DOCSLIB.ORG

Working-Class Power and the 1946 Pension Reform in Sweden. A

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Working-Class Power and the 1946 Pension Reform in Sweden. A SUGGESTIONS AND DEBATES Sven E. Olsson WORKING-CLASS POWER AND THE 1946 PENSION REFORM IN SWEDEN A Modest Festschrift Contribution* The Great Social Democratic Celebration view of the development of the Swedish welfare state has to be repudiated and relegated to where it be- longs, the lush vegetations outside the open veld of scholarship.1 Obviously, the small states of the Far North are important cases in social scientific discourse over the character and development of the welfare state. In particular the long reign of Swedish Social Democracy, and maybe even more the exceptional strength of trade unions in Sweden, belong to the sociological wonders of contemporary capitalism. Industrial relations as well as social and labour market policies in Sweden have become a fashion in current social and historical analysis around the globe. Rather surprisingly, there exist few studies on the origins and historical development of welfare policies in Sweden. For example concerning pen- sion policy, an area in which Sweden in several respects was ahead of most * This article is part of the project "Developments and alternatives in Swedish Social Insurance Policy" funded by the Swedish Commission for Social Research (DSF 87/91). I am indebted to Ake Elmer, Olli Kangas, Rafael Lindqvist, Per Nystrom, Gunnar Olofsson, Joakim Palme, Gosta Rehn and Stefan Svallfors for their helpful comments and criticisms on the draft for this text. I am also grateful for the critique at the Sociology Department Seminar, University of Stockholm. Suzanne McMurphy corrected the draft and Patrick Hort made the final language corrections. 1 Therborn, G. (1983): "The Working Class, the Welfare State and Sweden", paper presented at the Social Policy seminar of the Swedish Sociological Association (Ladvik, 1985), p. 37, reprinted in P. Kettunen (ed.), Det nordiska i den nordiska arbetarrorelsen (Helsinki, 1986), pp. 1-75. Baldwin follows in the footsteps of Therborn and indeed singles out major contributors to the development of the Swedish welfare state in addition to those who are usually honoured. Although an appropriate foundation, considering we are living in 1989 - the centenary of the foundation of the Social Democratic Labour Party in Sweden - I think it is important to see the true proportions of this narrative. Thus, these pages may be labelled, to paraphrase Therborn, "a modest Festschrift contribution" (p. 28). International Review of Social History, XXXIV (1989), pp. 287-308 Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.33.19, on 30 Sep 2021 at 14:19:20, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020859000009275 288 SVEN E. OLSSON industrial nations since early this century, the seminal work is still Ake Elmer's Folkpensioneringen i Sverige (The People's Pension in Sweden) published some thirty years ago.2 The major weakness of this thesis is its national focus, and the absence of a cross-national perspective. However, otherwise it is an outstanding analysis of the origins and social forces behind the Swedish pension system from late 19th up to mid-20th century. In Elmer's view, the background to the unanimous choice in 1913 of an all-encompassing, universalist pension scheme, instead of a worker's insur- ance, was the decisive political weight held by farmers and rural smallhold- ers. In contrast, the unanimosity behind the pension reform in 1946 had more complex reasons. Conventional wisdom holds that this was basically a Social Democratic affair. The Labour movement had since the 1930s be- come the main political factor, and had already from the 1920s tried to reform the pension system against stubborn Conservative resistance. The general election of 1936 with the pension issue in focus, proved victorious for the Social Democratic party, and a State Commission led by a leading Social Democratic social policy expert was appointed to carry out reform in all areas of social welfare. However, it is evident that Social Democracy was in no sense the obvious force behind the pension reform that followed in 1946. The labour move- ment was split when the State Commission made its proposals, and was reunited only after most other socio-political forces had made their choices. In Elmer's analysis, the pension decision was made in the interplay between on the one hand the Swedish Conservative party, now in favour of social reform, and the left-leaning emerging lobby organizations of pensioners on the other. Recently, the Harvard historian Peter Baldwin has started to publish the results from his comparative study of European pension policy. Among other things, he questions the validity of conventional wisdom regarding the Social Democratic impact on welfare state developments in Sweden.3 Despite the obvious merits and seriousness of his article "How socialist is solidaristic social policy?", his analysis of pension reform in Sweden in the mid-1940s must be seen in a broader intellectual context. I have had the good fortune to read the mimeograph version of Baldwin's dissertation. It is broad in scope, rich in detail, and sharp in focus. His conclusions are well argued and the whole work is a fine example of sensitive historical analysis.4 2 A. Elmer, Folkpensioneringen i Sverige (Malmo, 1960). 3 International Review of Social History, XXXIII (1988), pp. 121-147 [hereafter Bald- win, IRSH]. Cf. P. Baldwin, "The Scandinavian Origins of the Social Interpretation of the Welfare State", Comparative Studies in Society and History, 31 (1989), no. 1, pp. 3-24. 4 P. Baldwin, "The Politics of Social Solidarity and the Class Origins of the European Welfare State 1875-1975" (Harvard University, Department of History, 1987), mimeo [hereafter Baldwin, PSSCOEWS]. Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.33.19, on 30 Sep 2021 at 14:19:20, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020859000009275 WORKING CLASS POWER AND THE 1946 PENSION REFORM IN SWEDEN 289 I highly appreciate and respect his ambition to write a non-Whiggish narrative, and both the discussion of the 1913 Pension law and the 1959 Superannuation law are nuanced interpretations of Swedish history. How- ever, I cannot avoid the impression that, in presenting the 1946 Swedish pension reform as a specifically Conservative effort for social solidarity, he overdoes his case.5 Generally speaking, Baldwin questions a classical axiom attributed to one of the founding fathers of the social sciences, namely Marx's thesis that the working class has only its chains to loose and is accordingly the only class whose interest is not "particular" but "universal"; in the end, workers' emancipation means the emancipation of all mankind. The Communist Manifesto held that the only class with a "total" societal interest is the proletariat, the wage-earners. Baldwin's dissertation opens with an illumi- nating general discussion of redistribution, solidarity and the Welfare State. In the article, the starting point is narrower, focusing on the issue that has caused some authors to note with astonishment that the Swedish Social Democrats were not united behind what posterity has come to regard as the most progressive pension proposal of the Scandinavian welfare state.6 The 5 Productivity at American universities, in particular the production of dissertations from the elite schools, has created a fundamental problem in the scientific community at large. The need to make a career in an extremely competitive academic market place, where success is founded on making a 'break through' in an overwhelming publishing milieu, forces the dissertation authors to press their points to the extreme as well as to adapt them to the theoretical conjuncture of the day. Invisible academic proof-work is superficially transformed into visible articles in scientific journals, the most prestigious form of publishing and the best means for providing advertisement for forthcoming books. Thus, while simplistic viewpoints are spread all over the field, the indispensable 'Socratic' dialogue between scholarly minds is put aside. Too much competition can be turned into a disadvantage. The threat of anti-intellectualism based on this orientation cannot be overlooked, sacrificing the generally high quality of American research, in particular historical research. I would like to add, that these remarks reflect my own ambiguity towards a system I had an extremely rewarding firsthand experience of as a Fulbright visiting scholar during academic year 1987/1988 at Mount Vernon College and the Brookings Institution, Washington D.C. Commenting upon these remarks, Per Nystrom reminded me that Gunnar Myrdal early on had noticed another bad habit in the US academic community: the abuse of citations from best friends and close colleagues (letter to the author 1989-01-26). 6 Concerning the astonishment among social policy experts at the apparent progressive- ness of the bourgeois parties, it is important to note that Baldwin misreads Elmer, ibid., IRSH, p. 137, n. 45. Elmer does not say that the Right's attitude "is the most difficult to explain", only that it is not possible for him to conclude whether it was purely tactical or a matter of principle (pp. 118-127). Elmer also stresses that he is speculating on this issue, but pays considerable attention to the principal arguments. However, he does not analyze in terms of rationality (a great merit in Baldwin's article), makes no reference to the Right's advocacy of white-collar pension interests, and does not investigate the sources to which Baldwin has had access (especially the archive of the Right party). Downloaded from https://www.cambridge.org/core. IP address: 170.106.33.19, on 30 Sep 2021 at 14:19:20, subject to the Cambridge Core terms of use, available at https://www.cambridge.org/core/terms.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Lesson Plan with Activities: Political
    LESSON PLAN POLITICAL PARTIES Recommended for Grade 10 Duration: Approximately 60 minutes BACKGROUND INFORMATION Parliamentary Roles: www.ola.org/en/visit-learn/about-ontarios-parliament/ parliamentary-roles LEARNING GOALS This lesson plan is designed to engage students in the political process through participatory activities and a discussion about the various political parties. Students will learn the differences between the major parties of Ontario and how they connect with voters, and gain an understanding of the important elements of partisan politics. INTRODUCTORY DISCUSSION (10 minutes) Canada is a constitutional monarchy and a parliamentary democracy, founded on the rule of law and respect for rights and freedoms. Ask students which country our system of government is based on. Canada’s parliamentary system stems from the British, or “Westminster,” tradition. Since Canada is a federal state, responsibility for lawmaking is shared among one federal, ten provincial and three territorial governments. Canada shares the same parliamentary system and similar roles as other parliaments in the Commonwealth – countries with historic links to Britain. In our parliament, the Chamber is where our laws are debated and created. There are some important figures who help with this process. Some are partisan and some are non-partisan. What does it mean to be partisan/non-partisan? Who would be voicing their opinions in the Chamber? A helpful analogy is to imagine the Chamber as a game of hockey, where the political parties are the teams playing and the non-partisan roles as the people who make sure the game can happen (ex. referees, announcers, score keepers, etc.) LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY OF ONTARIO POLITICAL PARTIES 01 EXPLANATION (5 minutes) Political Parties: • A political party is a group of people who share the same political beliefs.
    [Show full text]
  • Throughout the 1950S the Liberal Party of South Africa Suffered Severe Internal Conflict Over Basic Issues of Policy and Strategy
    Throughout the 1950s the Liberal Party of South Africa suffered severe internal conflict over basic issues of policy and strategy. On one level this stemmed from the internal dynamics of a small party unequally divided between the Cape, Transvaal and Natal, in terms of membership, racial composftion and political traditon. This paper and the larger work from which it is taken , however, argue inter alia that the conflict stemmed to a greater degree from a more fundamental problem, namely differing interpretations of liberalism and thus of the role of South African liberals held by various elements within the Liberal Party (LP). This paper analyses the political creed of those parliamentary and other liberals who became the early leaders of the LP. Their standpoint developed in specific circumstances during the period 1947-1950, and reflected opposition to increasingly radical black political opinion and activity, and retreat before the unfolding of apartheid after 1948. This particular brand of liberalism was marked by a rejection of extra- parliamentary activity, by a complete rejection of the univensal franchise, and by anti-communism - the negative cgaracteristics of the early LP, but also the areas of most conflict within the party. The liberals under study - including the Ballingers, Donald Molteno, Leo Marquard, and others - were all prominent figures. All became early leaders of the Liberal Party in 1953, but had to be *Ihijackedffigto the LP by having their names published in advance of the party being launched. The strategic prejudices of a small group of parliamentarians, developed in the 1940s, were thus to a large degree grafted on to non-racial opposition politics in the 1950s through an alliance with a younger generation of anti-Nationalists in the LP.
    [Show full text]
  • Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses
    Working Paper Series in European Studies Volume 1, Number 3 Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses DR. SIMON HIX DEPARTMENT OF GOVERNMENT LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE Houghton Street London, WC2A 2AE United Kingdom ([email protected]) EDITORIAL ADVISORY COMMITTEE: GILLES BOUSQUET KEITH COHEN COLLEEN DUNLAVY ANDREAS KAZAMIAS LEON LINDBERG ELAINE MARKS ANNE MINER ROBERT OSTERGREN MARK POLLACK GREGORY SHAFFER MARC SILBERMAN JONATHAN ZEITLIN Copyright © 1998 All rights reserved. No part of this paper may be reproduced in any form without permission of the author. European Studies Program, International Institute, University of Wisconsin--Madison Madison, Wisconsin http://polyglot.lss.wisc.edu/eur/ 1 Dimensions and Alignments in European Union Politics: Cognitive Constraints and Partisan Responses Simon Hix Department of Government, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, United Kingdom Abstract As the European Union (EU) has evolved, the study agenda has shifted from ‘European integration’ to ‘EU politics’. Missing from this new agenda, however, is an understanding of the ‘cognitive constraints’ on actors, and how actors respond: i.e. the shape of the EU ‘political space’ and the location of social groups and competition between actors within this space. The article develops a theoretical framework for understanding the shape of the EU political space (the interaction between an Integration-Independence and a Left-Right dimension and the location of class and sectoral groups within this map), and tests this framework on the policy positions of the Socialist, Christian Democrat and Liberal party leaders between 1976 and 1994 (using the techniques of the ECPR Party Manifestos Group Project).
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • Neoliberalism As Historical Narrative: Some Reflections, by Josh Cole
    JOSH COLE Neoliberalism as Historical Narrative: Some Reflections n a potentially seismic contribution to the study of knowledge and Ipower (cut short by his death in 1962) the sociologist C. Wright Mills argued that the “first rule for understanding the human condition”, is that people “live in second-hand worlds”. They are aware of much more than they have personally experienced; and their own experience is al- ways indirect. “The quality of their lives is determined by meanings they have received from others.”1 This phenomenon — in which modern “consciousness and existence” is mediated by symbols which “focus ex- perience [and] organize knowledge” is central to the understanding of nationalism and history, not least in Canada.2 Through communications — embodied in media, school curricula, in statues, museums and monu- ments — we learn to love our country and the history that seems to ‘nat- urally’ inform it. So much so that, as Benedict Anderson argues, we are willing to lay down our lives (or those of our fellow citizens) in its name.3 Yet, the paradox is that nations and their national histories are not eternal, but are themselves historical artifacts of a strikingly recent invention. There is less ‘blood and soil’ than we might imagine, and more technology at work in it. What we today recognize as nationalism is a modern phenomenon, involving a break with a past in which social life was organized hierarchically under “sovereigns whose right to rule was divinely prescribed and sanctioned.” OUR SCHOOLS/OUR SELVES “Cosmological time” — that is, time conditioned by the natural rhythms of life — was dealt a severe blow by the development of sciences like geology and astronomy on the one hand, and new technologies such as chronometers, clocks, and compasses on the other.
    [Show full text]
  • Gladstonian Liberalism: a Catalyst for Social Representation and Democratic Reform in Victorian Britain
    Pittsburg State University Pittsburg State University Digital Commons Electronic Thesis Collection Spring 5-12-2018 GLADSTONIAN LIBERALISM: A CATALYST FOR SOCIAL REPRESENTATION AND DEMOCRATIC REFORM IN VICTORIAN BRITAIN Jason Belcher Pittsburg State University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.pittstate.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons, and the Political History Commons Recommended Citation Belcher, Jason, "GLADSTONIAN LIBERALISM: A CATALYST FOR SOCIAL REPRESENTATION AND DEMOCRATIC REFORM IN VICTORIAN BRITAIN" (2018). Electronic Thesis Collection. 244. https://digitalcommons.pittstate.edu/etd/244 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by Pittsburg State University Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Thesis Collection by an authorized administrator of Pittsburg State University Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. GLADSTONIAN LIBERALISM: A CATALYST FOR SOCIAL REPRESENTATION AND DEMOCRATIC REFORM IN VICTORIAN BRITAIN A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate School in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of History Jason Samuel Belcher Pittsburg State University Pittsburg, Kansas March 2018 i GLADSTONIAN LIBERALISM: A CATALYST FOR SOCIAL REPRESENTATION AND DEMOCRATIC REFORM IN VICTORIAN BRITAIN Jason Samuel Belcher APPROVED: Thesis Advisor _______________________________________________ Dr. Michael Thompson, The department of History, Philosophy and Social Sciences
    [Show full text]
  • What's Left of the Left: Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging
    What’s Left of the Left What’s Left of the Left Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging Times Edited by James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Duke University Press Durham and London 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. Contents Acknowledgments vii Introduction: The New World of the Center-Left 1 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Part I: Ideas, Projects, and Electoral Realities Social Democracy’s Past and Potential Future 29 Sheri Berman Historical Decline or Change of Scale? 50 The Electoral Dynamics of European Social Democratic Parties, 1950–2009 Gerassimos Moschonas Part II: Varieties of Social Democracy and Liberalism Once Again a Model: 89 Nordic Social Democracy in a Globalized World Jonas Pontusson Embracing Markets, Bonding with America, Trying to Do Good: 116 The Ironies of New Labour James Cronin Reluctantly Center- Left? 141 The French Case Arthur Goldhammer and George Ross The Evolving Democratic Coalition: 162 Prospects and Problems Ruy Teixeira Party Politics and the American Welfare State 188 Christopher Howard Grappling with Globalization: 210 The Democratic Party’s Struggles over International Market Integration James Shoch Part III: New Risks, New Challenges, New Possibilities European Center- Left Parties and New Social Risks: 241 Facing Up to New Policy Challenges Jane Jenson Immigration and the European Left 265 Sofía A. Pérez The Central and Eastern European Left: 290 A Political Family under Construction Jean- Michel De Waele and Sorina Soare European Center- Lefts and the Mazes of European Integration 319 George Ross Conclusion: Progressive Politics in Tough Times 343 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Bibliography 363 About the Contributors 395 Index 399 Acknowledgments The editors of this book have a long and interconnected history, and the book itself has been long in the making.
    [Show full text]
  • JS Mill's Political Thought
    P1: JZZ 0521860202pre CUFX079B/Urbinati 0 521 86020 2 cupusbw December 26, 2006 7:38 This page intentionally left blank ii P1: JZZ 0521860202pre CUFX079B/Urbinati 0 521 86020 2 cupusbw December 26, 2006 7:38 J. S. MILL’S POLITICAL THOUGHT The year 2006 marked the two hundredth anniversary of John Stuart Mill’s birth. Although his philosophical reputation has varied greatly in the interven- ing years, it is now clear that Mill ranks among the most influential modern political thinkers. Yet despite his enduring influence, and perhaps also because of it, the breadth and complexity of Mill’s political thought is often under- appreciated. Although his writings remain a touchstone for debates over liberty and liberalism, many other important dimensions of his political philosophy have until recently been mostly ignored or neglected. This volume aims, first, to correct such neglect by illustrating the breadth and depth of Mill’s political writings. It does so by drawing togetheracollection of essays whose authors explore underappreciated elements of Mill’s political philosophy, including his democratic theory, his writings on international relations and military inter- ventions, and his treatments of socialism and despotism. Second, the volume shows how Mill’s thinking remains pertinent to our own political life in three broad areas – democratic institutions and culture, liberalism, and international politics – and offers a critical reassessment of Mill’s political philosophy in light of recent political developments and transformations. Nadia Urbinati
    [Show full text]
  • Why Did the Liberals Introduce Their Welfare Reforms?
    Why did the Liberals introduce their welfare reforms? Self-help v. welfare state In Britain, when the state pays for health care, education, social services, unemployment benefit and many other services for whoever needs them. We call this the WELFARE STATE, this is run by the Government in power at the time. This was not always the case. Before the early 1900s most politicians would have said that the government should leave such matters to individuals or charities and that individuals should look after their own welfare by working hard and saving money carefully. This is known as ‘SELF HELP’. They would also have said that anyone could climb out of poverty if they tried hard enough, so it was their own fault if they stayed poor. Frome 1906 – 1918, the Liberal Party was the largest party in the country and made up the government. During this time, they changed the focus from Self Help to Welfare State through a series of laws and social reforms. These Liberal reforms were based on quite different assumptions: • It was not always the fault of the poor that they were poor. • It was the role of government to support the poor when they needed it most. There are economic, political, social and even military reasons why they changed their views. The social reformers Leading Liberals were influenced by the work of researchers and social reformers such as Seebohm Rowntree. He was head of the famous Rowntrees chocolate and sweet company in York but he was also a committed social reformer. The family had set up in the 19th century a ‘model’ town called Bourneville with good health, housing and education systems for their workers and families.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics and Values of Individualists and Collectivists: A
    The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Electronic Theses and Dissertations Fogler Library 12-2002 The olitP ics and Values of Individualists and Collectivists: A Cross-Cultural Comparison David Y. Bourgeois Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/etd Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Bourgeois, David Y., "The oP litics and Values of Individualists and Collectivists: A Cross-Cultural Comparison" (2002). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 64. http://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/etd/64 This Open-Access Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. THE POLITICS AND VALUES OF INDIVIDUALISTS AND COLLECTIVISTS: A CROSS-CULTURAL COMPARISON BY David Y. Bourgeois B.Ps. Universite de Moncton, 1992 M. 2s Arts, Universite Laval, 1994 A THESIS Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (in Psychology) The Graduate School The University of Maine December, 2002 Advisory Committee: William F. Stone, Professor of Psychology, Advisor Michael Robbins, Senior Research Associate of Psychology Paul Schaffner, Associate Professor of Psychology, Bowdoin College Laurence Smith, Associate Professor of Psychology Geoffrey Thorpe, Professor of Psychology THE POLITICS AND VALUES OF INDIVIDUALISTS AND COLLECTIVISTS: A CROSS-CULTURAL COMPARISON By David Y. Bourgeois Thesis Advisor: Dr. William F. Stone An Abstract of the Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy (in Psychology) December, 2002 This dissertation examines horizontal and vertical individualism and collectivism as testable dimensions of cultural variation.
    [Show full text]
  • Mill, Spencer and Victorian Liberalism / by Leo Richard Fernig.
    MILL, SPENCER AND VICTORIAN LIBERALISM Leo Richard Fernig B .A., Cambridge University, 1974 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History @ Leo Richard Fernig 1980 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY November 1980 ~llrights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission* of the author. APPROVAL Name : Leo Richard Fernig Degree : Master of Arts Title of Thesis: Mill, Spencer and Victorian Liberalism Examining Committee: Chairperson: C.R. Day Michaei Fel lman Senior Supervisor Maf'y Lynn ~c~ou~a(L'1 Jeh9Koney External ~xahiner Professor. Department of History University of Victoria Date Approved : 4- 26, /WJ PARTIAL COPYRY GHT ZJCEhSE I hereby grant to Simon Fraser University the right to lend my thesis or dissertation (the title of which is shown below) to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. I further agree that permission for multiple copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by me or the Dean of Graduate Studies. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Title of ~hesis/~issertation: # S3~ 2 i,2 / !'SiRAL\:fl, Author: (signature) (name ) (date) ABSTRACT This thesis is an analysis of On Liberty (1859) by John Stuart Mill and The Man versus the State (1884) by Herbert Spencer.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Language: Liberalism As Word and Symbol
    Chapman University Chapman University Digital Commons Law Faculty Books and Book Chapters Fowler School of Law 1986 The olitP ics of Language: Liberalism as Word and Symbol Ronald D. Rotunda Chapman University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/law_books Part of the American Politics Commons Recommended Citation Rotunda, Ronald. The oP litics of Language: Liberalism as Word and Symbol. Iowa City, IA: University of Iowa Press, 1986. Web. This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the Fowler School of Law at Chapman University Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Law Faculty Books and Book Chapters by an authorized administrator of Chapman University Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Politics of Language The Politics of Language,/ Liberalism as Word and Symbol Ronald D. Rotunda Introduction by Daniel Schorr Afterword by M. H. Hoeflich University of Iowa Press Iowa City University of Iowa Press, Iowa City 52242 TO BILL FREIVOGEL Copyright © 1986 by the University of Iowa All rights reserved My lazvyer, if I should Printed in the United States of America ever need one First edition, 1986 Jacket and book design by Richard Hendel Typesetting by G&S Typesetters, Inc., Austin, Texas Printing and binding by Thomson-Shore, Inc., Dexter, Michigan Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Rotunda, Ronald D. The politics of language. Includes index. 1. Liberalism-United States-History. 2. Liberalism-Great Britain­ History. 3· Symbolism in politics. I. Title. JA84.U5R69 1986 320.5'1 85-24548 ISBN o-87745-139-7 No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, without permission in writing from the publisher.
    [Show full text]