Birmingham; [email protected]. Policy position and leadership strategy within the Liberal Democrats This thesis will be a study of the political positioning and leadership The life of Professor Reginald W Revans, 1907–2003 strategy of the Liberal Democrats. Consideration of the role of Any information anyone has on Revans’ Liberal Party involvement would equidistance; development of policy from the point of merger; the be most welcome. We are particularly keen to know when he joined the influence and leadership strategies of each leader from Ashdown to party and any involvement he may have had in campaigning issues. We Clegg; and electoral strategy from 1988 to 2015 will form the basis of the know he was very interested in . Any information, oral history work. Any material relating to leadership election campaigns, election submissions, location of papers or references most welcome. Dr Yury campaigns, internal party groups (for example the ) Boshyk, [email protected]; or Dr Cheryl Brook, [email protected]. or policy documents from 1987 and merger talks onwards would be greatly welcomed. Personal insights and recollections also sought. Samuel Barratt; [email protected].

24 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14