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When Gladstone Described Mill As ‘The Saint of Rationalism’, He Could Also Have Added ‘And of Liberalism’

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When Gladstone Described Mill As ‘The Saint of Rationalism’, He Could Also Have Added ‘And of Liberalism’ JoHn stuart Mill anD tHe LiberaL party When Gladstone described Mill as ‘the Saint of Rationalism’, he could also have added ‘and of Liberalism’. By the time he died, in 1873, the Victorian philosopher had acquired an almost unique status and authority, which transcended the confessional and cultural divides between ‘rationalists’ (or secularists) and the larger number of churchmen and Nonconformists, who provided the backbone of the party. By Professor Eugenio Biagini. 4 Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 JoHn stuart Mill anD tHe LiberaL party ake, for example, his An unusual backbencher politics ought to be guided by moral celebrated essay On Lib- The connection between Mill and energy and express itself through erty: although it was the Victorian Liberal party has not fervent campaigning.3 Like Glad- ultimately a consistent escaped historians’ attention. To stone, Mill believed that he had a expression of the author’s mention but a few, John Vincent, ‘call’ to politics – that his mission Treligious agnosticism, the book Stefan Collini, Bruce Kinzer and was to radicalise the Liberal Party, could equally well be read as a reas- that redoubtable academic couple, which at the time meant moving sertion of attitudes and convictions Ann and John Robson – the editors the party to the left of the politi- which were deeply rooted in the of Mill’s Collected Works – have all cal spectrum. Thus Mill was very country’s Puritan tradition, partic- written extensively on this topic. active in the struggle for parliamen- ularly through its emphasis on the As an MP for Westminster (1865– tary reform, in the hope that, once moral sovereignty of the individual 68), Mill was a loyal backbencher the electoral system was purified conscience and on dissent as some- and, although a Radical, in the run from corrupt practices and democ- thing intrinsically good.1 up to 1868 he drew closer to the then ratised, ‘progressive’ candidates and He was such a great Victorian Chancellor of the Exchequer, W. E. labour leaders would stand a better that it is surprising that his appeal Gladstone. On the one hand, this chance of being returned, and their has remained strong – and perhaps is surprising, given the significant presence in the House of Commons grown even stronger – with the differences in religious outlook and would in turn provide the impetus passing of time. As the late Con- political background. Indeed, in for further reform. rad Russell noted, Mill’s continu- 1873 Gladstone was deeply embar- A further area of convergence ing relevance to British Liberalism rassed to discover that Mill, as a between Mill and Gladstone was was publicly acknowledged in 1988, young man, had publicly advo- in their sensitivity to minorities when On Liberty was adopted as the cated birth control and the use of within multinational empires. party’s ‘book of office’ (replacing contraceptives. On the other hand, Indeed Mill’s support for the cause John Milton’s Areopagitica).2 Twenty the Grand Old Man was a reader of Jamaicans in the 1860s presents years later, in the winter 2007–08, and admirer of Mill’s economic affinities with Gladstone’s later Mill was voted ‘the greatest Liberal’ writings, and his first government stance over Bulgaria, Zululand and by the readers of this journal. How implemented legislation which Armenia between 1876 and 1896. can we explain such extraordinary reflected Mill’s influence, including Moreover, both men consistently and long-lasting success? In the votes for women in local elections adopted a ‘European’ perspective present article I shall try to answer (from 1869), proportional represen- to international problems, detest- this question by focusing on the tation for school board elections, ing unilateralism as a dangerous last part of the philosopher’s career, and the Married Women’s Prop- superstition. Not surprisingly, in examining first his impact on the erty Act, 1870. By the same token, 1865–70 Mill saw in Gladstone the party from 1859 and then those as Collini, Kinzer and the Robsons leader who would further the cause aspects of his thought which offered have argued, Mill felt a sort of ‘elec- of ‘advanced liberalism’. Although a particularly significant contribu- tive affinity’ for Gladstone, based on John Stuart Mill by 1873 he was to an extent disillu- tion to the later Liberal tradition. the shared conviction that Liberal (1806–73) sioned, his assessment of the GOM Journal of Liberal History 70 Spring 2011 5 JoHn stuart Mill anD tHe LiberaL party was basically accurate, and would it is sig- was unable to grasp the reality of However, how could the prac- be vindicated in due course. It is sig- party democracy and the need tice of direct democracy be recon- nificant that one of Gladstone’s most nificant that for an electoral and canvassing ciled with the needs of large-scale enthusiastic collaborators and his ‘machine’. It was rather that he modern democracies? There were greatest biographer was John Mor- one of Glad- championed a different and distinc- two main strategies: first, local ley, who was so closely associated tively Liberal understanding of what government and decentralisation, with the legacy of the great philoso- stone’s most such an organisation ought to com- to empower local political life; and pher that he earned the sobriquet of prise. The first thing to observe is second, strong, representative party ‘Mr Mill’s representative on earth’. enthusiastic that Mill’s ideal of democracy was organisations, which would medi- inspired more by classical than by ate local aspirations and national collabora- modern models. He waxed lyrical aims by means of public debate. Active citizenship and the tors and his about Athens in the days of Pericles, Thus the party ‘mass’ organisation, Liberal party organisation a time which he regarded almost as a sometimes dismissively described One area in which Mill informed greatest sort of Liberal paradise, where each as ‘the caucus’, was to act as a link practical Liberal politics was in his citizen was continually appointed between local and national democ- concept of participatory citizen- biographer to some form of public magistracy, racy. As the Fortnightly Review put ship and, indirectly, in his attitudes and participation and debate arose it, ‘[the caucus] appears to be a to the early ideas about the role was John spontaneously from the awareness necessary outcome of democracy. and function of the party’s ‘mass’ of common interests rooted in the In a small community, such as the organisation. The latter became an Morley, feeling of belonging to a socio-cul- Canton of Uri, all the freemen may issue from 1877, with the founda- tural entity to which one felt a posi- meet in a meadow to pass laws. In tion of the National Liberal Fed- who was so tive emotional commitment. 6 larger societies direct government eration (NLF) by another of Mill’s Moreover, and crucially, such by the people gives place to repre- admirers – Joseph Chamberlain. closely asso- a perpetually deliberating demos sentative government; and when By contrast with the intellectual allowed ‘public moralists’ to emerge constituencies consist of thou- debate later generated by the NLF, ciated with as the guides of public opinion sands, associations which aid the there was little theoretical prepa- because ‘[t]he multitude have often birth of popular opinion and give it ration for its establishment: no the legacy a true instinct for distinguish- strength, stability and homogeneity blueprint had been drawn up by ing an able man, when he has the seem indispensable.’10 any of those many intellectuals of the great means for displaying his ability ‘Giving strength and stability and journalists which Harvie has in a fair field before them.’7 Hence to popular opinion’ was, however, described as ‘the lights of liberal- philosopher the apparent paradox that ancient more easily said than done, but the ism’.4 Mill in particular had little that he direct democracy was the cradle apparent anarchy and intractable to say about mass party organisa- of philosopher-statesmen of the internal conflicts which plagued tion.5 This omission is somewhat earned the calibre of Themistocles, Aristides, the NLF from the start make more surprising when we consider that Pericles and Demosthenes, lead- sense once we bear in mind the con- during his lifetime there flourished sobriquet of ers and not followers of popular text in which it operated: it was well-organised pressure groups opinion, who acted in a pedagogic not supposed to be a caucus in the similar to parties, including the ‘Mr Mill’s rep- rather than a demagogic way. Thus, American sense of the word, but National Education League, with the two dimensions which were so the ekklesia (general assembly) of which he was well acquainted, and resentative important for Mill – namely, meri- the Liberal demos, or ‘a Liberal par- the Land Tenure Reform Asso- tocratic elitism and participatory liament outside the Imperial Par- ciation, of which he was a leading on earth’. democracy – converged in the con- liament’.11 Its avowed aim was not member. The NLF, launched only text of the polis.8 What linked them primarily to become a canvassing four years after Mill’s death, drew together was charismatic rhetoric organisation and win elections, but heavily on the experience of such – which in a free society provided rather to provide a forum, a delib- leagues and associations, some of ‘able men’ with ‘the means for dis- erating agora, within which ideas which it tried to coordinate. It has playing their ability’ before ‘the could be thrashed out, programmes sometimes been suggested that, for multitude’. formed ‘from below’ and opinion all his intellectual prestige, Mill At the time, these views were so ‘rationally’ informed eventually was actually unable to understand not unusual in Liberal and Radi- coordinated in electoral campaigns.
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