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The Historical Legacy for Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy
CHAPTER 1 The Historical Legacy for Contemporary Russian Foreign Policy o other country in the world is a global power simply by virtue of geogra- N phy.1 The growth of Russia from an isolated, backward East Slavic principal- ity into a continental Eurasian empire meant that Russian foreign policy had to engage with many of the world’s principal centers of power. A Russian official trying to chart the country’s foreign policy in the 18th century, for instance, would have to be concerned simultaneously about the position and actions of the Manchu Empire in China, the Persian and Ottoman Empires (and their respec- tive vassals and subordinate allies), as well as all of the Great Powers in Europe, including Austria, Prussia, France, Britain, Holland, and Sweden. This geographic reality laid the basis for a Russian tradition of a “multivector” foreign policy, with leaders, at different points, emphasizing the importance of rela- tions with different parts of the world. For instance, during the 17th century, fully half of the departments of the Posolskii Prikaz—the Ambassadors’ Office—of the Muscovite state dealt with Russia’s neighbors to the south and east; in the next cen- tury, three out of the four departments of the College of International Affairs (the successor agency in the imperial government) covered different regions of Europe.2 Russian history thus bequeaths to the current government a variety of options in terms of how to frame the country’s international orientation. To some extent, the choices open to Russia today are rooted in the legacies of past decisions. -
The Russian-Georgian Crisis and Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan
The Russian-Georgian Crisis and Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan PONARS Policy Memo No. 252 Douglas W. Blum Providence College October 2002 In the early fall of 2002, two developments concerning Georgia garnered a great deal of attention. The first was the groundbreaking ceremony for the long-awaited Baku-Tbilisi- Ceyhan (BTC) pipeline, which has been heralded as an important source of non-OPEC oil. The second was a confrontation with Russia, which had been building over the preceding months amid allegations by Moscow that the Shevardnadze regime was aiding and abetting Chechen rebels, who were allegedly taking refuge across the border in Georgia’s Pankisi Gorge. Although each of these developments has occasioned extensive commentary in its own right, they have also been linked together as ostensible indications of Russia’s “true” foreign policy interests. No one has made this linkage more forcefully than Georgian president Eduard Shevardnadze, who asserted that Russian threats to invade Pankisi were actually calculated to undermine investor confidence in the pipeline. Many others have raised similar speculations, including the idea that Moscow’s intention, if not to undermine BTC altogether, might then be to gain maximum control over the project. Coming at a time of unprecedented closeness in U.S.-Russian relations, the specter of Russian hegemony in the Caucasus casts an unsettling pall over the prospect of renewed friendship. This is particularly true inasmuch as it comes at the expense of a regime with which Washington has nurtured close ties. Moreover, the administrations of Bill Clinton and George W. Bush have expended a great deal of political capital to bring BTC to fruition. -
Toward a Cultural Framework of Internet Governance: Russia’S Great Power Identity and the Quest for a Multipolar Digital Order
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Center for Advanced Research in Global CARGC Papers Communication (CARGC) 4-2020 Toward a Cultural Framework of Internet Governance: Russia’s Great Power Identity and the Quest for a Multipolar Digital Order Stanislav Budnitsky University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/cargc_papers Part of the Communication Commons, International Relations Commons, and the Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration Commons Recommended Citation Budnitsky, Stanislav, "Toward a Cultural Framework of Internet Governance: Russia’s Great Power Identity and the Quest for a Multipolar Digital Order" (2020). CARGC Papers. 13. https://repository.upenn.edu/cargc_papers/13 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/cargc_papers/13 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Toward a Cultural Framework of Internet Governance: Russia’s Great Power Identity and the Quest for a Multipolar Digital Order Description CARGC Paper 13, “Toward a Cultural Framework of Internet Governance: Russia’s Great Power Identity and the Quest for a Multipolar Digital Order,” by CARGC Postdoctoral Fellow Stanislav Budnitsky was initially delivered as a CARGC Colloquium in 2018. As part of Budnitsky’s larger research project on the relationship between nationalism and global internet governance, CARGC Paper 13 considers the cultural logics underlying Russia’s global internet governance agenda. It argues that to understand Russia’s digital vision in the early twenty-first century and, by extension, the dynamics of global internet politics writ large, scholars must incorporate Russia’s historic self-identification as a great power into their analyses. -
ELN Group Statement UNGA 2019
As world leaders prepare to meet this month at the United Nations in New York, we call on them to take urgent steps to reduce the risks of nuclear confrontation. We join a growing number of international leaders in raising the alarm over new nuclear dangers. Last month we witnessed the end of the landmark US-Russia Intermediate Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF). Today, there are grave doubts over the future of the only remaining agreement that limits and regulates Washington and Moscow’s strategic nuclear weapons, the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START). And new challenges confront the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT). Stability is eroding and risks are rising. North Korea has grown its nuclear weapon stockpile, tests missiles, and continues to feel threatened. The fate of inter-Korean and US-DPRK dialogue remains uncertain. Tensions are flaring between nuclear rivals India and Pakistan. And, following Washington’s unilateral breach and resumed sanctions, Iran may walk away from the nuclear deal that constrains its ability to develop nuclear weapons. Moreover, new military technologies threaten to destabilise global and regional nuclear confrontations. These technologies are rapidly evolving and entirely uncontrolled. The risks of nuclear accident, misjudgement or miscalculation have not been higher since the Cuban Missile Crisis. Complacency should not be an option. It is not only European security at stake. Simply coercing an adversary will not restore stability. Politically unrealistic appeals for transformed behaviour will not build trust. An accelerating arms race makes both trust and safer behaviours harder to achieve. It is possible to negotiate with adversaries without condoning unacceptable behaviour. -
Abstract the Aim of the Article Is to Inquire About the Role and Place of Latin America in the New Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation
THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION’S POLICY TOWARD LATIN AMERICAN STATES Dr. Katarzyna Krzywicka4 Abstract The aim of the article is to inquire about the role and place of Latin America in the new foreign policy of the Russian Federation. In the 1990s Russia lost its superpower status and was forced to restrict its activity in many regions of the world, including Latin America. It was also the end of the Soviet-U.S. ideological rivalry in the region. Russia aims today at maintaining complex and balanced global relations and at de-ideologization of its foreign policy. Russian-Latin American relations since the mid-1990s have been characterized by a gradual development of mutual relations, with a visible acceleration of contacts after 2000 due to Russia’s diplomatic contacts with all the states in the region. The present foreign policy of Russia is determined by its domestic problems. Thus, Latin Ame- rica occupies a peripheral position on the list of Russia’s priorities oscillating around its European and Asian neighbors. However, the Russian activities in Latin America point to the economic and political attempts at restoring the lost global position. The economic development, democratization and Latin American integration in the 1990s made the region an interesting partner for Russia in its attempts at establishing multilateral global relations. Russia and the Latin American states agree on many international - ning the role of diplomacy and of the U.N. Russia evidently aims at developing mechanisms for capital investment in the region, 4 M.A. and Ph. D. in Political Science, Maria Curie-Sklodowska University (MCSU), Lublin, Poland. -
Statement Is Issued in the Names of the Signatories and Not on Behalf of the ELN Organisation As a Whole
Tuesday 17 December 2013 European Leaders Call for a New Approach to Security Context: As members of the European Leadership Network (ELN), we have committed ourselves to working toward a world without nuclear weapons. Such a world will only come about as a result of a joint enterprise involving leaders and peoples from every continent. It will only be achievable if the practical steps required to reach this goal are seen as contributing to every country’s national security as well as to global security. And it will only come about if leaders in every country and region take their share of the responsibility to act. The Euro-Atlantic region, which includes the United States, all the countries of Europe, and Russia is home to more than 95 percent of all the nuclear weapons on earth, four of the five declared nuclear weapon states in the NPT, and nine of the fourteen states in the world with nuclear weapons on their territory (namely the US, Russia, UK, France, Germany, Italy, Turkey, Belgium and the Netherlands). While the likelihood of a devastating conventional or nuclear conflict in the Euro- Atlantic region has dramatically declined, it is a region still scarred by the experience of 20th century conflict and by a deep and persisting legacy of Cold War mistrust. Cold War–era security concepts and many of their associated weapons and military postures continue to dominate. In particular, the currency of nuclear deterrence and mutual assured destruction continues in circulation. Large strategic nuclear forces remain deployed on prompt launch, ready to be fired in minutes; thousands of tactical nuclear weapons are still stockpiled in Europe; and a decades-old missile defence debate remains stuck in neutral. -
Russia's Hostile Measures: Combating Russian Gray Zone
C O R P O R A T I O N BEN CONNABLE, STEPHANIE YOUNG, STEPHANIE PEZARD, ANDREW RADIN, RAPHAEL S. COHEN, KATYA MIGACHEVA, JAMES SLADDEN Russia’s Hostile Measures Combating Russian Gray Zone Aggression Against NATO in the Contact, Blunt, and Surge Layers of Competition For more information on this publication, visit www.rand.org/t/RR2539 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available for this publication. ISBN: 978-1-9774-0199-1 Published by the RAND Corporation, Santa Monica, Calif. © Copyright 2020 RAND Corporation R® is a registered trademark. Cover image design: Rick Penn-Kraus Map illustration: Harvepino/Getty Images/iStockphoto Abstract spiral: Serdarbayraktar/Getty Images/iStockphoto Limited Print and Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law. This representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for noncommercial use only. Unauthorized posting of this publication online is prohibited. Permission is given to duplicate this document for personal use only, as long as it is unaltered and complete. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of its research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please visit www.rand.org/pubs/permissions. The RAND Corporation is a research organization that develops solutions to public policy challenges to help make communities throughout the world safer and more secure, healthier and more prosperous. RAND is nonprofit, nonpartisan, and committed to the public interest. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions of its research clients and sponsors. Support RAND Make a tax-deductible charitable contribution at www.rand.org/giving/contribute www.rand.org Preface Russia challenges the security and stability of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and many of its member states. -
China-Russia Relations: Putin’S Partners in Beijing: Old and Young
China-Russia Relations: Putin’s Partners in Beijing: Old and Young by Yu Bin Associate Professor, Wittenberg University Russian President Vladimir Putin’s official visit to China in early December, though preplanned, proved to be both timely and imperative as Moscow and Beijing faced mounting internal and external challenges. The sense of uncertainty, and even crisis, went well beyond China’s leadership transition and beyond unprecedented terrorist activities in Russia. Despite the notable improvement in their relations with the U.S. in 2002, at the end of the year, both were sensing increasingly stronger winds of war from distant places (Gulf and Iraq) as well as from their door-step (North Korea). Putin’s 36 Hours in Beijing Arriving in Beijing shortly after midnight on Dec. 1, Putin’s “tightly scheduled” working day (14 hours for Dec. 2) included almost nonstop meetings with top officials in China (President Jiang Zemin, Vice President Hu Jintao, Premier Zhu Rongji, and top Chinese legislator Li Peng) and an official evening reception. Putin’s 36-hour stay in Beijing – the duration of which matched exactly his first official visit in July 2000 – was nonetheless quite fruitful. A lengthy joint statement and five other cooperation agreements were produced. Most of the substantial exchange was between Putin and outgoing Chinese President Jiang Zemin, who just stepped down as the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) general secretary two weeks before. Their formal talks started with a review of the previous decade of bilateral relations and proceeded to focus on current and future bilateral relations and other major international issues. -
David Sheldon Boone Charging Him with Selling the Security Apparatus
CHAPTER 2 INTRODUCTION In the early 1990s, the new Russian in the Leningrad KGB.1 Putin also quietly replaced counterintelligence service embarked on a mission fourteen presidential representatives in the regions to reclaim the former KGB’s internal security with former security offi cers. power, which had been diminished with the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. A spate of press FSB director Patrushev said that, in 1999, his service articles in early 1996 by spokesmen for the Federal stopped the activities of 65 foreign individual Security Service (FSB) boasted the service’s role in offi cers and prevented 30 Russian citizens from protecting the state from foreign subversion. FSB passing secrets to foreign intelligence services. In offi cers noted that the service has the responsibility 1998, the FSB foiled the activities of 11 intelligence to monitor foreign astronauts at “Star City” and to offi cers and caught 19 Russian citizens attempting to prevent the emigration of Russian scientists. The sell classifi ed information to foreign secret services. FSB has also bragged about the arrest of Israeli, And in 1996, then-FSB chief Nikolai Kovalyov said Turkish, and North Korean spies and the expulsion the FSB had exposed 400 employees of foreign of a British businessman and an Israeli diplomat. intelligence services and 39 Russians working for The government moves against ecologists further them during the period 1994-96. revealed a resurgence of FSB internal power. The Sutyagin case follows the sentencing in Although there continues to be mutually benefi cial December 2000 of retired US Navy offi cer Edmund cooperation between Washington and Moscow, Pope to 20 years for spying. -
Russkiy Mir Foundation and Rossotrudnichestvo—Are Based in Russia but Can Have Numerous Branches in the EU
The Bear in Sheep`s Clothing This paper sheds light on organisations operating in Europe that are funded by the Russian government, whether officially or unofficially. These include government-organised non-governmental organisations (GONGOs), non- The Bear in governmental organisations (NGOs) and think tanks. Their goal is to shift European public opinion towards a positive view of Russian politics and policies, and towards respect for its great power ambitions. In light of Russia’s annexation Sheep’s Clothing of Crimea and Russian aggression in Eastern Ukraine, the overt or covert support for these organisations must become a matter of concern to the EU. Russia’s Government-Funded Vladislava Vojtíšková, Vít Novotný, Hubertus Schmid-Schmidsfelden and Kristina Potapova Vladislava Vojtíšková, Organisations in the EU The EU’s politicians and citizens should look at the activities of the Russian GONGOs and think tanks as challenges that can help improve national and Vladislava Vojtíšková, Vít Novotný, EU-level decision-making mechanisms, increase transparency in policymaking Hubertus Schmid-Schmidsfelden and Kristina Potapova and deepen the involvement of citizens and civil society organisations in the democratic process. The paper recommends, among other measures, fostering the EU’s own narrative, which is based on human rights, freedom and equality; supporting pro-democratic civil society so that Europeans become more resistant to Russian propaganda; and increasing transparency requirements for NGOs and lobbyists by setting up a mandatory lobbying register at the EU level. The Bear in Sheep’s Clothing Russia’s Government-Funded Organisations in the EU Vladislava Vojtíšková, Vít Novotný, Hubertus Schmid-Schmidsfelden and Kristina Potapova Credits Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies Rue du Commerce 20 Brussels, BE - 1000 The Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies is the political foundation and think tank of the European People’s Party (EPP), dedicated to the promotion of Christian Democrat, conservative and like-minded political values. -
How Russia Views the World and How the Euro-Atlantic Views the World
RUSSIA’S STRATEGIC CULTURE AND WORLDVIEW Policy Implications for UK and its Allies Dr Andrew Foxall, CCW Research Fellow April 2021 1. Introduction It has been apparent since 2014, if not before, that Russia’s current leadership views the world in terms that are very different to those familiar to us in the Euro-Atlantic more than twenty-five years after the end of the Soviet Union. Seen from the Kremlin, the post-Cold War international system is illegitimate and unfair, and has been forced on the world by the West.1 This view was articulated most clearly in Vladimir Putin’s speech at the Munich Security Conference in 2007,2 and has only been reinforced by events since then. Russia’s rejection of the post-Cold War international system is based in large part on a belief that the West, led by the United States, denies Moscow its rightful place in global affairs. Russia’s leaders believe that their country is a ‘great power’, or one of the most important countries globally. Proceeding from this self- perception, they believe that Russia has more rights than other countries, including the right to a ‘buffer zone’ along its borders and the right to have a say over global events. While these views are held by Russia’s current leadership, they are not specific to them. Instead, these views have been consistently held -- to a greater or lesser extent -- by Russia’s rulers over centuries.3 Russia’s aggression against Ukraine in 2014, including the annexation of Crimea and invasion of eastern Ukraine, was a shock to many in the Euro-Atlantic region; so too has Russia’s subversion and destabilisation of Euro-Atlantic countries and institutions in the years since dismayed many. -
Russia, America, and Security in the Asia-Pacific
Russia, America, and Security in the Asia-Pacific Table of Contents Foreword Vladimir Kurilov, President, FENU and Ed Smith, Director, APCSS iv Introduction Russia, America, and Security in the Asia-Pacific Rouben Azizian and Boris Reznik viii Chapter 1 Russia in the Asia-Pacific Alexander Ignatov 1 Chapter 2 Russia and the Asia-Pacific: Trends, Threats, and Common Threads Rouben Azizian 16 Chapter 3 The United States in the Asia-Pacific: A Leadership Challenge Vladimir Petrovsky 37 Chapter 4 Strategic Resets, Security Ripples, and US Interests in the Asia-Pacific Satu Limaye 50 Chapter 5 China and the Asia-Pacific: A Russian Perspective Alexander Kozhevnikov 77 Chapter 6 China and the Asia-Pacific: A US Perspective Elizabeth Van Wie Davis 93 Chapter 7 Japan and the Asia-Pacific: A Russian Perspective Viacheslav Amirov 112 Chapter 8 Japan: Militarist, Pacifist, or Realist? John Miller 129 i Chapter 9 Korea, Russia, and the 21st-Century Challenges Igor Tolstokulakov 146 Chapter 10 Resolving the North Korean Nuclear Problem: The Status Quo versus the Transformative Approach Steven Kim 162 Chapter 11 Arms Control and Non-Proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction Sergey Smirnov 181 Chapter 12 Arms Proliferation and Buildup in the Asia-Pacific: Advanced Conventional Weapons Richard Bitzinger 198 Chapter 13 Regionalism in Northeast Asia and Prospects for Russia–U.S. Cooperation Artyom Lukin 215 Chapter 14 Regional Cooperation and Security: The United States and Russia 231 Jim Rolfe Index 253 ii Dear Readers, This volume is the outcome of collaborative efforts by Russian and American scholars and experts. The publication of this book was made possible by cooperation between Far Eastern National University (FENU, Vladivostok, Russia) and the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies (APCSS, Honolulu, USA), which jointly conceived and carried out the project Russia, America, and Security in the Asia-Pacific.