THE MYth OF ‘NEW LIBERAliSM’ COntinUitY And CHAngE in LIBERAL POlitiCS 1889–1914 The concept of ‘New Liberalism’ has played an important part in historical debate about the political health of the Liberal Party before the First World War and the inevitability or otherwise of its subsequent decline. Iain Sharpe argues that in reality it is hard to detect any clear transition from Old to New Liberalism. The Liberals continued to base their appeal on being a moderate, patriotic and pragmatic party of the political centre, capable of governing effectively and responding sympathetically to social problems, but avoiding class rhetoric. 16 Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 THE MYth OF ‘NEW LIBERAliSM’ COntinUitY And CHAngE in LIBERAL POlitiCS 1889–1914 he focus on the contribu- At first sight this may seem tan- ‘Manchester School’ economics tion of New Liberalism to gential to the reasons for the decline and a belief in individual respon- Tthe success of the Liberal of the Liberal Party and the rise of sibility, its chief causes being, as Party is particularly a result of the Labour. However, it tells us some- one historian has put it: ‘free trade, seminal works by Peter Clarke and thing about the party’s political sound finance, religious toleration Michael Freeden.1 Clarke’s argu- outlook and appeal to the elector- and a pacific foreign policy’.3 How- ment that, by adopting ‘New Lib- ate. While the Asquith govern- ever, Jonathan Parry has questioned eralism’, the party had by 1914 ment introduced significant welfare how far such attitudes really did adapted itself to class-based poli- reforms, such as old age pensions, dominate Victorian Liberalism, tics and was in a strong position national insurance and greater highlighting the importance Lib- to repel any challenge from the employment rights, the Liberal erals placed on the moral improve- Labour Party, remains controver- Party never became defined by its ment of society and the state’s role sial. Nonetheless, references to commitment to such causes, nor did in promoting this. He describes New Liberalism as an organising it abandon the identification with the legislation of Gladstone’s first principle of the welfare and social political reform that had been an administration in the fields of edu- reforms of the Asquith government essential element of Liberal politics cation, public health and other have become commonplace in the through much of the nineteenth matters as ‘part of a general burst work of historians discussing this century. Liberal leaders saw social of activity for social and moral period.2 and welfare questions as deserving improvement against vice, crime, The impression conveyed can be to be addressed, and treated them ignorance and pauperism’.4 Parry that New Liberalism was an identi- with a mixture of principle and concludes by arguing that: fied and recognisable intellectual pragmatism: a combination of gen- and political movement that was uine belief and a perceived need to Increasing interest in commu- responsible for repositioning the compete with the Unionists. How- nal social action prefigured the Liberal Party away from ‘Manches- ever, social reform was a secondary so-called New Liberalism of the ter School’ economics, individu- component of the party’s political twentieth century, which only alism and constitutional reform mission, not its raison d’être. This appears as a sharp break from towards giving priority to social was a source of strength as long nineteenth-century practice if and welfare measures. This article as the Liberal Party remained in a nineteenth-century practice questions such an understanding position to compete for power, but is misconceived as dominated of the pre-First World War Liberal it left the party in a weak position by principles of laissez-faire Party and the extent to which it to combat Labour if social reform rather than constitutional embraced a new approach to poli- and welfare politics became domi- inclusiveness.5 tics. It highlights the paucity of nating issues. contemporary references to New Parry’s argument suggests a need to Liberalism in party propaganda, rethink not only the nature of Vic- political speeches and press report- The meanings of ‘New torian Liberalism, but also how far ing of the party’s campaigns, and Liberalism’ Architects of the Liberals in the Edwardian period argues that the concept was not A stereotypical outline of Liberal New Liberalism? saw themselves as engaged in a sig- really part of the contemporary attitudes towards state action on – David Lloyd nificant departure from the work of political language of Liberalism. It social reform might see the party as George and their predecessors. suggests that the continuities within having been dominated for much Winston The first use of the term ‘New Liberal politics are more striking of the late nineteenth century by Churchill as Liberalism’ in the context of social than any ‘New Liberal’ departure. a commitment to laissez-faire Liberal ministers reform has been identified in an Journal of Liberal History 81 Winter 2013–14 17 THE MYTH OF ‘NEW liBERAliSM’: COntinUitY And CHANGE in liBERAL POlitiCS 1889–1914 article by the radical Liberal MP is the paucity of references to the One of the Liberalism, arguing that the party L. A. Atherley-Jones in the August phrase in contemporary writing. must stand for democratic as well 1889 edition of Nineteenth Cen- It was also not necessarily used curiosities as social reform.11 Similarly, in 1898 tury magazine.6 Atherley-Jones in the context of social reform. there was a discussion in the Daily argued that ‘The battle of the mid- James Douglas Holms’ article in of studying News’ correspondence columns dle class has been fought and won’ the Westminster Review of July 1890 about whether ‘New’ and ‘Old’ and that ‘the reforms of the future asking ‘Is there a new Liberalism?’ the career of Liberalism were compatible, with menace, or appear to menace the was a reaction to Joseph Chamber- the newspaper’s editorial conclud- interests of the middle class’. He lain’s use of the term to describe New Liberal- ing, in conciliatory manner: concluded that the Liberal Party the post-1886, home-rule-support- ism before should embrace a ‘new Liberalism’ ing Liberal Party, which he consid- Liberalism, whether ‘old’ or that addressed itself specifically ered ‘cannot claim the inheritance the First ‘new’, ‘individualist’ or ‘collec- to the material needs of the work- of the great party from whose tivist’ aims at substituting for ing classes. However, Atherley- principles they have so widely World War is class interests and class privileges Jones’ argument was not quite the departed’.9 The purpose of Holms’ the social good of the whole ideological shift or articulation article was to rebut the sugges- the paucity community.12 of a new political strategy that it tion that support for Irish home might at first sight seem. The bulk rule represented a ‘new Liberal’ of references In general, however, throughout of his article is concerned with departure from the party’s tradi- this period, debate about New Lib- questioning (with good reason, as tional principles. Over subsequent to the phrase eralism in terms of the emphasis on things turned out) whether Irish years, the phrase occurs in similar social and welfare issues is rare.13 home rule would prove an elector- contexts as a term of disparage- in contempo- Even Michael Freeden’s bibliogra- ally successful cause for the party. ment for the Gladstonian, home- phy in his study The New Liberalism: His discussion of the social ques- rule-supporting Liberal Party. rary writing. an ideology of social reform only identi- tions that he believed the Liberals For example, the Unionist Duke fies eight articles and one book pub- should embrace appears almost an of Argyll denounced Gladstonian lished before 1914 that incorporate afterthought, taking up just two sympathy for Scottish disestablish- the phrase in their title.14 paragraphs. In addition, his argu- ment as ‘new Liberalism’, while ment that social reform would not The Times criticised the Liberal only achieve ‘a wider diffusion of minister Earl Spencer’s support for Liberal continuities physical comfort’ but also a ‘loft- the Liberal government’s Evicted In practice, well before the post- ier standard of national morality’, Tenants Bill, as ‘an illustration of 1909 New Liberal heyday, Lib- was very much an echo of the mid- the depths to which the new Lib- eral leaders were neither strongly nineteenth century Liberal moral- eralism may bring a politician who attached to individualism nor ism that Parry describes. was once a respectable Whig’.10 resistant to demands for social The article provoked two The expression did occur occa- reform. Although the 1892–1895 immediate responses in Nineteenth sionally in the context of social Liberal government lacked an out- Century. The first was from former reform. For example, Liberal MPs right majority and spent much time Liberal MP, G. W. E. Russell, who R. B. Haldane and R. Wallace put on doomed attempts to legislate for endorsed Atherley-Jones’ argu- forward alternative views on the Irish Home Rule, temperance and ments about social reform and saw subject in the first edition of the Welsh disestablishment, it could hopeful signs in the programme Progressive Review in 1896. Their point to some achievements in of the Progressive group on the exchange, however, illustrates once terms of wealth redistribution and newly established London County again that this was a more nuanced social reforming legislation. This Council, of which he was a mem- debate than it might at first sight included Harcourt’s 1894 budget, ber. His article included a thinly appear. In describing New Liber- which provided for graduated veiled appeal to Lord Rosebery to als as ‘those who esteem a progres- income tax, the Railway Servants lead the Liberal Party in the direc- sive policy in social matters more Act (1893), the Factories and Work- tion of social reform.7 The sec- highly than anything else at present shops Act (1895) and the Local Gov- ond was from the Nonconformist in Liberalism’, Haldane was try- ernment Act (1894) which not only divine.