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This book converted to digital file in 2010 Contents

Editorial 2 Caroline Sweetman

Rethinking organisations: a feminist perspective 10 Aruna Rao and Rieky Stuart

Managing organisational change: the 'gendered' organisation of space and time 17 Anne Marie Goetz

Implementing a Gender Policy in ACORD: strategies, constraints, and challenges 28 Angela Hadjipateras

Establishing a feminist culture: the experience of Zimbabwe Women's Resource Centre and Network 35 Hope Chigudu

AFRA confronts gender issues: the process of creating a gender strategy 43 Moya Bydawell

Promoting women entrepreneurs in Lebanon: the experience of UNIFEM 49 Randa Husseini

Women's rights, the family, and organisational culture: a Lesotho case study 54 Elizabeth Everett

Making the Human Development Index (HDI) gender-sensitive 60 Shalendra D Sharma

Interview: Magda Mateus Cardenas 62

Resources: Book Review: Gender, Culture, and Organisational Change: Putting Theory into Practice, Itzin C and Newman J (eds) 67 Sara Chamberlain Further reading 69

Gender and Development Vol 5, No. 1, February 1997 Editorial

rganisations are culturally-defined well as for the development interventions entities, which reflect and replicate they undertake. Othe values of those who set them All the authors in this collection up: 'national cultural values are reflected emphasise the interlinkedness of the in the ways organisations function, and external and internal contexts for develop- these values stereotype appropriate roles ment organisations. No longer is it tenable and behaviours in ways that generally limit to see interventions as existing in 'the women's access to resources and decision- field', divorced from the guiding prin- making' (Anderson 1993). This collection ciples which have formed the organisa- of articles examines these issues in the tion's purpose and structure, and context of development organisations; determined the choice of staff. Working looking at organisations as social mechan- on gender issues obliges organisations to isms in this way makes examining gender set their own houses in order, and change and organisational culture of central aspects of the organisational culture relevance to development practitioners which discriminate against women staff, and policy-makers. and women 'beneficiaries'. A crucial question is what the term 'gender equity' means to different stake- Gender and organisations: holders. For some, taking on a commit- ment to this goal may mean no more than a three-dimensional view the adoption of an equal opportunities Gender in the context of development policy. For others, it means targeting organisations is a complex topic. In this women as beneficiaries in development introduction, the articles to follow are interventions. For a third group, a concern contextualised through the use of an for gender equity means adopting a analytical framework which highlights radical political agenda which asserts not the inter-relationship between the cultural only women's needs, but their rights to and structural elements of organisations. full participation in decision-making at all The framework, originally developed by levels. In this light, taking on a 'gender Marge Schuler to analyse the law and legal agenda' has implications for the internal systems, emphasises the importance running of development organisations as of considering three interdependent

Gender and Development Vol 5, No. 1, February 1997 Editorial elements: the substantive (laws, or organ- mainstream2 development organisations) isational policies); the structural (pro- share a common vocabulary with each cedures and mechanisms to enforce the other and with practitioners and policy- substantive level); and the cultural (beliefs makers in organisations which have and attitudes held by wider society, grafted a commitment to working to including the women and men who work promote gender equity onto a markedly in the organisation).1 But while Schuler's different root-stock. framework may be of use in discussing Tensions which exist between very why and how development agencies have different constituencies in development worked on gender issues, artificially are more easily addressed if there is clarity distinguishing between the elements in on the fact that we do not all mean the this way is only helpful if we remain clear same thing when we speak of 'doing that, ultimately, the topic needs to be gender'. For example, awareness of the considered holistically. different agendas which underlie the rhetoric of 'gender' aids understanding of The substantive level: instances where 'unplanned' outcomes may be dismissed as 'project misbehav- reaching a shared vision iour' (Buvinic 1986). If gender and development has moved from the fringe to the mainstream of development, this Women as instruments: WID approaches should be cause for celebration rather than the In her 1995 study of the way four bilateral development donor agencies have feeling of unease about what has been lost in handled gender issues, Rounaq Jahan the translation (Jackson 1996,489). found that 'the relationship between Examining the substantive level of organ- WID/GAD. policy objectives and the isations, as defined in their mandate and agency and governments' overall object- objectives, can explain why in some ives was not clear' (Jahan 1995,115). The organisations, gender issues have been idea that gender relations are fundament- 'depoliticised' to fit into a conservative or ally concerned with power has been liberal world-view rather than a radical conspicuously absent from much of the agenda of social transformation. WID/GAD literature emanating from Recently, gender and development these agencies (White 1992). It therefore researchers have questioned an apparent appears that, consciously or unconscious- consensus around the objectives of gender ly, mainstream development organisa- equality and social transformation (Jahan tions have 'bypassed a large part of the 1995) which exists between very different women's agenda' (ibid., 4). types of development organisation. They There are two notable features at the have found that this common professional substantive level of mainstream develop- language cloaks a very wide range of ment organisations. First, most have a ideological standpoints. Radical messages mandate based on their history of working about gender equity have been 'trans- to eradicate economic poverty in a post- lated' into policies with more conservative war, post-colonial context; they do not rationales and goals: an obvious example inherently question the assumption that is the widespread use of the term 'em- the world should 'develop' along Western powerment' by feminist activists and lines. During the International Decade for multilateral aid agencies alike (Rowlands Women 1976-85, most development 1997). Grassroots women and feminist agencies which adopted a WID perspect- activists (both inside and outside ive did so from a growing awareness of 4 Gender and Development

women's marginalisation from develop- grounds that 'Oxfam believes that unless ment activity and their potential in gender-related inequalities are addressed, contributing to economic growth (Kabeer it will not be possible to achieve sustain- 1994). Attempts to integrate women into able development and alleviate poverty' existing economic, social and political (Oxfam 1993, 2). Poverty here is defined structures were due to a recognition of more widely, including a distancing from their potential force in driving forward political, social and economic power. development along Western lines. This is Yet, while a broad definition of poverty an argument based on a rationale of such as this can offer a rationale for efficiency rather than equality. Women working on gender issues, unequal power are reduced to an instrumental role in relations between women and men per se delivering a Eurocentric, male-dominated are not brought into question by a vision of development. mandate to work on poverty alleviation The second feature of the substantive (Jackson 1996). While it is essential to level of mainstream organisations — bring a gender perspective to anti-poverty including international and national programmes, there are forms of gender- government structures — is that the based subordination which fall beyond majority are rooted in a bureaucratic ideal the bounds of anti-poverty programmes. of organisations as culture-free. Weber's In this sense, equating anti-poverty goals classic model of the 'ideal-type' of bureau- with those of gender equity ultimately cratic government characterises bureau- weakens women's claim to equality on cracies as a neutral space, where impartial grounds of justice (ibid). decision-making is based on a clear system of adherence to rules based on Transformation and alternative visions rationality (Gerhardi, 1995). However, While mainstream development agencies bureaucracies have a very distinct culture, themselves may see their WID/GAD founded on Western values rooted in the activities as being part of the solution, nineteenth century, which emphasises many Southern—and Northern—women 'the separation of the public realm of activists see them as forming part of the rationality from the private one of problem (DAWN 1989). In comparison, emotionality and private feelings' (ibid, organisations which are founded on a 45). Much writing on gender issues in feminist goal of 'structural transform- organisations chooses to characterise this ation' (Dakar Declaration of Another separation as 'masculine',3 reflecting the Development with Women 1982, quoted norm of a male workforce which is not in Jahan 1995) aim to promote gender equity as a goal in itself, together with a primarily responsible for reproductive radical alternative vision of society and duties including child-care. development. Women as 'the poorest of the poor' In this issue, Hope Chigudu discusses Organisations (including many NGOs) the vision of alternative development that which offer a critique of existing develop- lies at the heart of feminist organisations. ment models have typically taken on In comparison with the bureaucratic ideal gender issues through adapting their of organisations as a value-free zone, this organisational purpose to challenge vision is of organisations as part of a wider gender aspects of power relations in a movement for social change. The public given social context. In the case of Oxfam and private divide is therefore not only a UK/Ireland, a gender policy for the false distinction, but is actually undesir- organisation was ratified in 1993 on the able. Organisations should value qualities Editorial associated with the private sphere and women's development; Shalendra with femininity - for example, empathy Sharma's article highlights this in the and nurturing - within the workplace. context of the Human Development Index The patriarchal principles on which (HDD. many organisations are based are partic- In her article, Randa Husseini discusses ularly evident in those which provide UNIFEM's experience of working with institutional care for children. Elizabeth government and NGOs to promote Everett explores the efforts of Lesotho women's entrepreneurship. Here again, Save the Children to integrate gender the lack of gender-sensitive data was a sensitivity into its work. major obstacle. An interesting line of enquiry is The structural level: words whether the organisational structures of development organisations are actually into action more 'woman-friendly' than those of The majority of articles in this issue reflect organisations in the private sector. While the current focus by researchers and prac- at the substantive level, development titioners on the structural level of organ- agencies which question current norms of isations: the procedures, activities and development may be more receptive to regulations which translate an organisa- challenging gender stereotyping and tion's purpose into outcomes. women's subordination, paradoxically, A decade ago, much emphasis was the structural level may actually be less placed on the importance of placing friendly to carers. Career development gender on the organisational agenda. may be virtually impossible for women Once the principles were in place, the next and men with caring responsibilities, common step was working on what because of the long working hours and Schuler calls the 'cultural level': prolonged and frequent travel which is consciousness-raising of staff through expected of senior staff. Additional moral gender training 'in both the community pressure to overwork can be experienced and development organisations' (Murthy by staff in organisations which have a forthcoming). Yet this process has not commitment to 'changing the world' proved adequate. Social transformation in (personal communication, Oxfam 1996). organisations can be de-railed at the structural level: verbal and paper commit- Mainstream organisational structures ments to a vision of gender equity have a Mainstream organisational structures tendency to 'evaporate' when there is reveal their bureaucratic origins, where resistance to putting policy into practice 'everyday work patterns came to be through the procedures, mechanisms and structured around [men's] physical needs rules of the organisation (Longwe 1995). and capabilities — in particular, their Feminists need to understand and combat capacity to achieve relative liberation from such 'evaporation'. Angela Hadjipateras' child care and domestic responsibilities' article in this collection provides a case (Goetz 1995,5). study of ACORD, one of many organisa- In her article, Anne Marie Goetz tions which adopted a policy on gender as discusses the ways in which organisa- 'a statement of goals and principles', but tional structures include what she terms without the clear guidelines which are 'gendered patterns of space and time', needed to implement the policy. focusing on the Bangladesh NGO, BRAC. An essential part of these guidelines are She asserts that in order to achieve the gender-sensitive instruments to measure goal of gender equity in organisations, 6 Gender and Development

radical change is needed to create work- should not focus only on women; instead, places and working conditions which are supportive structures are needed for all friendly to women. carers, regardless of their sex. There are a number of dimensions to this. In practical terms, women's responsi- Creating woman-friendly organisational bility as primary carers for their families structures means that employers must consider how It would be rash to condemn all aspects of to respect this role and make it possible to the bureaucratic model of organisations as balance reproductive responsibilities with intrinsically opposed to a social trans- formal employment (Legum 1996). It is formation agenda. Yet, the more existing now a truism that the goal of gender development models are questioned by equality within organisational structures non-profit organisations, the more likely will not occur unless organisations under- it is they will reject the conventional stand that employees have rights and bureaucratic structure of administration responsibilities as carers. for these models. Yet, while it is true that in most societies For women's organisations, a it is far more likely that women will be commitment to challenging hierarchical, found in the role of primary carers, to male-dominated decision-making may equate women with carers is inaccurate, lead to a rejection of pyramidal power misleading, and counterproductive; the relations, in favour of co-operative ways terms are not synonymous with each of working: 'the core assumption [is] that other. Conflating them has important if women are to succeed in making negative implications for male carers, and fundamental change then they must by women who are not mothers. definition choose fundamentally differ- This distinction has important implica- ent, i.e. non-hierarchical, democratic tions. First, distinguishing women from modes for organisation' (Stewart and carers firstly confirms women as human Taylor 1995,80). beings in their own right, by questioning In her article, Hope Chigudu points out the way in which they are commonly that the pressures on organisations defined through their relations with promoting alternative values in the work- others. Discrimination on grounds of place are typically exacerbated by the gender also operates at an ideological imbalances in power relationships level. Implying that the only obstacle to between donor agencies and women's women's complete equality with men in organisations in developing countries. organisations is their role as carers is Organisations are faced by the challenge misleading since it wrongly identifies the of balancing a commitment to an altern- sexual division of labour as the basis of ative vision with meeting requirements beliefs about women's inferiority to men. for funding, in an unequal 'partnership' In fact, the relationship is more complex: between a bureaucratic donor and a 'the roles played by men and women are feminist counterpart agency. The diffi- ... determined by culture and by socio- culty and stresses presented by living out political and economic factors' (Brett 1991, alternative values, in an external context 4). Thus, single women or married women which is invariably inhospitable, means without dependents will still experience many women activists simply 'burn-out'. gender discrimination in the workplace. Similar pressures to conform to Secondly, making such a distinction patriarchal values are shared by the 'cells' demonstrates that debates about perinatal of feminist activists — or 'change agents' — leave and leave to care for sick children in the WID/GAD teams of mainstream Editorial organisations. In their article, Rieky Stuart informs our receptivity to working on and Aruna Rao discuss the role of the gender issues, and the way we choose to change agent. In her study mentioned engage with them; organisations may previously, Rounaq Jahan found staff tolerate resistance on grounds of personal leading a schizophrenic existence: 'to experience where such reasoning would succeed inside, [staff] needed to fit into the not be seen as acceptable on other issues organisational mould and play by the concerned with diversity, such as race rules; to succeed outside, they needed to (Staudt 1991). challenge the organisation and change the Challenging the private/public divide rules' (Jahan 1995,119). between who we are and what we do, in a process of conscientisation, has therefore been seen as a central activity by develop- The cultural level: hearts as ment agencies (Murthy, forthcoming). well as minds? Strategies have evolved to bring about The role of change agents in challenging attitudinal change on the part of staff, organisations to turn rhetoric on gender including gender training: 'rather than issues into reality brings us to consider the promoting a mechanical implementation third aspect of Schuler's framework: the of gender-equitable development, gender cultural element, consisting of the beliefs training aims to develop thought and and attitudes of the individuals involved action in a transformational manner' in the work. This emphasises the power of (Williams et al. 1995, xi). people to facilitate or impede organisa- It is important to recognise the likely tional change. existence of 'sub-cultures' and 'counter- The close association of women with cultures' in organisations (Staudt 1991); culture may mean that introducing a while the public face of the organisation commitment to working towards gender may appear monolithic, groups of indi- equity at the substantive level, and viduals who do not completely identify methods of working which challenge with the ruling culture will nevertheless norms of female behaviour at the struc- exist. Efforts to integrate gender into the tural level, takes not only commitment, organisation need to take into account the but considerable courage on the part of opportunities — and the constraints — female staff, 'it is an acknowledged factor offered by engagement with these other that in nearly all civilisations women have cultures. In her article focusing on AFRA been viewed as "guardians of culture"' in South Africa, Moya Bydawell discusses (Dawit and Busia 1995, 9). In her article, issues that arose for the organisation when Anne Marie Goetz explores the experience its gender training activities addressed of female employees working for an resistance from some staff to working on organisation with a vision of social trans- gender issues, on grounds that gender formation including gender equity. issues were challenging to black South There is considerable evidence that African culture. taking on an organisational commitment Just as work on gender has been taken to gender equity will become reality only on more easily, and at a more challenging if staff 'own' it. The fact that we are all level, by organisations whose aim is social assigned a gender — however we define transformation, the staff of these organisa- sex and gender, and the relationship tions may already be attuned to taking on between these terms — means we all gender issues, seeing themselves as part of approach the issues from a perspective of a 'social movement' (personal communi- knowledge. Our personal experience cation). Yet ironically, it is the staff of 8 Gender and Development

organisations with a non-conformist agencies shift the terms of their debates to tradition, allied to a liberal world-view, the language of welfare and 'basic needs' who may find it most difficult to accept (personal communication, 1996). Yet, as that organisational imperatives may gender and development practitioners require individuals to internalise new and activists have asserted, women's values imposed from above, in order to needs and rights are interlinked (Facio perform their roles. 1995); political commitment and sound gender analysis are essential elements for development policy and planning. Good Present crises and future development work is good gender work. directions In turning the rhetoric of gender equity If donors and their development partners were into the reality of a radical agenda of able to stay with other issues such as transformation in all aspects of relations population and poverty alleviation for several between the sexes, recognition must be decades ... why [are] they becoming impatient given to the value of alliances between with WID results? Gahan 1995, li) stakeholders who have different ident- ities, but agree to work towards a common Working to promote equality between aim (Theobald 1996). Building on diverse women and men is a lengthy, complex identities and experience is a positive way process, particularly because of the issues of harnessing the strengths of women and of gender-differentiated power. Reluctant men, and of theorists and practitioners, to take on the radical goal of social trans- who may be located in different types of formation with equality between women organisation within various economic, and men, some mainstream development political and cultural contexts. agencies are showing signs of 'WID Networking and linking increase the fatigue' (ibid.) despite the short time spent impact of work at community and nation- thus far in focusing on gender issues in al level, through influencing change at development. Gender may be dismissed macro-level; an example is 'Women's Eyes in an era of 'post-feminism', or seen as on the Bank', a lobbying initiative set up at yesterday's fad — a priority which should Beijing. Lastly, the position and status of now be replaced by a new commitment. 'change agents' within organisations is This has serious implications for main- critical, if they are to be empowered to stream development organisations them- challenge dominant ideologies of gender selves, and for the work they perform in relations within a hierarchical organisa- partnership with feminist organisations in tion, and keep up the momentum for South and North. positive transformation. Resource constraints provide a con- venient pretext for mainstream agencies to strengthen the arguments rehearsed References above, and place additional pressure on Anderson, M (1993) 'The concept of main- organisations working towards social streaming: experience and change' in transformation along feminist lines. How Anderson, M (ed) Focusing on Women: can gender issues be placed, and kept, at UNIFEM's Experience in Mainstreaming, the centre of 'good development' at a time UNIFEM: New York. when public and private funds for Brett, A (1991) 'Why gender is a develop- development initiatives are under threat? ment issue' in Changing Perceptions: Funding for innovative work on gender Writings on Gender and Development, issues is increasingly scarce, as donor Oxfam, Oxford. Editorial 9

Buvinic, M (1986) 'Projects for women in Nicholson, P (1996) Gender, Power and the Third World: explaining their Organisation: A Psychological Perspect- misbehaviour', World Development 14: ive, Routledge: London. 5. Oxfam UK/Ireland (1993) 'Gender and Da wit, S and Busia, A (1995) 'Thinking development: Oxfam's policy for its about "culture"; some programme programme', internal document. pointers', Gender and Development 3:1. Staudt, K (1991) Managing Development: DAWN (1989) 'Women in Development', State, Society, and International Contexts Paper presented at XVth Annual Sage: London. General Assembly of Development Stewart, S and Taylor, J (1995) 'Women Non-Governmental organisations, organising women: doing it backwards Bruissels, April 18-21,1989. and in high heels' in IDS Bulletin 26:3 Facio, A (1995) 'From basic needs to basic Getting institutions right for women in rights', Gender and Development, 3:2. development IDS: Sussex. Gerhardi, S (1995) Gender, Symbolism and Theobald, S (1996) 'Employment and Organisational Cultures, Sage: London. industrial hazard: women workers and Goetz, A-M (1995) 'Institutionalising strategies of resistance in northern women's interests and gender- Thailand', Gender and Development 4:3. sensitive accountability in develop- White, S (1992) Arguing with the Crocodile: ment', JDS Bulletin 26: 3 Getting Gender and Class in Bangladesh Zed Institutions Right for Women in Books: London. Development IDS: Sussex. Williams, S, Seed, J and Mwau, A (1995) Jackson, C (1996) 'Rescuing gender from The Oxfam Gender Training Manual, the poverty trap', World Development Oxfam, Oxford. 24:3. Jahan, R (1995) The Elusive Agenda: Mainstreaming Women in Development Notes Zed Books: London. 1 The links between these three elements Kabeer, N (1994) Reversed Realities, Verso. are complex; listing them in the order Legum, M (1996) 'The right time to given here does not imply that one of institutionalise gender', mimeo. them comes first, or is more important Longwe, S (1995) 'A development agency than the others. as a patriarchal cooking pot: the 2 Defined here as national, bilateral and evaporation of policies for women's multilateral level organisations: advancement' in Macdonald M. (ed) including both government organisa- Women's Rights and Development: Vision tions and NGOs. and Strategy for the Twenty-first Century, 3 However, labelling particular qualities Oxfam Discussion Paper 6, Oxfam: UK. as intrinsically 'masculine' or 'femin- Moser, C and Levy, C 'A theory and ine' is seen as by Paula Nicholson, a methodology of gender planning: feminist psychologist, as a limiting meeting women's practical and view of gender identity in the strategic needs', mimeo. workplace (Nicholson 1996) Murthy, R K 'Towards gender-trans- formative training: lessons from South Asia' in Gender Training: The Source Book (provisional title), Critical Reviews and Annotated Bibliographies 2, KIT Publications, forthcoming. 10

Rethinking organisations: a feminist perspective

Aruna Rao and Rieky Stuart

In April 1996,24 women and men from Asia, Africa, Latin and North America, and Europe met for five days in Canada, to share their experience of helping organisations, especially development organisations, to include women in their programmes, and ensure equitable power relations between women and men. This article gives an account of some of the ideas and observations about organisational transformation which emerged at this conference.

n the past few years, those of us who societies, and very important ways of work in development organisations mobilising social energy. We need to think Ihave seen a number of brilliant and more deeply about organisations them- extremely useful efforts by individuals, selves. Trying to 'add gender' into their both women and men, which have made a structure and work is not enough; we need difference for women. Each of us could to understand and re-conceptualise what identify programmes, projects, and an organisation is, and then we need to re- initiatives that have been quite stunning invent organisations and institutions of all in their impact. But our impression is that kinds in all our societies. these successes, important as they are, It became clear at the conference that have mainly been accomplished by what we are aiming at is organisational individuals who are often swimming transformation. We are not talking about against the flow in their own organisation. organisational development, nor about They succeed in spite of, and not because organisational change. In the case of of, the way their organisations work. development organisations, we mean The writers of this article chose including women as architects and organisational transformation as a focus designers of programmes, and as agents, for the Canada conference, and for our managers, and beneficiaries; and reshap- wider work, because organisations are ing social institutions and organisations to such important arenas of human include men and women's varied pers- engagement. Whether they are small pectives.1 We want to move organisations NGOs, government departments, univer- in a direction that can accommodate, sities, or for-profit companies, organisa- cherish, and foster the creativity and the tions are fundamental features of our productivity of women, men, young, old,

Gender and Development Vol 5, No. 1, February 1997 Rethinking organisations 11 people of colour, people of differing as you peel, you encounter layer after ability. We want organisations to incorp- layer. Recognising that organisations, too, orate goals and values that are life- have many 'layers', helps to explain why affirming, human-centred, and justice strategies and activities focused on a single -oriented. We need to challenge and layer of the organisation may be necessary change the 'deep structures' of the organ- but may not be sufficient. isations in which we work. For example, one of the approaches to change in organisations is by developing gender policies. Sometimes the policies Theory and methodology look marvellous, and are very useful for There are two conceptual 'lenses' that we public relations purposes. But often they have found very useful in our work, both don't have many plans or resources theoretically and practically. One is attached to them; they sit and gather dust organisational theory. There is a body of on the shelves. A policy on affirmative knowledge about what organisations are, action is necessary, but not sufficient. The how they work, and how they change, actual number of women, or old people, or that has not been generally incorporated young people, or people of colour in an by development practitioners, including organisation is important but more import- gender and development practitioners. ant is how they think and what they do. The second conceptual lens is more Gender parity and meeting diversity quotas familiar: the learning from feminist theory may not change power relations which are and practice, from Women in Develop- structured by gender, race or class. ment (WID) initiatives, and the learning Similarly, initiatives which address a from attempts to apply a gender perspect- single aspect of the ways in which the ive to development. Using these two organisation fails to consider women are lenses together is very helpful in identify- necessary but not sufficient. Simply per- ing promising approaches to organisa- forming a gender analysis is not enough. tional transformation. We can know how women in general or specific groups of women are disadvant- aged, in the organisation itself and in its Images of organisations work, but if we lack the capacity to change At the Canada conference, we began by the situation, organisational transforma- asking people to share with us their tion will not occur. images of and metaphors for organisa- A third example is the use of perform- tions. We wanted them to think holistic- ance indicators. These, too, are necessary ally about what an organisation is. but not sufficient, if performance is measured solely in terms of counting Organisations as onions inputs, and does not focus on outcomes or We ourselves have worked with a very impact. One of the famous jokes at wide range of development and other Canadian CIDA is the response of some organisations, including Northern and engineers when asked about the differ- Southern NGOs, bilateral and multilateral ential impact of their highway construc- organisations, and for-profit organisa- tion project on women and men: 'well, tions. The image that captures our exper- women walk on roads too' (personal ience of introducing a gender perspective communication). Even gender training in organisations is the peeling of an onion. and sensitisation are necessary but not An onion must be peeled to release its sufficient, if participants are unable or flavour, yet the process brings tears; and unwilling to apply their learning. 12 Gender and Development

Organisations as icebergs Another example was given by a Another participant thought of organisa- participant at the Canada conference. She tions as icebergs: when you study an told fellow participants that in her view, organisation, you may not see all that the visible purpose of the World Bank is exists. Each organisation has unconscious development. But what is unacknow- or submerged values in its culture, and a ledged, is that the really important task is history which influences its way of work- to move money — lots of it — on time. This ing. These unseen dimensions may move is what people are rewarded for. Moving an organisation in a direction which you money on time and in big quantities may may not anticipate, if all you consider is or may not be good development. There what can be seen on the surface. In our are tensions on many levels, including the discussions, we termed that which is not amount of money that the multilateral visible, 'deep structure'. In trying to trans- agency thinks is appropriate to lend to a form organisations, we need to be more particular country, and the many defini- aware of what is unconscious or invisible, tions of 'good development' on the part of and what is conscious or visible, to resolve lender, beneficiary government, and the tensions between the two. NGOs of all kinds within the country Our first illustration of this comes from (Conference, 1995). the findings of some work done in for- A third example of the need to consider profit corporations in the US (Rapoport et the deep structure of an organisation al., forthcoming). This Ford Foundation- comes from the work we have been doing supported action-research carried out in with BRAC, the well-known NGO in three sites within the Xerox Corporation, Bangladesh. A central goal of BRAC is the Corning, and Tandem Corporations, used empowerment of the disadvantaged, par- a work-family lens to introduce workplace ticularly poor women. One of the ways innovations that helped to ease the this is put into practice is through a credit personal situation of the employees while programme. The staff spend a lot of time at the same time enhancing business goals. giving out loans and collecting loan The research revealed that one set of instalments, and this may occasionally be characteristics and behaviour that was done quite coercively; coercion of poor unconsciously valued in these organisa- women to make repayments is hardly tions was heroism. A 'hero' — someone empowerment. Thus, there is a tension who will stay at the office working for 24 between the espoused goals and values of hours when the report is due, who can the organisation and its way of working respond to an emergency and solve the (personal experience, BRAC Gender problem — is noticed, has a high profile, Team, August 1996). feels valued, and is promoted. In comparison, the report showed that Focusing on three areas of skills such as preventing crises, building relationships, coordinating, thinking in deep structure advance, and helping things to move There are three areas of deep structure smoothly and calmly, were effectively that participants believed to be of partic- invisible; they were undervalued, and not ular importance in looking at gender and as likely to lead to promotion. The uncon- organisational transformation. scious values, which reinforce 'heroic' behaviour and make the exercise of pre- The 'workdife' divide ventive skills invisible, are one example of First, in almost all organisations there is a what we called 'deep structure'. dichotomy between paid work and Rethinking organisations 13 everything else: family, community, life. which has to be distributed to be useful: a Work is extremely important, both in the very different view from that prevalent in amount of time allocated to paid work, most organisations; however, some use and in the meaning and shape it gives to this understanding of power when they people's lives. This is an aspect of modern- talk about 'self-managing teams', or about isation that seems inseparable from 'mentoring'. organisations as we know them. When we are at work, we are not Foci and ways of working supposed to be concerned with family or A third area of organisational deep with community. When we look at an structure is what we are tentatively calling organisation's practice, we need to pay the 'monoculture of instrumentality'. attention to evidence of expectations that What we mean by this phrase is the tend- staff should place their employment at the ency of organisations to focus narrowly on centre of their lives. This is very significant a single purpose, and on one course of when trying to address gender inequality, action to get there. These limited object- because of women's current role as ives, ways of working, and perceptions are often indicated by the presence of primary carers for the family. departmental 'silos' which try to exist as The exercise of power independently as possible. For example, A second area of deep structure to look for in BRAC, we might say that the 'mono- concerns the practice of power. In almost culture' of credit and meeting credit all organisations, power is equated with targets drives out an attention to broader control and hierarchy. One metaphor for aspects of women's empowerment. Yet this is to think of power as a pie: if I have achieving credit targets is not the only more, you have less. The superior takes as way to foster women's empowerment. much of the pie as he or she can get, and To have more complex objectives for the subordinate has to be satisfied with organisations is more challenging but also less. richer. A corporation normally has one In examining this aspect of deep goal: to earn profit. Adding to that the structure, one of the characteristics to look goals of being a good corporate citizen, a for is who has the information and how it good employer, and environmentally is shared; organisations can spend a great sound, greatly complicates how that deal of time worrying about information, organisation works. But it may also make because it is a source of power. it richer in many dimensions, including its A different way of thinking about long-term profitability. Attention to the power is as something we can create, add balance between family and work, in the to, and build on. Instead of seeing power Ford Foundation study, for example, also as a finite resource, power is infinite. For resulted in increased productivity in example, parents have almost complete several cases. power over their small children. Parents Another aspect of monocultural think- do not necessarily feel, as the child grows ing is that rationality is the only aspect of up and becomes more powerful, that they human intellect which is appropriate to become less powerful. If their goal is to the workplace. In fact, people in organisa- raise children who are strong, independ- tions do not operate only on the basis of ent, responsible, and capable, then accom- intellect, but on intuition, emotions, the plishing this enhances the parents' own ego, and complex individual needs. social power and prestige. This view of While the visible structure uses the power stresses it as a source of energy, language of intellect, merit, and 14 Gender and Development

accomplishment for all organisational greater numbers of qualified women staff, processes and products, what may as well as fostering better working actually be driving decisions and actions relationships between male and female are emotions and needs such as the desire staff. for status and power. If, however, an intervention is linked Finally, if an organisation thinks too solely to the narrower objectives of an narrowly or instrumentally about accom- organisation — effectiveness of the credit plishing stated goals, it may undermine programme, for example — there may be its ability to achieve those goals. Even if very real short-term gains, but there is a organisations believe, for example, that danger in the long run that the goal of diversity of thought and equity among gender equity will be disregarded because different groups represented on the staff it is not congruent with the real business enrich the organisation, they often also of the organisation. Most if not all not-for- fear that such diversity is costly. That cost profit institutions have socially laudable they see as a distraction from the main goals. Therefore, linking these goals with enterprise of the organisation. What they gender equity objectives becomes a matter do not often see is the reward: greater of judgement and creativity on the part of resources and perspectives to tap in order the change agent, who needs to use a to cope with external change and tackle variety of strategies to build support for internal problems. organisational transformation. Organisa- tions which are not run for profit may couch their motivations in language Promoting change in the which suggests a commitment to social deep structure transformation; this potentially provides Participants at the Conference had various a lever with which to work. ideas about approaches that had the potential to change aspects of the deep Understanding multiple perspectives structure of organisations, in terms of Secondly, it is critical to start from where gender issues: people are. Strategies must be negotiated, and spaces for change must be sought. We Linking feminist goals to organisational are all familiar with the multiple meanings values attached to the concept of 'gender', and First, the feminist goals of social trans- the many implications of these for formation need to be linked to the different organisational contexts, and for espoused values of the organisation. different people. We must negotiate with Positive change will not come about if members of the organisations, and dis- there is no direct connection between cover what they see the issues to be women's empowerment, gender trans- regarding gender. formation, and the explicit values of the There will be a variety of factors to organisation. For example, in BRAC, the consider: where to start, what level on Gender Programme focused on the which to begin work, which strategies organisation's goal of poverty alleviation might work, and what needs to be nego- and women's empowerment by working tiated with the various groups involved. on programme and organisational quality. Clearly, elegant formulations and theories This meant addressing a range of issues of gender relations and women's disad- concerning programme effectiveness, vantage (even useful ones), may need to be organisational systems and cultures, and modified to focus on the particular require- the ability of the organisation to retain ments of the organisational context. Rethinking organisations 15

However, negotiation is not simply a has been regarded as shirking one's tactic to increase the enthusiasm of those responsibilities. This 'requirement' of the with whom one is engaging in the organ- job has dissuaded many women scientists isations; the ideas of the change agent are from applying for jobs at CIMMYT, at a also a subject for negotiation. Though as time when the organisation is trying to change agents we need to be clear that we hire and retain more women and also to have our own ideals and perspectives, and find new ways of working, for example, are speaking in our own voices, we cannot by moving from breeding the best crop remain fixed in our own position. We are varieties toward broader community not limited to the role of advocate. We resource-management goals (Merrill need to be aware in our turn that aspects Sands, 1996). of deep structure are embedded in our Fourthly, it is important to bring silent own unconscious; perhaps those very voices to the 'surface', or conscious level, aspects we are trying to change. As of the organisation, and recognise that in Remmy Rikken of the NGO PILIPINA every organisation there are contesting says, 'this is sacred ground, take your meanings. Listening to one group of voices shoes off and walk carefully' (conference, within or outside the organisation reveals 1995). At the Canada conference, we used only one part of the story. As Joyce the term 'changmg agent' to describe this Fletcher (Conference participant, North- experience. eastern University, Boston) says, listening to hitherto silent voices fills out the Organisational work practices picture. It is a little like a kaleidoscope — Third, we need to examine organisational every time you shake it or change the lens, work practices. How does the organisa- you see a slightly different configuration tion get the job done? What does this tell of the same elements. you about aspects of deep structure? By In listening to these other voices, we examining work practices, we can uncover are bringing in other concepts of the truth, the dissonance between organisational for example, what it feels like to be at values and culture — such as the ethic of variance with the dominant culture. As 'hard work' measured in terms of long Barbara Williams (Conference participant, hours on the job — and organisational private consultant working with the City practices as they have evolved over time. of Toronto) says, we can think of power as In tracing the link between practice and circulating in language, and in the know- values, you may want to keep the values ledge that language authorises. Then it is but change the practice; in some cases, you possible to see gaps in power, complica- may want to change the values . tions, and contradictions. Other possibil- For example, in CIMMYT (Centro ities for mapping specific organisational Internacional de Mejoramiento de Maiz y processes might be re-envisioned. But this Trigo), the maize and wheat institute of is tricky, because of the power of legitima- the CGIAR (Consultative Group on tion: what Stephen Lukes calls the 'power International Agricultural Research) within' — the subordination we accept system, fieldwork is highly valued and it and internalise without questioning even is generally assumed that as a scientist when it is contrary to our own self-interest you are not doing real scientific work (Lukes 1986). Some things are just thought unless you yourself travel up and down to be right! frequently to the experimental stations. Finally, we need to challenge what Sharing such responsibilities with senior participants at the Canada Conference technicians, through working in teams, termed the 'process-outcome split'. We \(y Gender and Development

have a tendency to focus on outcomes CCIC, 1 Nicholas Street, Suite 300, Ottawa, rather than process, not recognising that Ontario KIN 7B7, Canada; tel: 1 613 241 process itself may be an outcome. For 7007; e-mail: [email protected] example, organisational insiders do not say, 'last year we did accounting, so we don't need to do that any more!' Why References should processes of change related to Lukes, S (ed) (1986) Power, Blackwell: gender be any different? To have an effect- Oxford. ive organisation, you need to pay attention Merrill Sands D Presentation on Gender to accounting all the time. Similarly, you Issues in the Workplace in CIMMYT at always need to pay attention to gender the Association for Women in equity and to deep structure: inherently Development Forum, Washington, political processes. DC, September 1996. Where does one start? There is an old Rapoport, R and Bailyn, L (eds) saying that 'there are no perfect places to (forthcoming) Relinking Life and Work: start, only real ones'. But each strategy Towards a Better Future, Ford must be grounded in an understanding of Foundation, New York. deep structure, the importance of the 'work-family split', an understanding of power as control, and the monoculture of Notes instrumentality, to provide pathways for 1 The report of the conference, Building a radical change, which is both necessary Global Network for Gender and and sufficient. Organizational Change, by David Kelleher, Aruna Rao, Rieky Stuart and Aruna Rao is a gender and development Kirsten Moore can be obtained from consultant and writer. Editor of 'Women's Rieky Stuart (CCIC, Ottawa, Canada; Studies International: Nairobi and Beyond' tel:l-613-241-7007, extn. 352; (The Feminist Press, 1991) and 'Gender fax: 1-613-241-5302; Analysis and Development Planning: A email: [email protected] Case Book' (Kumarian Press, 1991), she has written extensively on gender analysis, gender training, and institutional development. From 1994 to 1996, she headed the BRAC Gender Programme. Currently, she is a Visiting Fellow at the Simmons Institute for Leadership and Change in Boston, USA. 7702 Hamilton Spring Road, Bethesda, MD 20817, USA. tel: 1 301 365 3886; e-mail: [email protected]

Rieky Stuart is Programme Manager for the Canadian Council for International Cooperation, the Canadian umbrella organisation for Canadian development NGOs. A development worker since the 1960s, she has worked as a trainer, writer and consultant on organisational change since 1985. 17

Managing organisational change: the 'gendered' organisation of space and time Anne Marie Goetz

This article1 examines the experiences of women and men staff in the world's largest national NGO, the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC), to investigate the impact of the organisation of space and time on women's capacity to become effective development workers.

he way development organisations they will be reflected in performance structure everyday work through criteria, rewarding people who flourish Tspace (approaches to field work, within the physical and social (or spatial organisation of office and living space) and temporal) boundaries of the organisa- and through time (structure of the tion. When organisations take on new working day, and of the relationship participants, such as women staff and between career and life cycles) reflect the women clients, and new objectives, such physical and social capabilities of those as promoting women's interests in devel- who dominate organisations. Where an opment, the organisation of space and organisation is dominated by men, the time can affect the capacity of women staff institutional time management of working to compete with men and to become hours, and life cycle career paths can effective development workers.2 The way reflect men's relative liberation from child these patterns reflect and reproduce the care and domestic responsibilities. This organisation's culture and objectives can allows them more time for work or affect the capacity of all staff — men and institutional interactions beyond the women — to promote gender and devel- home. They have cultural rights to mobil- opment concerns; to work effectively for ity and autonomy outside the home, and women's interests. this may be reflected in the organisation's BRAC maintains a strong commitment expectations about the amount of travel to gender equity in its anti-poverty pro- which employees should undertake. grammes, including an impressive rural These practical, everyday aspects of the credit programme, the Rural Development way organisations structure their work Programme (RDP), offering credit and are a feature of the organisation's culture; income-generating skills and inputs to, at

Gender and Development Vol 5, No. 1, February 1997 18 Gender and Development

the time of this study, well over 700,000 BRAC has introduced policies which members, 70 per cent of them women (by aim to enhance the retention of women 1995 women were 85 per cent of borrow- staff, and their effectiveness as develop- ers). Part of BRAC's commitment to gender ment workers, at three levels: and development goals is reflected in its efforts to employ women, although there is • adapting the organisational culture to such a high drop-out rate among women the participation of women (changes in staff that they represent only between 15 formal and informal behavioural and 25 per cent of total staff. norms); • increasing their presence in the Women staff are in an important and organisation and their participation in sensitive position in relation to the way decision-making (recruiting women in BRAC is regarded by village people. In a greater numbers, adopting 'fast-track' conservative environment such as rural promotion policies for women, provid- Bangladesh, the presence of women in ing special training in management non-traditional roles will be particularly skills); noticed and commented upon. This puts rural development organisations which • facilitating their physical adjustment to pursue progressive and counter-cultural the demands of the workplace and social goals in a difficult position. In order their role within it (for example, to accomplish their work, they must making arrangements for accom- respect the social order and cultivate local modation, addressing issues of support. But at the same time, their very mobility, and organising essential presence in rural development work is a health-care and maternity leave). symbol of the 'progressive' or 'modern' In the context of a conservative external character of the organisation. BRAC environment, the challenge to foster consciously projects this progressive genuine organisational change in image, insisting that women ride bicycles women's interest is enormous. BRAC has and motorcycles, wear the shalwar ketnise3been meeting this challenge much more rather than the sari, and live and work directly than many other mixed-sex together with male colleagues in offices in organisations. In 1991 its Executive rural areas, away from their immediate Director appointed a Women's Advisory family. These requirements press heavily Committee to report on gender issues upon the personal proprieties of young affecting staff, and from mid-1994, a women in a culture which places a high mixed Gender Team of four BRAC staff value upon sheltering unmarried women. from its Training Division, and three High degrees of mobility for young external consultants, has been openly women, accommodation away from the raising difficult issues, pointing out, for family with non-kin men, all put into example, contradictions between the question their personal integrity. They are organisation's norms of social equity and under pressure to demonstrate the organ- the persistence of negative attitudes isation's progressive image, yet at the towards gender equity among some staff same time, preserve their 'honour', (Rao and Kelleher, 1995:75). particularly if they intend eventually to The author does not intend to single marry. They are social pioneers as out BRAC in any negative sense. On the development agents, yet this can be at an contrary, BRAC is going further than extremely high personal cost. These many other mixed-gender rural develop- contradictions account, in part, for the ment organisations (in Bangladesh and high drop-out rate of women staff. elsewhere) to solve problems faced by Managing organisational change 19 women staff. The following discussion sharing rooms. Only the AM has the right highlights these problems, but they are in to have a family resident in the Area no way unique to BRAC. BRAC should be Office. The majority of POs are single; applauded for its openness in exposing its however, those who are married are operations to external researchers, and for generally living away from their marital its alacrity in responding to the sensitive families. There is a guest room for family issues of gender-based inequalities among visitors. Thus, few staff, male or female, its staff and in their work. have domestic or family responsibilities to distract from work obligations. All staff eat together, and their meals are provided The 'gendered' by a cook, which frees staff from concerns organisation of space with shopping and food preparation. The way most rural development organ- When women live with men to whom isations approach the issue of physical they are not related, their personal integ- space reflects not only men's physical rity is questioned and their physical capacities, but male social freedoms. Men security is at risk. Women and men POs are able to travel long distances alone, live on separate sides of courtyard spaces they are able to live with strangers in office at the back of the offices. BRAC has accommodation without their physical responded to some of the gender-related integrity and security coming under problems by elaborating a set of 'commun- threat, or their personal honour being ity living' behavioural norms which damaged. Men are able to eat in public reiterate BRAC's egalitarianism and also and relieve themselves in public without respond to some of the challenges of larger criticism. Men may also find it easier than numbers of women staff. One of these women to establish a clear division norms stipulates that women and men between private space and public space, must never enter each others' rooms, and as they often do not have responsibilities others stress the importance of respectful for child care and for domestic work. behaviour between women and men. For single women, living far from home Living arrangements means the loss of the security and support Working in rural areas poses problems for provided by the family. Also, it becomes staff, because it often means that they must more difficult to begin arrangements for move far from their homes and adjust to a marriage, as families are not close enough new environment. Frequent transfers can to consult with daughters and introduce exacerbate these problems. For women, them to prospective partners. however, these problems are more severe than for men, and affect single and Travel and mobility ' married women differently. Rural development work requires high BRAC has a well-developed infrastruc- degrees of mobility under difficult ture of rural offices which also serve as conditions. Staff must travel considerable living quarters for staff. These are busy distances each day to reach the village centres from which credit is dispensed, groups they supervise. Often they must training courses are offered, where travel on dirt roads and paths, and in the supplies are stored, and paper work is rainy season, villages can only be reached conducted. All regular staff, field workers on foot, over very wet and muddy paths. (Programme Organisers — POs) and their In the heat of the dry season travel office managers (Area Managers — AMs4), becomes very strenuous and exhausting. are housed in these Area Offices, with POs POs are supplied with a bicycle and must 20 Gender and Development

cycle for six months to a year, after which but this can arouse criticism. BRAC they ride motorcycles. Both women and discourages women and men from men POs in BRAC travel between 11 and travelling on the same motorcycle. 17 kilometres every day. All AMs travel There are some important advantages by motorcycle. for women in riding these vehicles. First, it Bangladeshi women face problems has a strong public impact, and can help in when travelling in rural areas. In recog- changing attitudes to women's mobility. nition of this, BRAC tries to ensure that Some women in village groups expressed the village groups which women staff their admiration for BRAC women field supervise are close to the office, and clus- workers because of their courage. Second, tered together, to minimise the distances some women said they felt that travelling which women staff travel. This can some- by motorcycle is a status symbol and can times cause resentment among men, who enhance the status of women field have to travel further. Women travelling workers. And third, many women alone in rural areas is itself a new phenom- expressed a feeling of pride and accomp- enon; travelling by bicycle or motorcycle lishment in their freedom of movement is very unconventional for women. BRAC and their skill. According to one PO: provides gender-segregated training for 'People say that I have no parents, couldn't staff in riding bicycles and motorcycles. It get educated. Young men on the roadside also makes sure that women gain support laugh at me. When they laugh. I stop and from the fact that other women in an talk with them. And from the next day operational area are also using bicycles they shut up. I ride better than men — no and motorcycles. one can ride a bike like me.' Many of the women staff said that they Riding motorcycles can also provide a faced considerable hostility from villagers form of protection for women staff in the because of their freedom of movement, sense that the speed and noise of the and they also feared for their safety. As a vehicle can shield them from verbal and woman AM said: 'A man can go wherever other attacks, as suggested in this quote necessary, quite quickly. I don't have that from an AM: 'People make bad comments. kind of mobility. I feel helpless and They say that our country will be spoiled ashamed of this. I have to make elaborate by women... But on the motorbike I cannot preparations for any journey: where, hear the comments — because of the when, will it be dark, what kind of speed, the sound, the helmet!' criticism will I face?' It is widely held within BRAC that the main reasons for the Time and gender high early drop-out rate of women staff has to do with their reluctance to ride This service [my work] is for my life. It bicycles. Some women staff said that shouldn't be that life is for this service. Where villagers, especially young men, often life is a priority, one cannot do this work. tried to make them fall off their bicycles by BRAC woman PO distracting them, throwing sticks into the Organisational systems for managing spokes of their wheels, or chasing them. time affect staff in the office and the field, On main roads, women who ride in terms of the pattern of the working day, motorcycles say that car-drivers often and also of a life-time's career. attempt to push them off the road and frighten them. Many women try to travel Managing time day-to-day in groups with other women staff. They Rural development work requires activi- sometimes travel with male colleagues, ties which cannot be confined within the Managing organisational change 21

normal nine-to-five office day. Village my colleagues were rude. They didn't talk women's groups may be most accessible to him, and looked at him like he was a for development workers very early in the stranger ... he felt insulted and said he morning, before the working day begins; wouldn't come again. He isn't happy while men's groups may only be available about this job because it is so time- for discussions at night, after dark. Crises consuming.' in villages do not respect weekends or A woman AM said: 'My husband ... office hours, and can require responses had no idea what BRAC work involves. from staff at unconventional times. Over the last five months (since the Regular aspects of the working cycle (such wedding) we have spent 14 days together. as credit disbursement and recovery) are Over the last month he wrote to me four continuous throughout the year. times and I never wrote once. In his last Having staff living in the office also letter he wrote: "I think you don't need me means that the office, in effect, is never for your life".' These problems can make it closed — in an emergency, staff are always hard to adjust to the working environ- on hand to make a rapid response. The ment, and married staff experience tension working day generally starts at 6am, when and stress because of being separated from POs meet with village workers — the their families: 'Married people don't get Programme Assistants — to give instruc- permission to stay outside of the office. tions. Field visits to monitor groups, collect This hampers work because it causes ill- savings and loan repayments, and conduct will. Working against your heart.' training are done in the mornings and after lunch, and the afternoon is used for Life-cycle career time-management paperwork and training. For many staff, The typical career path followed by the the working day does not end until 10pm. majority of staff in any organisation will The high work intensity in the field, reflect what, over time, has been the most and the spreading of working hours effective way for employees to manage beyond normal office hours, means that the relationship between their lives and women with families will lack time for their work. This means striking a balance domestic responsibilities, and will have to between significant events in their lives — bear the costs of child care and domestic such as acquiring qualifications, gaining help. Some of these difficulties become job experience, getting married, having apparent when examining the living children — and performing well in the arrangements of married staff. Only 25 organisation in order to move up prom- per cent of married women POs and AMs otional ladders. In BRAC, the typical life- lived with their spouses and children, cycle career path relates to the way men compared to 50 per cent of married men. organise their lives and their work. It is difficult for women staff living at A staff member will typically join at the the Area Office to find time to spend with level of PO at the age of 27, after having their husbands. The guest room only completed a Master's degree. A minimum allows couples to stay together for very of two years' field work are expected short visits. At the same time, the working before promotion to AM. At this point, the culture is such that there is little spare time staff member acquires more personal for visits, and also, other staff members space in BRAC living quarters: big enough within the compound can be disapproving to have a family. This is also one of the of these privileges, as shown in this periods of the most intense activity in the account from a woman PO: 'Not long after field, involving considerable long- I joined, my husband came to visit me but distance travel to regional offices and the 22 Gender and Development

head office, very long hours, and substan- Child care tial responsibility. Ten years of this, and Child care and domestic labour tends to there may be a chance of promotion to the remain the responsibility of women even position of Regional Manager, or to head though they work full-time, and this office. undermines their ability to compete with For women, this life-cycle career path men at work, and develop their own poses considerable difficulties. At 27, capacities. Our research showed that not many women may already be married, one woman was able to rely on a spouse and since BRAC prefers to hire single for child care, and the majority relied on a people, this may discourage them from relative for this service. While most applying for jobs. On promotion to the respondents felt reasonably secure about AM level, women will be given the space leaving their children with relatives, those at the Area Office to accommodate a who relied on servants felt uneasy about family, but they will have difficulties per- the quality of care their children were suading their husband to come and live in receiving. Long working days, and resid- the Area Office, as husbands are often ence at the Area Office, mean that there is unwilling to abandon jobs and move to little flexibility for parents to respond to follow their wives. Among married staff family emergencies. One woman field who had been transferred, more married worker said: The day I joined my son was women with children than men with very sick. Several days later, I told the PO- children had to move without bringing in-charge that I wanted to go home to see their spouse or children with them. my son but I was refused and I was told: If women have children, it becomes "if you have children why did you come to very difficult for them to manage the do this job?" I cried, and then I left anyway intense work demands which they face as to see my son.' field managers. Another problem is that Over half of married BRAC women the kind of work they do may dissuade faced objections from their husbands prospective partners from marrying them because their work caused them to neglect at all. It is noticeable that women staff are their domestic obligations. While some marrying later than the average age for women had husbands who adjusted to women of their education levels and social their wife's work by taking on domestic groups: women AMs, for instance, are tasks, these were in a minority, and much marrying at around 30 years of age, and more typical was the situation, reported some women cite the need to get married by a woman field worker in a government as the reason for leaving BRAC. organisation: 'When the children are sick it Women are thus placed in an is me that has to stay at home. If I tell my ambiguous situation. While working for husband that he has to do it then he says BRAC may give some a much-wanted that I should just leave the job. He cannot opportunity to avoid early marriage, it accept it even if I am late from the office.' may make it more difficult to marry, and All staff, of course, have the right to in a culture in which marriage is almost take leave to fulfil family responsibilities, universal, this may encourage women to and BRAC has introduced a special leave. This is a great loss to BRAC, post- provision in recognition of women's poning the development of a cadre of greater family obligations — they are experienced women staff who are able to allowed an additional six days of leave a make a sustained mark upon the organisa- year. Also, AMs are encouraged to allow tion and its work. new women recruits leave within their first month in order to cope with home- Managing organisational change 23 sickness and to reassure their families. sports in their youth. Women higher up in The intensity of work in a rapidly the hierarchy have had more exposure to expanding organisation, however, means physical exercise. Involvement in sport is that staff do not always take up their correlated with place of origin and class entitlement to leave. The nature of the status: staff from urban and higher-class working culture is such that people who backgrounds tend to have played more do not take leave are highly regarded for sports than staff from rural backgrounds. their commitment and dedication. Women experience particular health Women who take their leave may there- problems caused by the absence of certain fore be derided for lacking commitment, basic facilities in the rural environment. or resented by men who do not take as For example, there are few eating facilities much leave. Indeed, supervisors often in the field which are appropriate for indicate on staff appraisal forms that staff women, who often do not feel comfortable have not taken leave: this is seen as a sign eating in public restaurants. Women often of commitment. skip meals, which contributes to gastric problems and feelings of exhaustion. Health and sexuality There are no sanitation facilities in the field for women, and modesty prohibits The organisation of space and time have them from using bushes in the way men an impact on the health of staff and on can. Women staff said they would avoid how they manage their sexuality. Organis- drinking water during the day because of ational culture affects the ways the this. Insufficient water in a hot and physical capabilities of men and women exhausting working environment can are valued, or alternatively, derided. result in dehydration, and can exacerbate urinary tract infections, and difficulties Health managing menstruation. BRAC proposed, The rigours of working in rural areas at the time of this study, to make sure that require stamina, and can result in health proper latrines were built in every village problems for both men and women. Our where women worked. Unfortunately, the research showed that as many men as resentment which men express about the women are exhausted by field work. The special measures sometimes needed to majority of field staff of both sexes who accommodate women's bodily needs reported problems said that their main suggests that these needs are treated as problem was fatigue and physical strain. constraints on the organisation, rather than simply a necessary feature of Gender issues in health working with women. For many women, physical exertion is something they are unaccustomed to. Reproductive health issues Vigorous forms of exercise are aften not Women also experience problems related considered suitable for young women in to their reproductive health. BRAC gives Bangladesh. Our research showed there is three months' maternity leave to women a sharp difference between women and staff, which is generous by local standards. men staff in terms of their history of About half of the women in the sample physical exercise, with almost all the men who had children had trouble adjusting having played sports. Ironically, the once they returned to work, in particular women whose jobs involve the greatest because there are no breast-feeding amount of physical exertion (the village- facilities in field or head offices, and it was level workers) had the least exposure to difficult for them to arrange for satisfac- 24 Gender and Development

tory milk substitutes for their babies. In the desk-leave policy illustrate how a some cases, this resulted in health special measure to recognise biological problems for mother and infant. As with difference can be experienced instead as most organisations in Bangladesh and signalling a form of disability for women. elsewhere, there was no paternity leave for men in BRAC, and some men said that Sexuality requests for short periods of leave when There is considerable informal surveill- their children were born were refused. ance of the movements of women and Menstruation raises a set of problems men staff in Area Offices, which is a in a work environment with inadequate reflection of the organisation's concern to facilities both in the field and office. Where maintain moral propriety in light of the work requires physical activity such as fact that so many unmarried women and bicycling, menstruation can be a problem men are living together, unchaperoned by because of the discomfort and pain which family. All staff must sign a 'movement some women experience. BRAC has an register' when they leave the office during innovative policy of allowing an optional their free time, for example at weekends, two days of 'desk leave' for women staff to indicate their plans. This is a security every month (although at the time of this measure which is important in an environ- study, this policy did not extend to women ment where some women development PAs). The desk-leave policy represents an agents are the target of abuse and attack. important form of organisational adjust- However, it is resented by women staff, ment to accommodate women's physical who claim that their male colleagues are needs. Unfortunately, taking desk leave not as strictly controlled in their move- sends out a signal that one is menstruat- ments as they are. ing, and women feel ashamed of making BRAC's policy on personal relation- other colleagues aware of this fact. As a ships demonstrates problems in manag- result, many women do not take advant- ing sexuality within an organisation. age of this facility. Almost one-third of BRAC, quite rightly, is deeply concerned women POs felt too ashamed to ask for to discourage sexual harassment, which is desk leave even when they needed it. probably the most severe constraint on Some said that they only felt comfortable women's capacity to work effectively and asking for leave if their boss was a woman. to develop credible leadership capacities. Many women avoided desk leave because It is hard to strike an effective balance they did not want men to feel that women between excessive surveillance on the one were not working as hard as them. hand, and indifference on the other. It The prudishness about menstruation, must be noted that women staff in BRAC which is seen as a symbol of women's reported a much lower incidence of sexual impurity, means that neither women nor harassment — almost none — compared men wish to draw attention to it. This is to women in the government organisation particularly difficult for men. One male studied. However, women in BRAC felt AM said: There is no written rule about that the organisation's concerns over menstruation but women would tell me sexual propriety were expressed through they were sick and I'd say, "OK, don't go constraints on their behaviour, rather than to the field", and it was implicit that it was on that of their male colleagues. This illus- menstruation. To be honest, I have never trates gender bias in patterns of managing uttered this word from my mouth, and sexuality within the organisation. this is the first time I have ever spoken directly to a woman about it.' Reactions to Managing organisational change 25

Conclusions for leisure, for staff. The result has been a very efficient means of monopolising their Is it possible or desirable to separate the labour. This has had particularly difficult public and the private? The evidence implications for women, who are much above suggests that it has been difficult for less able than men to live as though the women in BRAC to be accommodated private sphere did not exist. within the 'male' space of the office, or to The issues raised regarding marriage feel at home in rural areas. Feminists have and family life pose a dilemma. On the one claimed that most space outside of the hand, the lack of time and space in BRAC domestic arena, particularly the work field offices for people's personal lives space, is structured to favour men. They imposes great tensions on both married argue, therefore, for an abolition of the and single women. Married women face separation between the public and the acute problems in juggling their dual private. That domestic space is a necessary public and private obligations. Single support to public space is often denied by women are stigmatised because of the men, who insist on a clear demarcation nature of the work that they do, and are between the two, yet could not even considered to be unmarriageable. Many manage to turn up for work properly fed male staff also suffer because they cannot and clothed without support from the have full family lives, and many staff domestic arena. Feminists propose instead object to the constraints on the ways they to acknowledge the importance of the can interact with each other. private in the public sphere, to make it On the other hand, BRAC's innovative easier for women to participate in public arrangements for bringing men and spaces. Child-care facilities at work would women together in the field are a model of be one way of doing this. a new form of gender relations in rural How far is it possible or even desirable areas. In the conservative environment in to eliminate the public/private distinction which BRAC operates, it is important to at work? There are limits to how far an provide young women with assurances organisation can go in trying to compen- that their honour will be protected, and to sate for the constraints imposed on women reassure rural people that BRAC is a by patriarchy in the private sphere. For morally upright organisation. BRAC is instance, in the case above where women's making it possible for young career husbands persist in refusing to share child women to postpone marriage and demon- care and domestic labour responsibilities, strate to rural people a non-traditional role how much can BRAC be expected to do to for women. This can have a powerful help women deal with this problem? impact in terms of providing role models BRAC's approach to organising its field for others, as one interviewee pointed out: operations has been precisely towards 'My colleagues say I should get married abolishing the distinction between home and they say the job is too hard for women and office. By providing living space for to do. I object. If I do the job well, then later staff in the office, and communal eating more women can come forward.' facilities, some of the labour constraints of Women staff have adapted BRAC's maintaining a private household are lifted organisational image-management rules for women. But instead of bringing the to their own needs. Some of them home to the office, by domesticating the manage the accommodation between official environment, BRAC has brought traditional Bangladeshi womanhood and the office to the home. It has eliminated the social pioneering aspects of their work space and time for family interactions, and by trying to underplay or even deny the 26 Gender and Development

implications and opportunities for auton- women justifiable, and how far will it omy which their employment gives them. provoke resentment from men? Moreover, However, it is a lonely process to have to would such special provision undermine represent an organisation's progressive the principles of merit and dedication on image. Challenging social conventions which the organisation is based? regarding gender inevitably causes While it is not possible to answer all of conflict, and makes women vulnerable to these questions, there are examples of attack, even from male colleagues who do alternative ways of managing women in not necessarily believe in the progressive organisations, in Bangladesh. Women's ideas they are supposed to promote. organisations involved in rural develop- It is clear that the way women staff ment have taken different approaches, for have adapted their role in upholding example, to reconciling the conflicting BRAC's image indicates some ambiv- demands of home and work, or to manag- alence in their feelings about their role as ing women's public work identities. They social pioneers. Not only does the amount have found ways of accommodating child of criticism women face because of their care within the office space, and of allow- unconventional appearance and beha- ing women to manage their own public viour bring a great deal of personal strain, identities in ways they are comfortable but their single status, the clothing they with. They have supported these meas- are expected to wear, and the vehicles ures with training in women's rights and they have to use, all pose challenges not with support for women's perspectives on only to norms of decency, but to their gender issues in their work.5 ability to carry out their work, as they risk While a full discussion of women's derision in the rural environment. organisations cannot be developed here, The constraints within which BRAC such organisations, despite their own operates — such as a conservative external problems, and differences in size and culture — seem so fixed that it is difficult to scope from organisations like BRAC, do imagine that things could be managed offer some possibilities for managing differently. The important practical women staff which mixed organisations question is: how far should and can man- could consider. The stress on allowing agement practices be changed to accom- women to be near their own families, the modate these problems? How far should domesticating of the official environment, an organisation take responsibility for the respect for and non-interference in constraints on women's capacities which women's personal lives, and the more are posed by their domestic lives and their flexible use of time could all be adapted to reproductive responsibilities? the working conditions of mixed organisa- There are very few formal employment tions. environments which have developed This article has tried to illustrate how effective responses to these problems. some of the practical aspects of an organ- Regarding women's reproductive role as isation's structure in space and time can carers and marital partners, it can be be 'gendered', and how this can affect expensive for an organisation to provide women's capacities to flourish within an child care for staff; it is very difficult to organisation. There is pressure on women coordinate job transfers for two people as to emulate male work patterns and to co-habitees. Secondly, there are a whole set identify with the dominant culture. One of issues concerning positive action to consequence can be that women staff are promote female participation in the work less confident in developing and acting place. How far is special provision for upon their own perspectives on women's Managing organisational change 27 interests in development. The ultimate its generosity and openness in allowing test of an organisation's effectiveness in me to research its operations, and I also integrating women staff and in modelling thank the government's Rural new versions of gender relations in the Development — 12 programme. I am rural areas should be whether women grateful to Rina Sen Gupta, my staff can say that their participation in the research partner, with whom the organisation has helped them to feel fieldwork was conducted between valued, and also, has allowed them to February and October 1993. This article pursue their own visions of change in concentrates on the interviews with gender relations. BRAC staff. 2 In another paper (Goetz 1996) I References investigate the impact of organisa- tional cultures on women's capacity to Goetz, A M (1996) 'Dis/organising develop a capacity for leadership in gender: women development agents in women's interests in development. state and NGO poverty-reduction 3 The shalwar kemise is a form of dress programmes in Bangladesh', in Rai, S which is worn in urban areas by and Lievesley, G (eds) Women and the women of all ages. In rural areas, State: International Perspectives, Taylor however, it is usually not worn by and Francis, London. married women or women over the Howes, M (1996) 'NGOs and the age of 16. It is a loose long shirt worn development of membership organisa- over baggy trousers. tions: the case of Shaptagram', mimeo, 4 There is another category of field staff: IDS, Sussex. the Programme Assistants, who are Rao, A and Kelleher, D (1995) 'Engen- village-level development workers dering organisational change: the who are not part of the professional BRAC case', IDS Bulletin, 26, 3, July, staff structure of BRAC. Space con- Sussex. straints here prohibit a full discussion Yasmin, T (1997) 'What is different about of the gender issues affecting this level women's organisations?', in Goetz, A of staff. M (ed) Breaking In, Speaking Out: 5 See Yasmin 1997 and Howes 1996 for a Getting Institutions Right for Women in discussion of these features of manage- Development, Zed Press, forthcoming. ment in Shaptagram Nari Swanivar Parishad (Seven Villages Women's Notes Self-Reliance Organisation). 1 This article is composed of extracts from a draft chapter for a book on the work of lower-level field-workers implementing gender and develop- ment policies in rural credit organisa- tions in Bangladesh. It is based upon 121 in-depth interviews with field workers of two development organisa- tions in Bangladesh, BRAC and the 'Rural Development-12' programme of the government's Bangladesh Rural Development Board. I thank BRAC for 28

Implementing a Gender Policy in ACORD: strategies, constraints, and challenges Angela Hadjipateras

This short article examines the evolution of ACORD''s approach to gender issues, and summarises the main conclusions emerging from a recent review of the organisation's gender policy. Some strengths and weaknesses of particular strategies adopted at various levels of the organisation are indicated. The article goes on to discuss future directions for the implementation.

CORD is a consortium of 11 non- field programmes. In 1996, another gender governmental organisations from consultant was commissioned to carry out AEurope, Asia, and North America a case study of the institution as a whole.1 devoted to community-based and gender- sensitive poverty alleviation in Africa. Evolution of the policy ACORD was founded in 1976. It currently employs 550 staff, most of whom originate ACORD first began considering the place from, and work in, 16 countries in Africa, of women in its work in the mid-1980s, as with a Secretariat of 29 in London. Nearly the UN Decade for Women (1975-85) was half ACORD's funding comes from the drawing to a close. In January 1988, a policy member organisations, and the rest is fairly statement on 'working with women' was evenly split between private, bilateral, and drawn up in consultation with field and multilateral funding institutions. Secretariat staff, and in April that year a ACORD formally established a gender Women in Development (WID) Pro- policy in 1990, and initiated a review gramme Policy was approved by the process four years later. The review was Assembly, the ultimate decision-making intended to document and draw lessons body within ACORD. from the organisation's experiences of This policy stressed the need to implementing the policy, both in its work enhance women's access to resources, and with partners in Africa, and in ACORD's their participation in activities and London-based Secretariat. A consultant decision-making processes, at all levels of was commissioned to undertake the the organisation's programme work in research in the field. This was carried out Africa. These goals were to be promoted during 1994-6 and included a survey of by a programme of activities, including

Gender and Development Vol 5, No. 1, February 1997 Implementing a gender policy in ACORD 29

the creation of Women's Officer posts, and The analytical framework adopted for the establishment of budget lines to fund the research was one developed by Sara training, networking and inter- Hlupekile Longwe, which identifies five programme exchanges. distinct steps along the path towards After the first year, a review noted that, equality between men and women. These while some progress had been made, this five steps are improvements for women in had fallen short of expectations. Factors terms of: welfare (basic survival), access to hindering progress were identified as lack resources (including opportunities for self- of interest by major donors, and some realisation); conscientisation (an awareness 'dragging of feet' by staff — mainly field of and will to alter gender inequalities); staff but also some senior managers. participation (including an equal role in Discussion of the review led to the decision-making); and control (in both the decision to introduce a gender policy personal and public domains). which, in line with wider development The research concluded that the great- theory and practice, takes culturally- est gains for women overall, throughout determined gender relations as the focus ACORD's programmes, have been in the of analysis and promotes the reduction, if spheres of welfare, access to resources, not elimination, of gender-based inequi- conscientisation, and, to a lesser extent, ties in the communities where ACORD participation. One example is of women works. This new approach would facili- participating in a credit programme in tate a better understanding of women's Port Sudan, who have overcome the position within different cultural contexts. cultural barriers constraining women's However, the change in policy caused role in commerce: the programme some confusion at the field level, and some provides credit to roughly equal numbers staff felt the policy was being introduced of men and women. A second example of in a top-down manner. increased participation comes from ACORD's gender policy was promoted ACORD's programme in Luanda, Angola, primarily through an extensive pro- where there are now more women on gramme of training. In addition, a full- Water Committees and other community time Gender Officer post was created in management structures. Lastly, the Gulu London, to provide advice and support to programme in Uganda has enhanced programmes in the field and to promote women's welfare and status, through gender awareness within the Secretariat. promoting their participation in product- In order to monitor progress, programmes ive loan schemes alongside men. were required to report on the implement- However, ACORD's programmes ation of the policy in their annual reports. appear to have had limited impact in terms of the ultimate 'level' of the Longwe framework: control. Even here, there have The impact on communities been a few breakthroughs, such as in Gao, and individuals Mali, where ACORD has been instru- One of the aims of the 1990 review process mental in enabling some women to was to assess if, and how, the organisa- increase their control over rice production tional gender policy had affected the (a critical economic resource in the region), design and implementation of ACORD's and in Gulu, Uganda, where AIDS programme interventions, and, by training has helped some women make extension, the lives of, and relationships more informed choices in terms of sexual between, the men and women of the practices. But such examples are few and communities with which ACORD works. far between; overall, little progress 30 Gender and Development

appears to have been made in shifting the further consolidated the impact of gender- prevailing imbalance of power and awareness training, by enhancing mutual control in relations between men and understanding, respect, and co-operation. women. For example, an all-male production group in Mali agreed, as a result of some pressure from ACORD, to accept women Successful strategies and members. While this agreement had methodologies initially been somewhat reluctant, during The research identified a number of a meeting held as part of the gender strategies that appear to have promoted research, the men stated that the women's positive outcomes for women. These fall contribution had become essential. into two broad categories: programming However, to have an acknowledged role and organisational strategies. in production is not the same as gaining control. An important factor in gaining Programming strategies control is confidence on the part of Gender-awareness training: The researchwomen, as stated below. suggested that raising awareness of Working with women-only groups: The gender issues among both men and research findings indicated that women women, using tools of gender analysis may also need to meet separately. In one such as the Harvard framework,2 is of ACORD's programmes in Lubango, perhaps the single most effective means of improving and potentially transforming Angola, women have recently formed a gender relations. For example, in Gulu, group to discuss a variety of issues. The Uganda, ACORD provided training for a women report that this has helped them to pool of community-based trainers, to build up their confidence, and overcome disseminate awareness of power relations their fear of expressing their views in between women and men, in ways which public. As a result, many of the women were relevant to the particular context. now participate more actively in other At one gender-training session in Gulu, community groups, such as the local men and women were asked to form Health Commission. The women also said separate groups, and to produce a daily that the programme has built up solidarity work record. The women's record of and friendship between the women in the activities showed that they worked from community, many of whom had prev- dawn to dusk without a break, whereas iously felt very isolated. the men's showed that they had ample Promotion of female leadership: A common leisure-time. When the two groups came strategy adopted by many ACORD together to discuss and compare their programmes is to require all mixed groups respective work-patterns, the fact that to appoint one male and one female women worked roughly twice as many representative. Women are also encour- hours as men became the subject of a lively aged to take on management responsi- debate. Following this discussion, the bilities. Besides enhancing their own whole group resolved to invest in buying confidence and status, both in the wider grinding mills and hoes, in order to community and at home, successful facilitate women's work in grinding and women leaders serve as role-models for weeding which took up the greatest part other women. In ACORD's programme in of their time. Chad, one of the literacy trainers is a Working with mixed groups: The researchwoman, and one of the classes she taught found that working with mixed groups included her husband! This caused quite a Implementing a gender policy in ACORD 31 stir in the community, and her example is to integrate women fully into the frequently used as proof of women's programme's main activities. However, abilities. the research findings suggested that Gender-aware participatory planning and unless gender training for staff is regularly evaluation: Many ACORD programmes updated, and includes all staff, not only have instituted participatory planning gender specialists, its impact is limited. and evaluation processes using methods, Spreading responsibility for gender: The such as PRA3 to promote community research showed that the degree to which participation. However, the use of partici- gender awareness is integrated into all patory methods does not in itself ensure spheres of programme activity is related that women's views and priorities are to where responsibility lies for implement- necessarily represented; the methods ing the gender policy. The most effective must be gender-sensitive. staff structure was found in Gulu, where a In Gulu, groups meet annually to Gender Committee consists of a cross- discuss their work and plan the following section of staff, who are collectively year's activities. However, the first such responsible for developing a strategy in meeting coincided with the busiest time of line with the policy. A Gender Officer the year for women, so very few women coordinates this work. came, and those that did attend sat at the Recruitment and promotion of women staff: back of the room and hardly spoke. The The research findings confirm that there is following year, the issues of timing and of a clear link between ensuring that gender promoting full participation were both concerns are fully integrated in ACORD's addressed. The meeting was held at a programme, and the gender balance of more convenient time, and seats were ACORD's staff. Not only is a 'critical mass' arranged in a circle. The result was a of women staff important in ensuring that significant improvement in the levels of gender concerns are not marginalised, but attendance and participation of women. potential charges of hypocrisy can be avoided if ACORD practises what it Organisational strategies preaches! In addition, employing female staff members is essential in order to gain Gender-awareness training: The staff of an access to women in some communities. organisation must also receive training. Awareness of gender issues is essential for While the number of women on the an understanding of, and commitment to, staff as a whole is critical, female partici- gender equity. In ACORD's London pation, and representation, at senior Secretariat, gender training helped to management levels is also critical, as is the reveal subtle forms of gender discrimina- commitment of all senior management to tion operating within the office. gender equity. In ACORD, some of the In addition, training was found to be most ground-breaking programmes in most effective when closely linked to gender terms are those managed by female staff with a strong commitment to programme activities. In Mali, staff who 4 participated in a regional gender work- gender equity. shop claimed that this marked a turning- Networks for women staff: ACORD's women point in the programme's approach; staff welcome opportunities to meet to previously, women's activities were discuss issues and dilemmas relating to completely marginalised, whereas after their own lives, as well as issues related to the workshop staff were at least the programme. They claim that such attempting (though with limited success) networking can help to increase gender- 32 Gender and Development

awareness in programming. However, with ACORD's new gender policy as our such networks have not always proved women do not need to be "liberated", and beneficial; male staff have sometimes besides, it is not fair that men should be resented their exclusion. left out.' Direct field involvement in research: The Cultural resistance research process itself has proved to be effective in implementing the gender To a great extent, the above-mentioned a reflection of the inevitable policy, in a number of ways. Direct difficulties are conflict of interests which arises when involvement of staff in the planning and gender imbalances are addressed. While carrying out of the research has enhanced most staff express support, discussions their commitment to working on gender held as part of the research revealed fears issues. Staff have been provided with an about and, in some cases, outright hostility opportunity to analyse their work, to the gender policy, on the part of both consolidate their knowledge, and try out staff and community members. new methods. Lastly, the overall positive response of the communities themselves Confusion as to responsibility and to work on gender issues has confirmed procedure the value and relevance of this work. It is unclear who, at ACORD's Secretariat, is ultimately responsible for ensuring that Organisational weaknesses the policy is implemented. The Gender Officer is part of the Research and Policy The research, including the institutional Programme (RAPP), which is separate case study, explored factors, both internal from the Programme Department (PD). and external, which weaken or subvert RAPP's role is mainly an advisory one, the implementation of the gender policy. whereas the PD is responsible for the These are some of the points identified: overall implementation of programmes, including their gender dimension. Within Different understandings of the policy ACORD's international offices, even A lack of clarity as to the aims and where Gender Officers exist, their status objectives of gender work hampers the and authority tends to be limited. organisation's ability to develop effective These difficulties are compounded by strategies and appropriate indicators for the fact that the policy takes the form of a monitoring progress. Whereas most staff statement of goals and principles, but within ACORD are aware of the existence does not provide any clear guidelines for of the policy, few are familiar with its their implementation in practice. content. There are wide variations in the way the policy is understood; for some, Weak accountability mechanisms 'gender' is synonymous with 'women', The main tool for making ACORD and is seen either as concerned with programmes and staff accountable for setting up activities specifically directed their programme work, including that on at women (usually ones that reinforce gender, is the annual report.5 However, women's traditional roles) or as a way of the standard of reporting is very uneven, surreptitiously promoting Western- and there have been few attempts to inspired feminist goals. For others, the remedy this. Staff also complain that they policy provides a justification for moving get no feedback from the Secretariat. This away from a WID concept to work more lack of support undermines the usefulness closely with men as well. As one male of the annual report as a mechanism for staff-member noted: 'I am much happier monitoring and improving programmes. Implementing a gender policy in ACORD 33 Programmes are reviewed individually, of the training and high staff turnover and standards may differ from one rates, at any given time a significant programme to another. The nature of proportion of staff are likely not to have gender work itself, including the fact that received even basic gender-awareness it takes place in widely varying cultural training. This applies to the Secretariat as and socio-economic contexts, makes it well as field staff.6 virtually impossible to devise a set of uniform criteria for assessing programme Under-representation of women staff performance in gender terms. Account- ACORD has an equal opportunities ability is weakened by the absence of policy, which has helped to achieve gender agreed minimum standards. balance among field staff, as well as Regional Programme Officers in the Lack of 'gender impact indicators' Secretariat. However, at the programme The lack of performance indicators is a level, a survey carried out as part of the weakness in ACORD programmes and gender research7 revealed that women one that the organisation has been trying staff are still under-represented overall to address over the last two years. In the and particularly at management levels. case of gender, this problem is accentuated Some programmes have taken proactive by the lack of clarity about objectives. measures, such as generous parental leave Many programmes still equate gender provisions and the adoption of a positive work with equal participation of women, discrimination policy for recruitment, and simply collect figures on beneficiaries promotion, and training. However, the broken down by sex. A few also include pressures and demands of most field posts some qualitative information, including present obstacles to staff with family case studies or anecdotes, indicating responsibilities. In addition, despite impact on gender relations, or changes in attempts to do so, it has not been possible women's status. to improve the 2:1 ratio of male to female The fact that there is no systematic staff at the senior management level. recording of the perceived 'impact' of ACORD's work on gender issues reflects Inadequate resources both the difficulty of determining indica- Most of the above problems are com- tors of impact for social development pounded by the lack of resources for the work, and the fact that gender trainers and promotion of gender work. While there is practitioners have only recently begun to some donor interest in supporting gender address this difficulty. In the face of initiatives, it is difficult to get funding for increasing funding pressures and donor non-programme-specific costs, such as concerns with efficiency, programmes additional staff recruitment, staff training, need to be able to demonstrate impact in research, networking and dissemination. tangible terms. This has affected the pace of progress, particularly with respect to programme Training inadequacies training needs. Despite the intensification of training following the introduction of the gender Lessons and challenges for policy, weaknesses still exist. In particular, there is little in the way of follow-up or the future guided supervision to help staff to ACORD's experience shows that to bring consolidate their understanding and about tangible changes in terms of gender apply the tools of gender analysis. Another equity in the organisation and the problem is that, owing to the irregularity communities with which it works, a multi- 34 Gender and Development

pronged strategy is required. Every aspect community groups. The Case Study by of organisational functioning, from an external consultant, Bridget Byrne, management structures to methods used was completed in September 1996. in work with communities, must be 2 The Harvard framework is used for addressed. highlighting differences in gender One valuable lesson that can be learned roles, as well as gender-based differ- from ACORD's experience is the import- ences in terms of access to and control ance of being able to look self-critically at over resources. one's own organisation. As a result of the 3 Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) is gender review process, work on gender a set of tools aimed at maximising the issues has become central in ACORD's level of participation of all community current five-year strategic plan. This plan members in project planning. It can commits the organisation to revising the also be used for evaluation purposes existing gender policy, in consultation and has been applied in urban, as well with all field programmes, and striving as rural settings. for equality for men and women in pro- 4 For example, the Dire Dawa pro- gramme outcomes, and equal numbers of gramme in Ethiopia and a number of male and female staff throughout the programmes in Rwanda. organisation. In addition, a comprehen- 5 The Annual Report is written by sive plan for 'centralising gender' over the programme field staff and is used as a next five years, produced by the Gender management tool by the Secretariat, as Officer, has been discussed by the Secret- well as being sent out to programme ariat. It remains to be seen whether the funders. commitment and resources for imple- 6 ACORD is currently developing a menting this plan will be found, but it modular training programme using a seems likely that they will be forthcoming. thematic approach which is aimed at enabling staff to apply gender analysis Angela Hadjipateras is Gender Officer in the to all areas of their work, from setting Research and Policy Programme of ACORD. up credit groups to planning latrine She can be contacted at ACORD, Francis construction or planting of trees. Once House, Francis Street, London SW1P 1DQ, it is up and running, this training pack- UK. Tel: 0171 828 7611/7612; fax: 0171 976 age will enable training to be regularly 6113; e-mail: [email protected] updated and facilitate the full integration of gender analysis in the Notes day-to-day work of programmes. 7 The survey covered 16 out of a total of 1 The first consultant was Angela 35 programmes. Hadjipateras, and the second, Bridget Byrne. The five studies were carried out during 1995/6 by a consultant attached to ACORD's Research and Policy Programme (RAPP) in Mali (Gao), Uganda (Gulu), Ethiopia (Dire Dawa), Angola (Luanda and Lubango) and Sudan (Port Sudan). ACORD field staff were directly involved in the analysis of their work and in the planning and organisation of visits to 35

Establishing a feminist culture: the experience of Zimbabwe Women's Resource Centre and Network Hope Chigudu

This is an account of the experience of ZWRCN in attempting to establish a feminist organisational culture, analysing the successes, and describing the pitfalls encountered. In order to create such an organisational culture, a shared vision is essential. The author raises critical issues for organisations wishing to question the ways of working of traditional bureaucracies. How can a culture based on feminist principles maintain a sense of professionalism, both within and outside the organisation?

n 1988,1 and a colleague at Zimbabwe's for the exchange of experience and Ministry of Community Development information on gender and develop- Iand Women's Affairs began discussing ment issues; the problem of a lack of a central place to promote greater gender awareness where information on women and devel- through the collection and dissem- opment, and literature on feminism, could ination of information on gender and be made available. We agreed that what development issues; was needed was a women's resource to promote among relevant agencies, centre. By 1990, together with other the adoption of gender-sensitive women in the country, we had raised information systems so that their initial funds from the Global Fund for programmes are amenable to gender Women (subsequent funding has come analysis; from multilateral and bilateral donors), to repackage information, where and rented a small office. This was the desirable and possible, so that it can start of the Zimbabwe Women's Resource more easily be disseminated to users; Centre and Network (ZWRCN). to improve the availability of infor- Today, ZWRCN has built up a mation to rural women; collection of 4,000 documents relating to to provide gender information to gender and feminist issues, in Zimbabwe inform the policy and planning and the region; in addition, the organisa- processes of relevant government tion operates a rural libraries programme. ministries and NGOs; Our objectives are: to help to fill information gaps through research projects. • to promote and strengthen inter- organisational networking activities

Gender and Development Vol 5, No. 1, February 1997 36 Gender and Development

The strategy of the ZWRCN is to focus feminist organisational culture would be at both community and 'policy- one where every person would feel needed making' level (although policies are and respected, with their talents used and formed throughout society, from the recognised. It should be a culture based on household upwards). In this way we aim the values of sisterhood, openness, democ- to play a part in bringing about critical racy, and team-work. However, the issues changes in the decisions which affect of status and practical conditions of women's lives. employment for staff would have to be addressed. Rejecting a 'masculine' We wanted an empowered staff, equipped with knowledge, awareness, organisational culture and skills. We wanted a participatory type An organisational culture helps to create of leadership. We wanted a management standards of what is acceptable or not style that would enable staff to question acceptable. From the beginning, the and criticise, but also feel confident in founder members of the ZWRCN wanted offering alternatives. We envisaged that to avoid a mainstream organisational such a culture would enable them to culture,1 and instead establish a feminist question their own condition and position, culture for our organisation. Our argu- both within the organisation and within ment was that mainstream management the wider society. We wanted a supportive models are patriarchal in nature, and culture. We were confident that we could eliminate respect for individuals, flexibil- transform the structures and institutions ity, and differences. In comparison, a that perpetuate social inequality and 'feminist' culture can be characterised as create an organisation in which everyone challenging the idea of patriarchal control is striving for the same objectives. We (where the head of the family defines were ready to change the world! everybody's needs). By questioning what It was with this understanding of a is perceived by many to be a given, our feminist culture in mind that we set out to vision of a feminist culture is of one which build ZWRCN. fosters liberty, self-determination, person- al dignity, and a higher quality of life. Setting up a new structure A Board of Trustees is a legal requirement for all Zimbabwean organisations. Three Challenging patriarchal of the founder members, together with structures within ZWRCN two other people, constituted the Board. We created posts, including that of Organisational culture has an internal, as Director, but hoped that this position well as an external, dimension. Our would rotate among members of staff, as reasoning was that if ZWRCN was to would most of the other posts. On the first bring about change in society, that change had to start from within. Therefore, it is day of ZWRCN's existence, we had two pertinent to examine the way people treat staff members, and the rest of us worked each other within the organisation, as well as volunteers. as how they treat their constituents and Our organisational structure reflected contacts in the outside world. our commitment to minimal hierarchy. Just as we wanted to be free of domina- We hoped that such a structure would tion by men, we also wanted a culture for facilitate the creation of a team spirit, a ZWRCN which freed women from sense of mission, passion, purpose, excite- domination by other women. We felt that a ment, and innovation. We were rejecting Establishing a feminist culture 37 not only the principle of a hierarchical Gender training organisation, but the complex, bureau- When ZWRCN was set up, very few cratic ways of working which tend to Zimbabwean professionals had had the accompany this. opportunity to undergo gender training We hoped that the structure of ZWRCN sessions, or exposure to consciousness- would develop along the lines of a family raising. Our first step was to start Gender without a household head, where family and Development (GAD) talks, held once members contribute their different know- a week during the lunch-break. The aim of ledge, skills, and resources. The family the talks was two-fold: first, to ground may have disagreements and debates, but ourselves in a shared understanding of essentially the structure is 'flat'. feminist theory; second, to demystify our view of organisational culture, enabling Capacity-building and staff development all staff members to share in the founder We were aware that a feminist culture members' vision. However, as time went would not evolve automatically. Since it on, and members of the public wanted to challenges previously unquestioned attend the GAD talks, the talks lost their patriarchal structures (Joseph 1996), a original significance. commitment to building a feminist organ- isation involves helping staff to acquire Mentoring and role-models new knowledge and skills, and a different Most women's organisations value understanding of how to manage organ- feminism, but reward patriarchy in the isations. workplace. Before we are able to make a The organisation needed a Director complete change, we need new mentors and staff who were risk-takers, (the and models. We tried to build staff capac- culture we were adopting was risky) ity by ensuring that the relationship prepared to take on controversial issues, between Board Members (most of whom and who were sensitive to feminism, and were founder members) and staff was not afraid of the word. But most of the 15 collegial, and mutually supportive. The new staff we have recruited since Board Members devised a strategy for ZWRCN's inception are ambivalent about passing on their knowledge and expertise being identified as feminists. They are to the young programme staff. Each staff familiar with the bureaucratic structures member was 'apprenticed' to a member of of government and most NGOs in the Board. We tried to match the activities Zimbabwe, where professional success is of the organisation with the skills and both a function and expression of a areas of expertise of Board Members, who person's ability to conform to convention. would be responsible for mentoring, and They were familiar with the bureaucratic facilitating each staff member's growth modes of behaviour, procedures, dress, towards autonomy and independence. and management styles. However, though the decision to try We needed to overcome the paradox of this way of working was discussed with attempting to build an organisation on a the then Director, it was not long before vision, which was not yet fully shared; she felt undermined by the close working until then it would be hard for us, as relationships which developed. She com- founder members, to relinquish control, plained to the Board that by working and delegate responsibility, to women directly with staff, Board Members were who did not consider themselves to be usurping her power. Already, at this early feminists. stage in the evolution of the organisation, we had begun to realise the difficulties of 38 Gender and Development

establishing a feminist culture, and the on two counts; first, in wider society, there dilemmas which could arise over the is an accepted dress code of modesty; concepts of power and control. ostensibly 'Westernised' items of dress may offend men as they see women challenging the 'traditional' values of their Fostering a non- communities. Secondly, women in male- hierarchical culture dominated offices are already challenging Issues of power kept creeping into our norms by their mere presence; and the debates. Is pursuing a goal in line with the option of conventional 'business' dressing organisation's vision more important than — the male suit — is not open to them. observing organisational procedure? For Conservative, smart dressing is the key to example, can—or should — activists be tied acceptability. down to job descriptions? If a contentious The time came when several staff issue needs to be resolved immediately, members started coming to work wearing should it really matter whose job descrip- cowboy hats. We did not know whether to tion it falls under? What happens if there intervene or not, since we did not have a is no time to go through the chain of formal code of dress; within feminist command, before taking action? culture, were we supposed to have one? One example of our attempt to foster To most of us, it did not matter very much non-hierarchical ways of working was the how one dressed, as long as one carried agreement that members of staff would be out one's work; and yet eyebrows were represented on the selection panels for raised by colleagues in other organisations recruitment of senior members of staff, — not only government bureaucracies, including the Director. We felt that staff but other women's organisations — and have a valid opinion on whether or not a the wider public. candidate would be able to lead them. A conservative dress-code gives In an effort to reject patriarchal atti- credibility to women in our society, as in tudes and dominating ways of interacting most throughout the world; hence, more with colleagues, we tried very hard to credibility to the organisation. Here we create an environment in which junior were once again torn between 'traditional' members of staff could express them- demands that women conform to the selves as freely as anybody else. Openness norms of society and mainstream organ- about all aspects of the work of the organ- isational practice, and the feminist ideal isation was encouraged; for example, in that a woman should be free to express the early days, all staff members were her individuality in whatever way she allowed to attend Board meetings, most of wishes. which were held in a friendly atmosphere in our homes. However, by 1993, as the Organisational expansion Board expanded, bureaucratic ways of and alternative cultures working seemed to take over, and staff members stopped attending Board As the organisation expanded and new meetings. people joined, they came with their own expectations, and it was difficult to keep Dress codes up the same momentum for politicisation Our debates over dress codes exemplify as we had done in the early years. ZWRCN the issue of how far one can run an organ- evolved to include women who regarded isation on an assumption of shared values. themselves as 'professionals' in a bureau- For women, clothing is a significant matter cratic sense, and others whom the first Establishing a feminist culture 39 group regarded (and described openly) as informal mode of address as we believed 'over-empowered' women. it to be non-hierarchical, and thereby It was difficult for long-serving consistent with the values of the members of staff to work with new organisation. She claimed that we were bureaucratically-minded managers who belittling her out of jealousy, because none expected to have tea made for them - and of us had a PhD. She resigned, and her on time! - and who did not expect a junior husband came to the office a week later, to officer to answer back. These managers castigate us for mistreating his wife. wanted to be accorded the respect due to the head of the family. I remember one Self-regulation and shared Director insisting that if the Board did not dismiss one 'over-empowered officer', she visions would resign. In my capacity as a founder Initially, there had been no Staff Code of member and Vice-Chairperson of the Conduct or other personnel regulations organisation, I felt I had to see the 'junior' within ZWRCN. Since male-dominant officer concerned to explain that she had gender ideology has controlled women to learn to do what her boss wanted. For and dictated their 'needs', we thought that me this was painful, but what choice did I our organisation should challenge such have? I did not want her to lose her job. I controls; we believed that there was no had known this member of staff for a long need to control adults. If members of staff time, and understood that the clash was a were emotionally linked to the mission, stage in her own journey towards feeling vision, objectives, and strategies of empowered. ZWRCN, they would act in the interests of Again, in describing this situation I feel the organisation. drawn to making a comparison between We suggested that if there was a working relationships and relationships dispute, a dialogue should take place to within the family: I had to caution the resolve it. However, in 1994 we were junior officer like a mother telling a forced to adopt a code of conduct, when daughter who complains about a husband an external consultant was invited by us to that 'men are like that, just keep quiet and conduct an assessment of our organisa- obey if you want to save the marriage'! tional development. He was horrified that we did not have formal systems in place. Modes of address We were seen as 'unprofessional' by an Other, apparently minor, issues signalled outside world which was scrutinising and the ways in which the organisational judging us continuously. The consultant culture was changing. One such issue was recommended management systems, the question of how we should address a code of each other. At the inception of the organis- boundaries of prudence, and ation, some of us made it clear that we ethics to be observed by staff, based on wanted to be addressed by our first names; text-book theories of bureaucratic man- however, this was not a unanimous agement (internal reports, ZWRCN, 1994). decision. Others insisted on titles: one To the consultant, management was woman with a doctorate asked us to call management! Though we modified some of her Dr. (Mrs) X. We were uncomfortable; the regulations, some were standard, and we explained to her, in a friendly manner, meant to protect us in case of dispute, so that the organisation was promoting a there was not much we could change. Our culture of modesty, and that we were on lawyers backed up the consultant's advice first-name terms. We were using this to conform to established regulations. 40 Gender and Development

The pressure on 2WRCN to conform but we have learnt to take staff regulations should be seen in the context of the seriously. necessity to relate to donor agencies. In my experience, for most donors, there is Juggling ideals of sisterhood with only one standard way of doing things. If 'professional' life your organisation deviates, then funding Through deciding to pursue a vision that is not forthcoming, regardless of the our staff did not yet share, not only did we quality of your work. Consultants hired find ourselves leading the organisation, by donors to evaluate organisations tend but we found ourselves involved in the to have stereotyped images of what an day-to-day activities of the organisation, organisation should be. on top of our own jobs. We were perform- However, despite introducing staff ing proprietary, supervisory, and oper- regulations, we decided to keep faith with ational roles within the organisation. We our feminist beliefs by going further than led very stressful lives. the legal requirements demanded in The conditions under which we were giving benefits to our staff, to meet what working obliged us to establish a culture we perceived to be our moral obligations of flexible working hours. For founder as feminists working together. We were to members, this meant working around the pay heavily for this. According to the staff clock. We wanted to ensure the organisa- regulations, staff members who are on tion was well established (and anyway, if probation do not join our medical aid you are involved in a struggle do you look scheme. However, when a young woman at your watch?) Most founder members straight from university joined us, we still work 24 hours a day! decided to ignore this regulation and put However, this willingness to work her on the medical scheme while she was longer hours did not go down well with still on probation. She was pregnant, and some of the staff members. If we were to we knew that without medical aid, it work effectively, often it meant all of us would be expensive for her to go for working late, and sometimes during antenatal check-ups. weekends. We were not unmindful of Unfortunately, we discovered that she women's workload, but just thought that was not the right person for the job. We they could, once in while, rest during the did not confirm her in the post, and term- week if they needed to, and work odd inated her employment. She subsequently hours on other days as the situation took us to court on grounds of unfair demanded. (This should be understood in dismissal, and her lawyer insisted that she the context of the common availability, in was a permanent member of staff, since Zimbabwe, of family members to perform we had put her on the medical aid scheme: domestic work, or affordable domestic 'if she had not been confirmed, then why workers.) did we put her on medical aid?'. Thus, the As well as the commitment to working lawyer argued, we should have gone around the clock to pursue our vision, through proper dismissal procedures, as there was a second commitment: to a is standard when dismissing a permanent feminist vision of women working in member of staff. sisterhood together. Both these considera- Our employee knew the truth, but she tions make a division between personal decided to use our feminist approach to and professional life appear artificial. To employment to crucify us. We lost the maintain morale, we did try very hard to case, and learnt our lesson the hard way. keep the team-spirit going, cooking in our Nowadays, we may falter here and there, homes and inviting each other to share the Establishing a feminist culture food, celebrating each other's birthdays, wider society. Husbands no longer accuse taking small delicacies from home to the the organisation of breaking up their office to share, providing a shoulder to cry marriages. on if one of us was victimised by a hus- band who thought that we were destroy- Conclusion: pitfalls, ing his home. But always, some hearts were bleeding. puzzles, and lessons Members of staff—and some of our friends Can a feminist approach work in a world — said that despite our claims to being where nothing else has changed? The feminists, we were slave-drivers. Some process of creating an organisation with a staff started calling us 'Superwomen': a feminist culture turned out to be more name that came to have negative and complicated than we had anticipated, derogatory connotations. Some people in requiring a reversal of the values and the organisation started questioning if attitudes that most women have since ideals of 'sisterhood' were really necess- early childhood. ary: 'I come to do my job and I do it well, Women grow up believing that having why should I be forced to be social?' they a head of the household is the natural asked. Such criticisms have a way of order and a just way of doing things; in the taking their toll on an individual as time workplace, women and men hold a parall- goes on; and always, it was the same el belief that security comes from rigid people (especially founder members and a structures and systems. The achievement few of the first members of staff) who of an alternative culture — in this case, a carried the torch. feminist organisational culture—involves the entire persona of staff-members, not only their time during office hours. Moving towards a Establishing this alternative way of 'traditional' culture? working is a long-term process which Where is the ZWRCN now in terms of its demands support: among other things, feminist culture? My feeling is that assistance with reflection on action, and a however much we recognise that the ways good deal of counselling. One is preparing of doing things are unjust, we are not only people to work in an environment which resigning ourselves to living with such is not ready for the new culture. traditions but resorting more and more to At the inception of ZWRCN, there was those ways of doing things. little debate about the risks of establishing For example, the organisation has now a 'feminist culture' at work. We were so expanded and the role of the Board been eager to start real work — and justify streamlined. However, the implication of receiving donor money — that we did not a commitment to a feminist culture for the find the time to arrive at a shared inner roles and responsibilities of Board vision of the organisation; from there, we Members have not been thought out could have determined how we were to clearly. As we continue to 'professionalise' operate. A feminist culture works if there the organisation, perhaps we are moving is understanding of the self, of the need to towards a culture of participation: a less make choices that may go against cultural politicised concept than that of a feminist and social expectations, and of patterns of culture. We are discovering that it is more behaviour that may create dependence, peaceful and comfortable to settle for a interdependence, and autonomy within way of running the organisation which is the organisation. A planning exercise less threatening to gender relations in the would have enabled us to examine how 42 Gender and Development

our management styles would compete References with our own upbringing. In the absence of such conscious Chigudu, H (1995) 'Documenting Women's planning, when we experienced setbacks, Organizational Experience. The Case we were shattered. The lack of a shared of ZWRCN' (unpublished paper). vision has been painful; sometimes heart- Connell, R W (1987) Gender and Power, breaking. Once, when we were discussing Policy Press, Cambridge. the whole issue of a feminist culture, a Joseph, S (1996) 'Patriarchy and develop- member of the team laughed in the most ment in the Arab world', in Gender and cynical manner possible. Do you know Development, 4: 2. how disempowering such laughter can be? According to her, we were being petty. Note Challenging accepted ways of doing things demands superhuman commit- 1 For the purposes of this paper, I define ment and energy. A time came when we organisational culture as the way in could not sustain that amount of energy, which an organisation shows and lives experimentation, and uncertainty. out its values, through the way things All has not been bleak, though; despite are done. all the pitfalls, our approach of building the capacity of staff in a process of self- education and understanding has had its benefits. Not only did our first programme officer, who was fresh from university, become a strong feminist, but she also developed leadership qualities. She started Zimbabwe's Young Women's Feminist Group, and when she left ZWRCN she continued with her studies in gender and development. She is now employed by UNDP as a Gender and Development Officer. She is also a member of our Board: a good investment for the ZWRCN! Another of the first employees, who started as a cleaner, is now a clerk and able to take on a manag- erial role. She is an empowered woman: able to hold her own in any argument, and very clear about her rights as a woman. We have witnessed her growth with much pride.

Hope Chigudu is a co-founder, and current Chairperson, of ZWRCN. She describes herself as 'a development entrepreneur and feminist'. Contact details: ZWRCN, 288c Herbert Chitepo Avenue, PO Box 2192, Harare, Zimbabwe. Fax no: 00 263 4 720 332. E-mail: [email protected] 43

AFRA confronts gender the process of creating a gender strategy

Moya Bydawell

The process of incorporating a gender strategy for its work was not without problems for AFRA. In the South African context, the issues of race and gender can interact to cause conflict and misunderstanding. This article describes how the organisation dealt with the difficulties that had to be overcome in order to develop a common perspective and approach.

he Association for Rural Advance- their land, or who are applying for land, to ment (AFRA) is an independent develop the land in a sustainable way. Trural land service organisation in AFRA is concerned to work with com- South Africa, affiliated to the National munities on ifluencing land reform and Land Committee. AFRA is involved in the formulation of a just land and agrarian redressing the legacy of unjust land policy for South Africa). dispensation in the apartheid era. About AFRA's work is funded mostly by 450,000 people in rural Natal were forcibly grants from international donor agencies. removed from their homes and their land For much of AFRA's lifespan, the organ- as a consequence of apartheid legislation isation was run on a voluntary and part- between 1948 and 1982. AFRA's mission time basis. Gradually, more paid staff statement emphasises its commitment to have been employed, and staff numbers working with marginalised groups within have increased. communities: these include women, This article recounts part of the organis- young people, and the 'poorest of the 1 ation's history. Everyone at AFRA has had poor'. an opportunity to contribute their views, Since the first democratically-elected and to comment on this article before government took power in 1994, and the publication, and in this sense, it represents subsequent removal of apartheid legisla- an organisational authorship.2 Gender as a tion from the statute books, AFRA's work concept has deep significance, not only for has focused on assisting communities to AFRA's development and purpose, but at regain land which they lost through a personal level for its own staff members. forcible removal or eviction, and on Taking on a gender perspective has brought helping communities who have regained a recognition that the implications

Gender and Development Vol 5, No. 1, February 1997 44 Gender and Development

of development work go far beyond the of the conflicting views held by staff. Two work itself: the issues are conflictual and main issues summarise the turmoil; first, personal. Within AFRA, we have begun to what is meant by 'gender' as a principle? develop a common perspective and Some participants saw gender issues and approach. In so doing, we have travelled a feminism as one and the same, and asso- long way, and for this reason, AFRA has ciated them with white, lesbian women. decided to share its experience of The second issue was the practical integrating a gender perspective into its implications of using gender analysis in activities. work with grassroots communities. Many of our staff felt this analysis 'had no relationship to lived reality' (internal Introducing gender issues documents, AFRA), or to the interests into AFRA expressed by women in the communities The late 1980s saw an increased promin- with which we work. Women often hold ence of gender issues in public debates: views which are more 'conservative' than within South African politics, in debates the ones held by AFRA staff. For example, on land rights, and within the media. if rural women say they want male The development of the new Constitution, household heads to hold the title to land, and equality clauses in the Bill of Rights how far should we attempt to influence encouraged those wishing to increase and change these views? And what would gender-awareness within AFRA, as the consequences be if we were to do so? did the prioritisation of women as a Our conflict, and our confusion over the category of land beneficiaries in the issues, were so intense that we felt unable government's Land Reform Policy Green to pursue the matter, and the issue of Paper. gender was at that stage abandoned by In 1990, we decided that clarity was the organisation. needed as to the meaning of 'gender' and its implications for AFRA. We organised a Gender, race, and culture one-day workshop on gender issues for our eight staff, run by a consultant from Later that year, gender issues flared up the Institute of Natural Resources. At this into the open once more, when a male workshop, basic differences emerged, and staff member displayed pin-up posters of the concept of working on gender issues scantily-dressed women in one of the was explored for the first time. offices. Two women staff objected so Ideas discussed at this first workshop strongly to the display of the posters that had developed largely without reference they handed in their resignations. to theoretical debates on gender and In terms of racial identity, the structure development; however, they did reflect of authority in AFRA in 1991 reflected the different positions in those debates. For norms of the time: the board and manage- example, there was disagreement about ment were all white, the field-workers whether 'gender work' should concen- almost all black. The polarised relations trate on improving women's capacity to over the gender issue became conflated do traditionally-defined 'women's work', with racial identity and power-structures. or if the concept of women's work itself The conflict became so acute, and should be challenged, and women positions so immovable, that the board enabled to participate fully and equally, at was asked to mediate. (This showed the all levels, on their own terms. seriousness of the situation, as the board is The workshop resulted in a recognition not usually involved in internal issues.) AFRA confronts gender issues 45

The conflict became more bitter when up the issue of gender because of the the man — a white male field worker — conflict and bitterness it provoked. Those who had put up the posters was asked by who took up the issue often found the board to resign, which resulted in his themselves isolated. Other staff said that close friend following suit. After the they were committed to integrating board's investigation, it was felt that the gender into their work, but lacked the poster issue had become a flashpoint for knowledge to do this. Many felt that their deeper conflicts within AFRA; for many, concerns had not been properly dealt with, the issues represented by the term 'gender' because of the conflict and confusion were experienced as an assault on their within the organisation at that time. race and cultural identity. How far could, or should, AFRA go in It is now recognised that, although taking forward the issue of gender? Many there were very real gender issues at stake, staff felt that to do so would involve the they could not be addressed while another organisation interfering in people's issue of identity and diversity — that of private and personal lives. Did AFRA have race — was so pivotal to the organisation's the skills and resources to cope with the culture and ability to function. Sub- conflict which gender issues could raise in sequently, a myth has developed in AFRA communities? Some staff feared that it about the 1990 incident: the posters are could jeopardise AFRA's central focus on said to have shown bare-breasted Msinga3 land. Others asked whether AFRA staff 'maidens', rather than 'pin-ups' of white had the moral right to interfere in rural naked women. Since bare-breastedness African culture. holds no sexual significance for Zulu people, this mythical reconstruction of what actually happened poses interesting Gender issues in the wider questions for the linkages between race, community culture, and feminism. In 1992, changes took place in the external environment. A community-based field- Staff questions on gender worker, Mam Lydia Kompe, (now a member of the South African parliament) Some staff reported feeling ambivalence introduced gender issues onto the agenda towards the issue of gender, in compari- of the National Land Committee. Mam son to an acute awareness of racial Lydia was a black woman, and this meant problems within the organisation. For that gender could no longer be easily example, among the issues which were dismissed as a white, 'Western', or lesbian explored at the time was the valuation of issue. certain types of work. It was felt by some However, in AFRA, the issues of race staff that the organisation placed a higher and gender remained linked. The implem- value on the thinking and research work entation of gender-training workshops, carried out by white management, than on and the design of strategies for gender the fieldwork, which was carried out by work, were carried out mainly by white black workers, who were at that time all women development workers, and men. There was a sense among some staff responsibility for AFRA's work on gender that fieldwork had been devalued to the was given to a white woman. She and status of 'a translation service' (internal other staff agree that, as a result of the race documents). issue, and the implications of gender being Staff interviewed for this article said seen as a white Western and invasive that they had consciously avoided taking concern, she was unable to make much 46 Gender and Development

progress. AFRA attempted to deal with It was decided that for AFRA to survive the racial conflict within it, organising a as an effective organisation, this structure staff workshop facilitated by a local had to be reorganised to become more psychologist. Gender was discussed as democratic and racially representative. In being part of the problem, but was not a addition, the fact that most employees primary focus. were men was identified as a major In 1993, the National Land Committee obstacle to implementation of any integ- Gender Task Team organised a partici- rated gender work. Fieldwork had always patory methodology workshop, in which been an exclusively male domain, whilst AFRA staff and NLC staff were to consider women tended to be involved in adminis- the integration of gender issues into their tration and research. Women fieldworkers work. AFRA, and many other affiliated would have a different approach. NLC organisations, had no women field At the time of writing, there are four workers at that time. Thus, most work- black women fieldworkers (one of whom shop participants were men. The work- is also a co-ordinator of a unit), three black shop was conflictual from the beginning. women administrators, two white women Suspicion and resistance were expressed, co-ordinators, one white woman staff both to the issues, and the workshop member handling media issues, one black process itself. Once again, anger about woman resource centre manager, three race dynamics became a pivotal focus and black male co-ordinators, five male black many voiced their feeling that gender was fieldworkers, one Indian male staff foreign to the culture of South Africa, member, one black male administrator, being a white Western issue. This was and a white male director. only to be expected, as once again the facilitators were white women! The role of gender Soon after this a Fieldworkers' Forum was established, both within AFRA itself, specialists and within the whole of the NLC, to deal In 1995, AFRA appointed its first woman with the dissent surrounding power and fieldworker, and also a gender specialist, race. AFRA was considered to be the first who would deal with aspects of women's organisation within the NLC to have dealt empowerment within the target commun- openly with both race and gender issues. ities, as well as raising the issue within AFRA. The appointment of the gender Questioning the staffing specialist became a cause of further contention. Some staff felt that the gender structure of AFRA specialist was now 'doing gender', and In 1993, an external evaluation of AFRA this meant that they were not to get brought all the same tensions to the involved with the issues themselves; surface. The interconnected issues of race while many others resented the appoint- and gender were still causing conflict, not ment, feeling that they had been integrat- only within AFRA but within the NLC as ing gender issues all along. Resentment a whole, with many people threatening to was fuelled by a lack of confidence in the resign over the valuation of categories of appointment process: some staff claimed work, and corresponding racial and that there had been insufficient consulta- gender divisions. Within AFRA, this led tion within the organisation, although to the reassessment of its staffing others said that consultation did take place structure. (personal communications). AFRA confronts gender issues 47

Since the appointment of the gender remain confidential; individuals are work- specialist, there has been a new clarity of ing in a difficult environment, and would approach to fieldwork. Much of AFRA's not have felt free to speak openly and work continues to be concerned with honestly without such a confidentiality women's rights, particularly in relation to clause. The workshop included trust- land, and about dealing with issues building and team-building exercises, defined by women as obstacles to their many of which had a strong psychological attainment of rights, for example, domes- slant, encouraging people to express their tic violence. Yet disagreements continue perceptions of the issues, their ways of about the choice of issues to address, in behaving, and what informs these. There AFRA and the communities with which it were also exercises to encourage creativity works. and free communication, including The gender specialist became the target artwork and movement. of gender-related tension. According to her, this often took the form of verbal Outcome harassment. The organisation again Workshop participants realised that became polarised. This was especially sensitivity was required in addressing destructive to existing good relations, and gender issues, but that there should at the spilled over into other structures and same time be no concessions on the com- issues within the organisation. The co- mitment to promote the rights of women. ordinator of the unit in which the gender These rights have been enshrined in South specialist was working brought the new Africa's new Constitution, as an aspect of problems to the management committee; human rights. Taking on a commitment to it was hoped that a gender workshop gender thus profoundly affects work with convened by an outside consultant would communities, and also challenges an bring fresh insights, from a position of organisation's internal culture. neutrality. Mel Adisu emphasised the fact that an organisation such as AFRA, which is involved in social change, necessarily Cracking the issue of operates at levels which are informed by identity through training the personal beliefs and feelings of its members. Personal ideals are a driving The facilitator of this workshop, Mel force behind change, and the personal and Adisu, a black Ethiopian man, approached political positions of people within the the issues in a different way, being aware organisation thus need to be acknow- of the resistance to gender as an issue ledged. It was seen that in order to create because of problems to do with race in the change within the organisation, trust, and South African context, and the association acceptance were needed, so that people of gender with white, Western feminism. could express their true feelings and fears The purpose of this workshop was made about the issues. explicit: to create an atmosphere in which all participants could examine their roles, A significant issue identified by partici- responsibilities, and relationships with pants was the ease with which people others in the organisation; and to examine adopt the correct language to fit in with the organisation's values and goals. the trends in the organisation. This can happen without the meanings of the Methodology language being internalised. The mis- The workshop opened with an initial match between what we say and what we agreement that opinions expressed would believe creates intense stress and 48 Gender and Development

confusion, and affects the organisation's Moya Bydawell is serving a six-month ability to deal with similar conflicts within internship at AFRA, 123 Loop Street, the communities with which it works. Pietermaritzburg 3201 Tel: 0331-457607; Finally, and most importantly, one e-mail: [email protected] positive result of the workshop was that participants seemed to move toward a shared common understanding of References 'gender' as an aspect of social differ- Marcus, T. (1995) Kwa-Zulu Natal Synthesis entiation, and as being concerned with the Report, Land and Agricultural Policy relationship between men and women, Centre. Pietermaritzburg. rather than being a 'women's issue'. Notes Moving forward: the 1 Although it is often stated that women aftermath are the poorest of the poor, the picture After this workshop, the organisation is more complex in the communities in committed itself to taking work on gender which AFRA works; rather than being issues forward in an integrated and synonymous, these groups overlap. inclusive way, by developing an integ- For example, recent research from the rated gender strategy, which was to take Centre for Social and Development cognisance of all positions, needs, and Studies at Durban University indicates fears. All members of AFRA will be that while the poorest category of involved in the design of the strategy. people (urban and rural) are single Our struggle to understand and take mothers, women pensioners are often up gender inequity as a central feature of wealthier than young men (personal our work, and the conflicts that we have communication). had, need to be acknowledged and 2 To allow me to draft this article, various affirmed as a necessary process, which we staff members were interviewed. They have as a group been courageous and represented a range of views and honest in confronting. We must remember positions within the organisation, and all this, if we are to alleviate the remaining were consulted on the understanding tensions concerning gender in AFRA, and of confidentiality and inclusion in the to define the roles and functions of staff process of approving the article. I have regarding gender issues. also drawn on internal documents, We cannot pretend that we have found including people's personal reports, as a solution to the complexity of the issue; well as minutes of meetings. Finally, I this complexity is one which is reflected in refer to the 'time line', which was the society at large. Perhaps we can say that result of a staff focus meeting, where the outcome thus far is a sense of everyone contributed to an exercise to acceptance of our individuality, and the get a sense of AFRA's position and need for us to be non-judgemental of other history in terms of gender. This people's positions. The conflict and dis- enabled the contextualisation of the comfort around gender within organisa- issue and events in terms of macro, tions should perhaps be accepted as community and personal influences. integral and positive, as the issue is 3 Msinga refers to a former 'homeland' concerned with change. area 49

Promoting women entrepreneurs in Lebanon: the experience of UNIFEM

Randa Husseini

This article gives a personal perspective on a programme in which UNIFEM has been involved, which aimed to strengthen the capabilities of governmental and non-governmental organisations working on micro-enterprise, and to make the services they provide sensitive to gender concerns.

he work of the United Nations discussions with national organisations. Development Fund for Women We found evidence that, despite the fact (UNIFEM) in West Asia started in that women's participation in the monet- T 1 1994 with the setting-up of the regional ised labour force has increased, it is office in Amman-Jordan, and the Fund's limited by the availability of jobs open to direct implementation of a regional pro- women, and by women's need to balance gramme to strengthen institutions for the economic activity with family respons- development of women-owned enter- ibilities. In response to the unfriendliness prises in Jordan, Syria and Lebanon. Since of the formal sector, many women turn to 1976, when its work began formally, the informal sector, where business is UNIFEM has supported more than 50 precarious, earnings are often very low, projects in the region. Our ultimate aim and where there is a virtually complete was to integrate women workers in the lack of support services and benefits. informal sector into mainstream economic development. Emphasis was placed on the incorporation of gender analysis in Assessing the situation programme planning. Gender analysis is In the first phase of the programme, we a very new concept in Lebanon. identifyied, surveyed, and assessed the The Gulf War in 1991 increased econ- existing organisations which shared our omic hardship, and in response to this, concern, and our target groups of benefic- towards the end of 1991, UNIFEM decided iaries. We needed to quickly define the to promote women's entrepreneurship needs and problems to be addressed at The decision followed a number of needs- both micro-, and macro-level. We became assessment missions, and thorough aware of the scarcity of studies on women

Gender and Development Vol 5, No. 1, February 1997 50 Gender and Development

and work in the region, and the lack of Gender training reliable information on women's status in the economy in general, and their role in Working on gender issues is made the private sector. particularly difficult in our region as the To fill this information gap, we anal- word 'gender' cannot readily be translated ysed the available statistics, which were into Arabic, and gender analysis was a somewhat out-of-date, allying this to new concept for all development workers empirical information on the problems — even the UNIFEM staff in Lebanon. and needs of the micro-enterprise sector. Most of the organisations (including those who are members of the Lebanese We obtained this through a survey, using 2 rapid appraisal techniques, and inter- Women's Council )which have been views with about 100 women entrepren- providing relief during the war, need eurs, gathered at random from poor rural support and assistance in capacity- and peri-urban areas of Lebanon. building for post-war development activities, including the promotion of a gender perspective in their mainstream Investigating credit development work. Not only did we need information on Thus, the UNIFEM project organised a those who would potentially be interested gender-awareness workshop, which was in our programme; we also needed to find attended by 26 representatives of govern- out about the credit provision and ment and NGOs, including the banking financial services for women which sector. Only three men were present; one already existed. One of the objectives of of them was so uneasy that he sent his the UNIFEM programme is to expand the apologies and did not attend the second availability of financial services to low- day of the workshop. income women entrepreneurs, through negotiating agreements with national Strategic planning financial institutions. For this purpose, we needed to know what was happening After these preparatory steps, a strategic before our intervention. planning workshop (SPW) was attended We carried out a survey of almost all by over 30 national institutions and UN non-traditional credit programmes, and a agencies, some of which were represented sample survey of the formal financial by top-ranking officials; and also by institutions, to measure the effectiveness women entrepreneurs, who shared their of the available range of credit support for experiences with the representatives. women. The survey included seven banks, It appears that for most women entre- none of which had gender-desegregated preneurs, the services they needed were data. When we asked the banks about the simply not available. If they existed, percentage of women who used their women were either unaware of them, or services, they replied that the financial they were not easily accessible. Represent- services do not take into account the sex of atives of the organisations discussed in the applicant. Nevertheless, when they their turn the problems they experienced reviewed their files, they found that this in service delivery. As well as a shortage implied impartiality masked a very low of human and financial resources, the percentage of female borrowers — various institutions delivering training, between 1 and 3 per cent. (Subsequently, finance, and marketing and business- the banks admitted that our question had counselling services, mentioned the need been a valid one!) for their programmes to be updated and Promoting women entrepreneurs in Lebanon 51 upgraded, in order to adapt them to the regions of the world on income- changing technological and economic generation, and for training in gender and needs, and to make them available and credit, and advocacy for women's access affordable to women entrepreneurs. to credit. For example, the meeting heard that NGOs and government ministries were training women in inappropriate skills: The demand for resources traditionally 'female' activities, such as After the workshop, we decided to the production of handicrafts. Despite the implement a second phase of data collec- fact that women received some help in tion; a survey to assess micro-entrepren- marketing their products, they were not eurs' demands for financial and other very successful, and this approach seemed services. We interviewed a randomly unsustainable. selected group of programme participants The SPW was expected to yield detailed of two major credit schemes, and an equal sub-sector work-plans for training, number of randomly selected micro-entre- marketing, credit, production, business- preneurs who did not participate in any counselling and advocacy; but because of NGO programme, but lived in the regions the above-mentioned constraints, and the where the NGOs operated. lack of a tradition of co-ordination, the The survey results confirmed that workshop did not succeed in finding areas women were found mainly in the less of cooperation among the organisations, profitable economic sectors, producing or developing plans for future work. handicrafts and food products or running small service or trading companies. When asked about the reason for establishing Study-tours to share ideas enterprises, 8.8 per cent of men said that In the second phase of the project, UNIFEM gaining independence was an important set up a study-tour to the Philippines and factor; however this did not seem to be of Thailand, with the intention of giving such concern for women — only 2.2 per representatives from academia, govern- cent of them stated that it was. ment, and NGOS (including a represent- Examining the sources of start-up ative of a training centre affiliated to a finance, we found that 1.2 per cent of major NGO, and from a rural grassroots women got loans from banks, compared to organisation) the opportunity to look at 4.8 per cent of men. In addition, men were other models of providing institutional found to have been in operation on average support to small and micro-enterprises. We twice as long as women, and they also spent hoped that this experience would help to more time on business activities. This is promote a common vision as to the next due to the unpaid domestic work and child- steps of the UNIFEM programme, in terms care normally done by women. of putting together a detailed plan of action Looking at the size of the enterprises, and implementation with governmental male-operated enterprises were larger institutions and NGOs. Some participants than female-operated ones, and more male found the study-tour visits inspirational. entrepreneurs were previously employees Another initiative involving represent- of and received training through the atives of major credit institutions was family business compared to female facilitated by the UNIFEM Technical entrepreneurs. Only 17 per cent of women Section. This was a global workshop on registered their businesses, compared to credit, held in Amman, which provided a 44 per cent of men. Most women reported good opportunity to share ideas across the that it was not necessary to register their 52 Gender and Development

businesses; this is because about half of there were no projects or related the women in the sample ran their programmes for the support of small and businesses from home. micro-enterprises, and more specifically When both women and men were to support women in these activities. asked to specify the kind of training they Private professional associations, such as needed, and whether they were ready to the Chamber of Commerce, Industry and pay for training or business-counselling Agriculture (less than 1 per cent of whose services, they did not know what was members are women) or the Industrialists needed, nor what was available, and were Association (15 women out of a total of not very keen on paying for such services. 1500) were directed towards men, and relatively large enterprises. Even though there is extensive information available Gender and the national about the private sector and financial employment census market, there is hardly any gender- The lack of statistics and other data can desegregated information. only be overcome if gender-sensitive Second, the government ministries questions are built in to future surveys concerned were overwhelmed by the from the start. Concurrently with doing demands created by reconstruction of our own survey outlined above, in 1994 damaged physical infrastructure, and due the UNIFEM team contacted the Ministry to the war and emigration, were short of of Industry, and succeeded in influencing qualified staff to cater for new pro- it to include gender concerns in the design grammes. In addition, government budget of the second phase of the National Census constraints have reduced the funding of the industrial sector. available for programmes involving women We also carried out a number of other and for social-service support programmes. activities at many levels, for example, Third, lack of credit is one of the main discussing with the Industrialists' obstacles that limit the ability of women Association possible ways of extending entrepreneurs to develop their businesses; their services to small industrialists. In co- as we found, banking regulations discrim- operation with UNIDO (United Nations inate against low-income entrepreneurs. Industrial Development Organisation), In addition to this, the problem of access we surveyed the sub-contracting phenom- to credit by women is compounded by enon, particularly in the tailoring, shoe their lack of information, the male- industry, and canned food sectors; and oriented collateral requirements, the organised with ESCWA (United Nations complicated procedures, and the lack of Economic and Social Commission for confidence on the part of women. Western Asia) a workshop for introducing Fourth, we encountered difficulties in the concept of 'small business incubators' promoting co-operation among organisa- as a means of promoting entrepreneurship tions and their representatives. The funds among women. (This inovolves the that we had for the programme were provision of common premises, logistics, modest, and could only be used to initiate and technical support for a group of small the different processes, but would not business enterpreneurs, who pay a stretch to support them. reduced fee for these facilities.) Last, but not least, we realised that we The lessons learned from this stage of ought to deal first with the problems faced our work were very important in shaping by poor women who own and operate our subsequent actions. First, the idea micro-enterprises in the most disadvant- behind the programme was innovative; aged areas of the country. Promoting women entrepreneurs in Lebanon 53

'Mainstreaming' gender of its curriculum, and the incorporation of entrepreneurship and gender analysis In the third phase of our programme, we units in the training of social workers. decided to channel our programme During 1996, and due to the very good activities mainly through the Ministry of outreach capacity of the Ministry of Social Social Affairs, which is the principal body Affairs, the project was able to develop a in Lebanon carrying out support activities core of trainers at the Ministry, to provide directed to women. It deals with the technical support to the UNIFEM pro- poorest segments of the population, gramme in Syria, and to complete the through its Community Development training of 209 Lebanese women who will Centres, or through NGOs. It is the only soon announce the formation of the first ministry which has a female Director, and businesswomen's club in Lebanon. was the first to establish a department for women's affairs, although this is not In conclusion, despite the newness of functioning yet. The Ministry showed the concept of gender in Lebanon, the need interest in our programme, and com- for gender training, and making gender- mitted some of its remaining 1995 budget desegregated data available, we expect to it; subsequently, the programme that a knowledge of gender-related attracted the support of the UNDP office employment issues, and the use of gender- in Beirut.3 specific analysis, will become integral to the Ministry's programme and project The programme is now assisting the planning. Through sharing our experience Ministry of Social Affairs to adapt to the of work at community level, we hope to post-war situation. The intention is to encourage government institutions and develop the Ministry's capacity to train NGOs to integrate gender issues into their women to establish small businesses, planning and structure. helping them to identify and develop ideas, and transform the ideas into viable enterprises, in addition to providing Randa Husseini has been the Programme counselling on legal matters, marketing, Manager for UNIFEM in Lebanon since 1994. and credit sources. Our experience of She trained as an agricultural engineer and working with the Ministry was quite previously worked with FAO in Zimbabwe. successful, in spite of some constraints, Contact: Unifil House, Bir Hassan, FOB 11- which included subsidising the very low 3216, Beirut, Lebanon, wages of social workers involved in the e-mail: [email protected] programme, or having to appeal upwards to the Director to overcome bureaucratic Notes obstacles. These constraints are out- weighed by the real commitment of the 1 This is attributed to many factors Ministry to the programme's objectives, including a decrease in fertility rates, and to the development of women's increase in school enrolments, expand- entrepreneurship. ing urbanisation and the prevailing economic crisis worsened by the The programme is computerising a decline in migrant remittances. number of Community Development 2 This is an umbrella group of 132 Centres, and staff have been trained in Lebanese NGOs, which all run pro- data collection, analysis, monitoring, and grammes targeting women. the evaluation of the impact of programme 3 The programme, is now supported by activities on the target group. The UNDP, UNIFEM, Friedrich Ebert programme will also support the Social Foundation, ESCWA, and AGFUND. Services Training Centre, in the updating 54

Women's rights, the family, and organisational culture: a Lesotho case study

Elizabeth Everett

This article discusses the work of Lesotho Save the Children (LSC) in caring for girls who have suffered sexual abuse within their families. Support takes the form of providing refuge in the 'substitute family' setting of a Children's Village in Maseru, Lesotho's capital, where coun- selling and rehabilitation is offered.

urrent international and national rights of women and girls' (Kakonge, commitments to address gender quoted in Lesotho Today, 13 September Cissues, including violence against 1996). women and girls, encourage programme The organisational agenda of Lesotho work of this nature. At country level, Save the Children (LSC) is influenced by growing attention is being paid to that of the International Save the Children women's rights, by Basotho women them- Alliance (ISCA).1 The policies of ISCA selves, and the government. Lesotho has, clearly define the rights of women and in common with many other countries, in girls: 'Save the Children sees the role and both South and North, accepted approp- status of women as critical to social riate United Nations conventions on the progress and to the fulfilment of children's rights of women and children. Lesotho rights. Save the Children pays special signed up to the UN Convention on the attention to the needs of women and girls' Rights of the Child in 1991, under its (Save the Children Charter Article 9,1991). former military government; while the However, as gender and development Convention on All Forms of Discrimin- researchers have emphasised in many ation Against Women has been signed different organisational contexts, while during the past year (Shoeshoe 1996). policies of donors and governments are Donor agencies are ensuring that these invaluable in setting out principles, it is issues remain on the government agenda: often extremely difficult to put them into 'there are four major issues facing the practice in different contexts. Such policies Government of Lesotho at this time ... and may be perceived as clashing with perhaps the most important [the location-specific views on traditional government] must address itself to is the culture and the family, through exposing

Gender and Development Vol 5, No. 1, February 1997 Women's rights, the family, and organisational culture 55 issues which were formerly kept within 1989. Internal anxiety about the aims and the private sphere (Schuler 1992). philosophies informing the organisation Organisational culture is a key factor in was fuelled by the election to the manage- ensuring the success of such work. As I ment and central committees of several attempt to show, LSC's organisational feminists, who questioned the emphasis culture is rooted strongly in its social on caring for boys. context, and reflects sets of norms from The rationale for this emphasis is on notions of 'traditional' Sesotho culture, record in the annual reports of LSC and from the post-colonial, paternalistic throughout the 1970s and 1980s: 'We are attitudes of the organisation's British sometimes asked why we neglect the founders. This article explores the welfare of girls and seem to concentrate implications of these considerations, for our efforts only on boys ... Our decision to LSC's work, and internal structure. assist boys was based on a social situation that is strange to this part of the world. Girls receive longer and better formal LSC's evolving culture education than boys and a destitute girl LSC was founded in 1964, by a group of will always find a family eager to care for English expatriates living in Lesotho, who her. Even within the family, girls receive responded to a perceived need to provide better care than boys. The system of bride institutionally-based care for boys whose price is one of the foundations of our families were unable to cope with their society and a family with a daughter can disabilities, the majority of which were expect to receive livestock when she caused by poliomyelitis. From 1964 to 1990, marries ... but whatever the means of after a major review took place, the pro- payment a healthy, educated daughter is gramme work of LSTC was focused solely a sound investment for the future and as on the needs of boys and young men, in such she will be cared for and receive line with the view of LSC's founder, preference when the family's scarce Winifred Coaker, who chaired the organ- resources are shared. And so it is the boys isation until her resignation in 1989: 'Our who are neglected and abandoned, and policy is to educate every boy who comes we have made it our responsibility to care to us for residential care, regardless of age, for them in whatever way we can' (Lesotho Save the Children 1989ii). either academically or vocationally, until he is equipped to earn a living. We know The language used here reflects, that if these boys remained in their homes strikingly, confidence in the ability of an they would have no future' (Lesotho Save organisation founded and headed by the Children 1989i). In the mid-1970s a expatriates to recognise the realities of life second institution for boys was opened, for for Basotho people living in poverty, and children who were believed to be their belief in their right to formulate an abandoned orphans. organisational response. In 1990, major policy reviews of LSC were undertaken after pressure was Redetermining LSC's placed on the organisation from a number organisational mandate of external and internal stakeholders. Externally, these included ISCA, and The first decision of the 1990 Review was international donors. The review was to close the home for 'orphaned' boys, and supported fully by the two chairpersons send them back to their families. who succeeded the founder upon her Investigations had revealed that almost resignation, shortly before her death, in all of the boys who were resident at the 56 Gender and Development

time of the review (and probably the vast suffered very badly; many of them are majority who had spent time there over injured physically, and all are injured the years) were from poor families, but psychologically. The common experience had neither been orphaned nor aban- is of over-work, and abuse within and doned. In many cases, the death of a parent, outside their parental home. usually a father, had altered the family Abuse outside includes the practice of financial situation dramatically, and placing the daughters of poor family instead of relying on the support of the members within the households of wealth- extended family, the surviving parent ier branches of the family, as domestic sought help from LSC. Previously, these labour (Shoeshoe 1991). The understanding facts were not made explicit, despite LSC is that young girls placed into service in staff and management witnessing the this way will serve all the family's needs. exodus of 'orphans' during school holidays This practice potentially exposes young (personal experience). girls to abuse of all kinds from adults of A second decision, to close the home both sexes, to whom they are often only for disabled boys, was more difficult. Both distantly related. The extent of rape and Basotho and expatriates working in the sexual molestation within these arrange- organisation have unquestioningly ments can only be guessed at, although accepted the notion that the best place for empirical evidence of this has been gained a child is, by definition, at home with his from girls taken into the Children's Village or her family (personal experience). Yet (personal experience). Typically, it is only the decision was a difficult one, as this when the situation escalates to become assumption has not in the past been made intolerable that family members or, in so readily for disabled children. some cases, the authorities, intervene. After consultation with the govern- One of the female rape victims who ment's Department of Social Welfare, it came into our care at the age of 12 had been was decided by LSC that the former returned, by the police, to the care of her institution for disabled boys — which uncle, on three previous occasions. She took the form of a 'village' on the outskirts would probably still be there, if she had of Maseru, Lesotho's capital — should not been discovered by an LSC social now become a place of safety for children worker, huddling in the back of an office at of both sexes, who are in need of care and the police station in a remote town. When protection. Within a very short period of the social worker enquired of the police time, the boys were replaced by a mixed why she was there, he was told that they intake, with a high proportion of girls. would have to return her to the uncle, as Many of these are the victims of physical they did not know where else to take her. and sexual abuse by family members. The This girl remains in the care of LSC, myth of the earlier days of LSC, that girls until other family members can assure us were well-cared for within the family, has that she will be safe with them, and until been fundamentally questioned by our she is psychologically able to cope with first-hand experience of caring for girls life within her family. In our experience, it who have suffered terrible oppression is dangerous to rely upon assurance by within their extended family. family members as to the safety of abused girls who are returned to the care of their relations. There are many instances where Work with victims of abuse girls have been returned to distant rela- The girls placed at LSC's village by the tives of the abusing male, under the care Department of Social Welfare have all of a woman, only to have him arrive on the Women's rights, the family, and organisational culture 57 doorstep, and demand that she is returned to when the prospective bride is kidnapped him (personal communication). and raped by her bridegroom (personal communication, June 1993). Challenging the personal/ professional divide Sex education for staff A reluctance to discuss sexual issues is The social norms of reticence on a subject widespread throughout contemporary are reinforced by the logical outcome of Lesotho. Sex is not readily spoken of, these norms: namely, lack of knowledge either publicly or in private, especially in on the part of staff. One member of staff the presence of the young. This discomfort who was a newly-trained counsellor around acknowledging and discussing worked with staff, who told her that it was sex extends to staff entrusted with the care difficult for them to talk about sex and of rape victims in LSC. During discussions reproduction with young girls, as they with the supervisor at the Children's had so little understanding themselves. Village, soon after the organisational When the Lesotho Planned Parenthood emphasis changed and abused girls had Federation (LPPF) offered to visit LSC started to arrive, it came to light that the staff to discuss sexual health and related staff were dealing with the rape victims in issues, the offer was initially rejected by the same way as they would have done if staff. Younger women said that they did they were their own children, saying to not wish to attend as the older women them: 'Do not talk about it, and try and would regard them as whores, for being forget that it happened.' interested in contraception; older women With no sex education, many of the said that it would not be right for the girls who were virgins until the assault younger women to hear about contracep- had no idea what was being done to them, tion, and they themselves did not need to or of the possible consequences. All they know any more. At the time, I was chair- knew was that it did not feel right (confid- person of the organisation; in that capac- ential case reports, LSC 1992). Among ity, I took responsibility for inviting the several young girls who were experienc- representative anyway, claiming that I ing nightmares, one believed that there needed to know what she had to say. was a snake inside her, as she had seen the While the staff were initially embarrassed, 'snake' that had penetrated her (ibid.). most were, ultimately, attentive. When I purchased some condoms, and offered to Great emphasis has been placed on staff pay for any contraception that women training to enable staff to overcome their were interested in, I subsequently received own reticence so that they can offer a modest bill from the LPPF. comfort and counselling to the girls in their care. Our counsellor now holds Critically, in assessing our progress, we weekly meetings with the staff to reinforce have to consider both what women say the idea that sexual abuse is morally and do when men are not around, and wrong, and a criminal act. Talking openly what actually happens when the men are about sex was a new experience for them, there to assert their authority. The women and to articulate hostility towards the who told me that they would insist on male perpetrators of rape and abuse was their husbands using condoms when they challenging and frightening for staff returned from the mines in South Africa, themselves. Coercive sex is a part of many all sheepishly told me after the holiday women's sexual experience in Lesotho, that they had not been brave enough to and it is often the prelude to marriage ask them when it came to the point. 58 Gender and Development

Standing up to abuse by challenging employment, due to the large number of male authority is never easy; yet the LSC men who are absent at work in the South staff are now beginning to accept that rape African mines (Wahlstrom 1990); yet, of young girls by family members is within the family, women are not seen as unacceptable. Case meetings have become having any true decision-making power, less constrained; women staff eventually despite the reality of life without men as a felt able to express their feelings towards result of the migrant labour system; the male perpetrators of the abuse, decisions are often deferred until the man without fear that male colleagues would returns on leave, however impractical this understand this as a personal attack. may be (Gordon 1981). LSC can only continue to educate and In our own staffing structures, we are encourage girls and women to say no to attempting where possible to challenge sexual violence, no to abuse of their the notion that caring roles are 'women's daughters, and no to the unequal distribu- work'. For a period, LSC employed a male tion of labour within the family and the social worker; however, this is less home. A long way down the road is the challenging to gender stereotyping than it need for further work on challenging the may appear at first, since men are likely to negative aspects of the ideal of the be attracted to 'professional' caring roles 'traditional' family, and the oppression of with responsibility and status involved. women and children which is hidden M, a male social worker employed by LSC within it. during the early 1990's, combined a caring role with strict discipline, contravening the rules prohibiting beating the children. Gender issues in the daily He refused to take instructions from his life of the institution female supervisor on the grounds that he Currently, the organisational structure at was a professional and she was not. She in the children's village is constantly being her turn reported that she could not re-worked, as staff are encouraged to control him because he was a man' (pers- examine their own ideas about gender onal communication, 1993). roles, in their work with the children, and The gardener at the children's village in the structure of the organisation itself. falls into the role of care-giver, without overlaying this with the male role of Gender issues in the staff structure violent 'disciplinarian'. All the gardeners Since LSC has aimed to provide an LSC has employed over the years have alternative 'family' for its children, it has developed relationships with the children employed women in jobs which are a similar to that of the house mothers. logical extension of their unpaid work Perhaps if you care for plants, caring for within the household. The ironic result children comes naturally! has been that even when LSC was an We plan to recruit new house parents organisation which focused specifically in 1997, and want at least one of these to be on providing care for boys, the staff a man, but there is disagreement among employed by LSC were predominantly the governing committee as to whether strong, capable women. this man should take on the same role as However, it is a commonly-noted his female colleagues, or be a 'house feature of gender relations in Lesotho that father' with a role distinct from that of the many women are de facto heads of house mothers. Some women on the com- household, and a high proportion of them mittee are horrified at the idea of a man receive education and go on to formal doing 'women's work', although they Women's rights, the family, and organisational culture 59

themselves are professionals — one is a References doctor — whose careers were until recently seen as male occupations. Gordon, E (1981) 'An analysis of the impact of labour migration on the lives Work with the children of women in Lesotho', Journal of In our work with the children, the division Development Studies 17: 3. of labour along traditional lines is being Lesotho Save the Children (i), Quarterly challenged; all children have domestic Newsletter, January 1989. duties to perform, and staff are asked to Lesotho Save the Children (ii), Chairman's recognise that it is possible for boys and Report 1989. girls to do the same work. The rotas that Kakonge, J account of an address by J are drawn up ensure that boys and girls Kakonge, Senior Representative, get equal time doing the tasks that are UNDP, at the launch of the Human traditionally reserved for the opposite sex. Development Report, quoted in Lesotho When this was first suggested, one Today, 13 September 1996. member of staff summed up resistance to Schuler M Freedom from Violence: Women's challenging gender norms: 'We would be Strategies from around the World, making life hard for the children when UNIFEM1992. they returned to their families, as no Shoeshoe i; 1:3, Ministry of Information and parent would accept a boy who washed Broadcasting, Maseru, Lesotho, Early dishes and swept the floor' (staff meeting Spring 1991. 1991). It was initially hard to find tasks for Shoeshoe ii; 3:2, February 1996. the girls to do that were traditionally the Wahlstrom, A A Lesotho Gender Analysis domain of boys; this underlined the fact SIDA, 1990 that all domestic work — including agricultural tasks and all sewing and knitting — are considered to be female Notes responsibilities. The only task that it was 1 Lesotho Save the Children is not at agreed was a responsibility of the boys present a member of ISCA, although it was feeding the dog! is hoped that this association — which Perhaps the best that can be said for the has existed throughout most of the LSC Children's Village is that it enables organisation's history — will soon be children to form close bonds with children re-formed. LSC was suspended from from outside their family structure, and to ISTC in 1995, principally because of a experience a less oppressive life, even if failure to submit audited accounts. only for a short period. For feminists in However, a number of problems and LSC, including myself, a major element of ethical concerns were also highlighted this experience should be of equality by the Executive Committee of ISTC, between girls and boys, women and men. including the issue of a change of focus from a care giver to a development Elizabeth Everett trained as a teacher. She has organisation focusing on capacity- lived in Lesotho and worked with LSC since building. The majority of the members 1980. She is on the management committee of the organisation do not support this and was chairperson from 1991-5. As a feminist, change of direction, as we believe that her concern has always been to promote the we must continue to respond to the rights of women and girls. PO Box 964, requests for assistance that we receive, Maseru 100, Lesotho. Fax (266) 316912. even if this is seen as an outdated mode of response. 60

Making the Human Development Index (HDI) gender-sensitive

Shalendra D Sharma

The Human Development Index (HDI) has become a widely used measure for understanding patterns of socio-economic development. This article argues that it could be greatly improved by incorporating sex-disaggregated data, to reveal the different socio-economic contributions and situations of men and women within each country.

he Human Development Index While no single index could ever (HDI) was introduced in 1990 by the completely measure the complexity of TUnited Nations Development Pro- human development, the HDI offers an gramme (UNDP). Unlike the narrow GNP alternative to GNP and to the neoclassical measure (which is based solely on measure of 'consumer utility' by capturing income), the HDI includes three key levels of human development within components, longevity, knowledge, and countries and measuring relative socio- income, which are combined into a compos- economic progress. Hence, the HDI not ite human development index to arrive at only enables policy-makers to evaluate an 'average deprivation index'. Longevity development over time, and to determine is measured by life-expectancy at birth as priorities for policy intervention, it also the sole unadjusted indicator. Knowledge permits comparisons of the experiences of is measured by two stock variables: adult individual countries. literacy and mean years of schooling. The Nevertheless, the HDI has some major measure of educational achievement is flaws. It is well known that an overall adjusted by assigning a weight of two- development index can conceal the reality thirds to literacy and one-third to mean that particular groups within a country years of schooling. For income, the HDI is enjoy very different levels of socio- based on the premise of diminishing economic development: men and women, returns. So, the higher the income relative for example, or racial and ethnic groups, to the poverty level, the more sharply the regions, and social classes. Unfortunately, diminishing returns affect the contribution the HDI has not adequately incorporated of income to human development. In other these variables. In particular, it does not words, unlike GNP, the HDI measures reveal how gender disparities affect income by purchasing power, based on human development. This is a significant real GDP per capita adjusted for the local weakness, since global macro- and micro- cost of living or 'purchasing power parity'. data indicate that males generally fare

Gender and Development Vol 5, No. 1, February 1997 Making the HDI gender-sensitive 61 better than females on almost every socio- discrimination, not to mention violence economic indicator, within both indust- against women (that begins in many rialised and developing countries societies with the practice of female (Boserup, 1989; United Nations, 1991). infanticide), are incorporated within the HDI, a clear picture of human develop- Women's multiple roles ment, or the lack of it, will never emerge. Throughout the world, most women do not have an equal share of land, credit, A gender-sensitive HDI education, employment, and political If the HDI is to be a realistic measure of power, in comparison to the men of their human development, it must include society. Yet, in every society, women play women's vital contribution to develop- vital roles. In rural areas, for example, ment. The creators of the HDI must ensure they perform the bulk of 'unpaid' and that their data-base of critical indicators, unappreciated household work, as well as such as employment, income, mortality, contributing significantly to agricultural education, consumption and shelter, are production. Approximately half the disaggregated by sex. Their models must world's food is grown by women, and an assign an economic value to women's estimated two-thirds of women workers unpaid domestic work, as well as their in developing countries work in the increasing under-paid and under- agricultural sector (Power, 1992; Rhodda, reported work in the formal and informal 1991). Yet many governments (not to sectors. Only by drawing on the vast mention agencies such as the World Bank knowledge and experiences of women and the International Monetary Fund) themselves, and including more women assign little or no economic value to advisers and policy-makers on its staff, women's labour. Development planners will the UNDP be able to develop a more generally assume that household heads gender-sensitive HDI, and thus a more are males, regardless of who is supporting effective measure of human development. the family. The result is that governments — made up almost entirely of men—have Shalendra Sharma lectures at the University failed to integrate the value of women's of San Francisco. Contact: Department of work in their data-bases. Unless the HDI Politics, 2130 Fulton Street, San Francisco includes this critical variable, it will simply CA 94117-1080. Tel: (415)666-6452; fax: be repeating the errors, and producing skewed data. Women's participation in 666-2772; e-mail: [email protected] the service sector has expanded in many parts of the world, as has women's References involvement in many informal sector activities; but once again the HDI fails to Boserup, E (1989) Women's Role in Economic incorporate these variables. Development, London: Earthscan. Power, J (1992) The Report on Rural Women Moreover, in many societies women Living in Poverty, Geneva: International have less opportunity than men to attend Fund for Agricultural Development. school; thus, although women make up Rhodda A (1991) Women and the Environ- half of the world's population, two-thirds ment, London: Zed Press. of the world's illiterate are women. United Nations (1991) Women: Challenge Denying females education has trapped for the Year 2000, New York: UN. generations in a cycle of illiteracy and poverty. Unless such forms of gender 62

I N TE RV IE W

Magda Mateus Cardenas Director of Centro Amauta, Cusco, Peru

Interviewed by Caroline Sweetman

Magda, what is your history? How do did not have what I would call a 'feminist you think your own life has affected your perspective', I believed that we women, professional development? too, were capable of running things. We faced up to the challenge of proving that My life has been influenced by circum- we were capable of doing more than stances, other people, and a multitude of domestic chores or working as secretaries, challenges. I believe that in this I am similar that we could conduct a political argu- to many women who have come from a ment just like men could, we could less privileged background than mine. formulate proposals, and engage in In the 1970s, I was one of many young discussion with other people and nego- people of my generation who wanted tiate with the university authorities to change, and became politically active. I achieve our aims. learned to read Marxist texts, and take a look at the reality of my country. I didn't have to go without food or housing, but I Can you give me an example of a remember learning that there were many particular event that was significant in your working life, which maybe helped social and economic disparities in this to focus your interest in gender issues? country, that marked you out; they made one want to do something with one's life, In the 1980s, I went to work for a rural in order to escape them. development NGO. With one other female In the 1980s I was the first woman to anthropologist and a female development become president of the Centro Federado worker, I was one of a team working with de Estudiantes de Antropolgia (Federation peasant women. Like many women of Anthropology Students). Although I development workers involved in this

Gender and Development Vol 5, No. 1, February 1997 Interview 63 type of situation, we wanted to do what that I have worked with the team, we have was best. The projects were aimed at expanded our perspectives and our women, seeking to improve their lives, to commitments, until we are now an organ- build up savings, to meet family needs, isation which is consulted on issues of and to encourage women to participate in gender, class, and culture at both national society. They were essentially well- and regional level. intended, but often lacking in a political perspective. Through training courses in weaving, sewing, and market gardening, Most theories of organisational we were constantly seeking to develop development emphasise that they are women's organisational capabilities, with designed for men. Why are equal the aim of strengthening the ties of opportunities policies inadequate to solidarity between peasant farmers. address all concerns for gender equity? In 1989, at the first conference of the Our societies are essentially structured on National Rural Women's Network organ- the basis of masculine power, and class- ised by the Flora Tristan Women's Centre and culture-based intolerance. There are in Lima, an event which brought together few opportunities for women to exercise a large number of Peruvian development power, and these are still being workers, we discussed the question of a developed. Until now, there have been 'methodology for working with women'. very few organisations headed by women, I, like many others, was resistant to the apart from women's community groups notion of a specific approach. We felt that and feminist NGOs. Although women's in principle, development approaches professional abilities are recognised, it is should be valid for both men and women. very rare for them to be appointed to Yet we recognised that some issues were positions of responsibility. of particular importance to women; one of As women, we want power; yet we the participants was Ximena Valdez, a would wish to transform it in accordance Chilean feminist, who spoke about her with our own values, based on solidarity, work with women in her country. This had equal co-operation, and democracy. If we a great impact on me. I learned that it was just take notice of equal opportunities, we necessary to take account of the issues of don't think of transformation; we are often culture, class, and gender, in order to under- guilty of committing the same sins of stand the lives and concerns of women. concentrating power, acting in an author- On my return I began to look at itarian manner, and adopting a masculine women's lives in a new way, to find that attitude towards power. peasant women, too, differed among Also, equality of opportunity at work themselves, that they had individual does not operate in practice, because needs and demands. Since then, I have technical and economic considerations sought to document their reality and are seen as being much more important. adopt a perspective of empowerment. Women themselves allow their own cont- Eventually I joined Centro Amauta, a ribution to go unnoticed or, as generally feminist organisation, with which I still happens, are almost always involved with work today. The experience of the Amauta the social aspects of the work, which are team was something new for me; it considered less important than the touched on many points I was not aware productive side, where achievements are of previously, including sexual and quantifiable. Achievements on the social reproductive rights, and the problem of side cannot be measured until long after violence against women. Over the years the event. 64 Gender and Development

Since development workers are life in rural areas; there is much reference characterised as having a concern for to the 'complementary relationship' social justice, do you think development between men and women, emphasising organisations find it easier to address the role of traditions and culture, without gender issues than commercial much critical analysis. organisations? However, there have been some exam- ples of change from within. Organisations Many men and women, inside and outside have undergone major changes; they have development organisations, have a looked critically at their mission and their concern for social justice. Yet this does not achievements, giving priority to self- mean that development organisations are education and staff training. These changes automatically able to recognise all aspects have taken place at different levels, often of social injustice, or to address them. The starting with a core group of development families with whom NGOs work are often workers, male and female, with an aware- viewed as neutral entities, without any ness of the issue, or in other cases from differentiation as far as power is con- above, initiated by senior management. cerned. Also, there is often a prejudiced Generally, I see a concern on the part of attitude to feminism, and to discuss development agencies to integrate a women's rights is seen as a subversive act. gender perspective, but in some cases it is There is considerable resistance to dealing regarded as just one more factor to be with questions of this nature. included in development projects, and is Many organisations have embarked on not regarded as a perspective which work with a gender perspective, without changes views of development itself. understanding its transcendental charac- ter. They assume that they are working in a gender-sensitive way because they take How important is the issue of one's own account of both men and women, but it is identity in working on gender issues? very rare for thought to be given to the Can male development workers behave political aspects of such a perspective, and as feminists? Conversely, can we assume their institutional aims seldom include that women will support gender equity? political objectives. These are important considerations. I believe that it is not enough for us as What has been your experience of women simply to be aware of our rights; working to integrate women, and a men have to recognise that we have them, concern for women's equality, into and this is a task for men as well as women. development organisations? It involves re-examining personal attit- udes which go back years. I really do Funding agencies have encouraged some believe that if workers can learn how to development organisations to work with become aware of their own masculinity a gender perspective through support they will be able to take the political procedures, internal workshops, the demands of feminism on board. But this development of analytical procedures, kind of thinking is recent, we have yet to and policy clarification. Results have been see how successful male feminists will be. useful in some instances, but there has As far as women are concerned, their been resistance, insofar as it is seen as level of awareness is greater because of being a fad, imposed by the North, or by their personal experiences; however, we urban feminists. Often, an idyllic view is should not forget that there are women taken by funding agencies of the reality of who reflect 'macho' values, and others Interview 65 who allow themselves be carried away by Consequently, it is important for a technically-oriented perspective, and development workers to be aware of these ignore social issues. gender relationships, how they are constructed and how they manifest themselves. We cannot continue imposing What's more important: getting equal numbers of women and men at the top of our own prejudices on the world of the organisations, or ensuring that those at Andes, as though we were dealing with the top — either women or men — have a two self-contained or separate societies. vision of equality between the sexes? They are a part of this country and are structured around social, economic, and I believe that it is important for us to have historic institutions which are constantly equality of access to power and decision- renewing themselves and, like all others, making as an ultimate objective. But it is capable of deploying power. also important for us to ensure that we NGOs need to update their analyses, have as allies to help us in the task of not simply for socio-economic and geo- influencing other men and women, men graphical purposes, but more importantly who are themselves aware. Such men, to serve as ways of getting closer to the while recognising the differences that exist reality in which they seek to intervene. between us, are able to construct a dia- They also need to develop ways of system- logue and create a climate of tolerance. We atically organising their experiences and also need women with leadership and evaluating their actions. The continuous negotiation skills, who can give expression development of 'theory' and 'knowledge' to a political discourse to explain our should help in resolving dilemmas of long strategic interests. standing. However, it is not always possible for these processes to be carried out indep- How do you think development endently, hence the need for funding organisations can best work to promote agencies to clarify policies and provide gender issues in communities where the support and external monitoring. topic is seen as an attack on traditional Once all this is in place, I think that it culture? will be easier to work with the com- In the mountain communities, little munities themselves since the problems attention is given to the issue of culture. It that we are referring to are not unknown is assumed that relations between men to them; they are part of their everyday and women are based on complement- life, and should provide the basis for arity. It is argued that within the peasant developing approaches for the raising of family unit, everyone has their own self-awareness, for men as well as women. contribution to make, and everyone has productive and reproductive responsi- Do you use the language of 'feminism' in bilities. The argument is a valid one, but these communities? we are unwilling to accept that it is appropriate to the reality of the peasant There is a lot of stereotyping and prejudice economy, where the family plays an where feminism is concerned. It is important role as a unit of production and assumed to be the opposite of 'machismo'. consumption, but is also the place where What is important is how we work on the power relationships, identities and roles content and the political dialogue, and are constructed and assigned distinct how we strive to ensure the visibility of social and economic values. those aspects of the female condition 66 Gender and Development

which go beyond the reality of women in force in the technical aspects of agricul- poverty. The construction of citizenship, a tural or industrial production are few and sense of belonging, autonomy and far between. This is an area which is generally empowerment, all have an important role reserved for men, ignoring the fact that to play within that subjective experience, women are also part of the workforce, and because they are not issues divorced from that investment in their training will daily life. What is important, therefore, is reduce the technological, social, and to achieve an identification with what it power divide between men and women. feels like to be a woman, and to develop methods of understanding and analysis Magda Mateus Cardenas is Director ofCentro which can be translated into action. This is Amauta, Cusco, Peru. Contact details: not something that can be done overnight; tel. 084-240572 it is a challenge for the medium term and e-mail: [email protected] the long term. We have had very limited oppor- tunities as far as the agencies are con- cerned. We have worked mainly through the gender interest group in Novib's Partners' Platform, and the same partners are also involved in efforts to bring influence to bear on other mixed partner agencies, who have not been working on the issue.

What is the most important issue for you to work on in your region? Work must be done on the organisational, social, and political aspects of the theme of autonomy and empowerment, adapting the content and methods to reflect local circumstances. However, there is another topic that we need to tackle now: the development of management capabilities and skills, not just in relation to social matters, but to economic work as well. A precondition for women's emancipation is access to, and control of, financial and economic resources. An aspect of this, which has been ignored until now, is training in technical skills, and access for women to the marketplace on more competitive terms. Training for women has almost always been provided in connection with domes- tic livestock production, market-garden- ing, and matters relating to family health care. Projects offering training for the work- 67

Compiled by Sara Chamberlain

Book Review before change can be brought about, gender-based inequalities in organisations Gender, Culture, and Organisational have to be made visible, and that research Change: Putting Theory into Practice is one of the most effective ways to achieve Itzin C and Newman J (eds), this. Case studies demonstrate how differ- Routledge, 1995 ent research methodologies can be used to reveal, and help us to understand, gender Gender, Culture and Organisational Change relations in organisations. The studies also consists of a collection of articles based on demonstrate how practice and experience a decade of research and experiences can be used to inform and develop theory. gained from 'equalities work' in public The book offers a number of theories sector organisations. Although most of the about organisational culture, and devel- material in the book is drawn from exper- ops several models of 'change strategies', iences in Britain in the 1980s and 1990s, it based on insights gained from research makes wider connections with women experience. It then goes full circle by and trade unions in Europe, and manage- exploring how theories about organisa- ment development for women from the tional culture, change strategies, and the South. The editors have included a diverse research process itself can be used to range of approaches and methodologies, initiate change. but there are both explicit and implicit In the opening article, Janet Newman connections between the chapters. defines organisational culture in terms of Although gender relations in organisa- shared symbols, language, practices, and tions are the primary focus, women are deeply embedded beliefs and values. She never seen as a homogenous group, and considers organisational culture to be a divisions based on class, race, and physical site of conflict, not consensus; employees ability are also examined. actively create organisational culture, The main concern is with the need to rather than passively accept it. Newman change organisational cultures, structures, emphasises that organisational culture is and practices, shifting the balance of not integrated and undifferentiated, but power towards greater parity between multidimensional, and 'strongly divided women and men. The book argues that, along departmental, functional and

Gender and Development Vol 5, No. 1, February 1997 68 Gender and Development

professional lines'. Organisational SWOT analyses, which involve identify- cultures should be seen as fluid, active ing the strengths, weaknesses, opportun- and changeable, rather than static. ities and threats in an organisation; 'key In their article, Catherine Itzin and relationship mapping', which can make it Chris Phillipson explore how men's and possible to identify 'the winners and losers women's work chronologies differ, and in the change process, who had power in how entrenched sexual stereotypes about the organisation, and who had hard and gender and age disadvantage women. soft information'; and force-field analysis, They base their analysis on a survey of 449 which identifies forces which promote local authorities in the UK, plus 11 public- and constrain change in organisations. sector organisations, 3 private-sector Finally Itzin argues that change strategies companies, and an attitude survey of 476 should emerge in response to an evolving local government line-managers. situation; change is 'not necessarily linear, Itzin and Phillipson argue that work is deliberate, and continuous, but sudden 'structured to accommodate a male chron- and built on potentials that have been ology of continuous employment, not the latent or peripheral in the organisation'. female chronology, which combines child- Chapter 14, written by Gwendoline rearing and domestic responsibilities and Williams and Marion Macalpine, demon- the discontinuity which involves moving strates how the diagnostic tools outlined in and out of paid employment'. While by Catherine Itzin can be used in conjunc- women commonly come into their 'golden tion with the concept of a 'gender lens' — work decade' in their forties, because of gender analysis — to both 'surface' child-care responsibilities in their thirties, gender-based inequalities in organisa- older women are very rarely promoted tions, and to craft strategies to change because 'they are seen by dominant organ- them. In 1991, Williams and Macalpine isational culture as ageing earlier than launched a management development men, as becoming less responsible and programme for women civil servants from capable, and more temperamental, as they the South. The aim was 'to enable partici- get older — as past their "sell-by date" pants to intervene in the complex and after forty'. unequal relations of power within public The second part of the book turns to the administration agencies, in the context of development and implementation of strat- unequal north-south relations, and to egies for change, providing examples of increase women's access to and control initiatives related to gender and race in over resources'. The programme targeted UK local government, in trade union public administration, because gender- activities in Europe, and in 'developing bias in administration was seen as one of countries'. In Chapter 8, Catherine Itzin the main reasons 'for the consistent failure evaluates different models of 'strategic to "integrate" women in development change,' arguing that the most useful are policy and practice'. the ones which highlight 'the importance In the final chapter, Janet Newman of leading people through the process of writes that the 'challenge is to spot the change, of targeting key individuals and trends, identify the spaces where change enlisting their support, of overcoming is possible, make the most of productive resistance, and helping people to unlearn alliances, and mobilise resources and old ways and to deal with perceived arguments that can help at that particular threat, and real pain'. moment'. Newman emphasises that when Different diagnostic tools that can be crafting change strategies, we must be used to develop change strategies include aware of the 'shifting political terrain' Resources 69 outside our organisation. As the book's A Latin-American perspective on the authors are quick to point out, gender-bias institutional work of NGOs regarding in society shapes and sustains gender bias gender. Ponders the old, but still pertinent in organisations, and organisational question of whether it is necessary to change can never be fully achieved unless create women's units in institutions want- gender bias in society is tackled. ing to take a gender-sensitive approach to Review by Sara Chamberlain. their projects, or preferable to integrate planning that takes gender into account into broader activities. Focuses on NGOs j Further Reading | that work for, and with, women. 'Gendering organizational theory', Acker, J, in A J Mills and P Tancred (eds), Gendering Women in the Public and Voluntary Sectors: Organizational Analysis, Sage, UK, 1992. Case Studies in Organisational Change, Examines what is meant by 'gendered Brown, H, Office for Public Management, organisations', and the processes that UK, 1994. reproduce power imbalances between Examines aspects of effective equal oppor- men and women. Gives an overview of tunities implementation in the public and the development of organisational theory, voluntary sectors, focusing on the and suggests that women feminist theor- National Health Service in the UK, hous- ists are unusual in being simultaneously ing associations, and higher education. both inside and outside ruling structures. Develops a methodology to detect barriers Emphasises the central role of sexuality in to women's advancement. Suggests that a the reproduction of hierarchy and narrow focus on equal opportunities is suggests how gender analysis can be a ineffective without timescales, targets, resource for organisational change. and monitoring procedures. Sees a need to link changes in policies to initiatives that Art of Organising Training Sessions, 'Thirtyaddress organisational processes and Tools on Diversity and Organisational culture. Concludes that equal opportun- Change', NGO Forum, Fourth World Con- ities policies in the 1980s underestimated ference on Women, Huairou, China, 1995. the need for a pluralistic approach; the Includes articles on how to analyse organ- degree of resistance; the time-lag involved isations, communication in organisations, in change; the need for monitoring; and leadership, 'the learning organisation', the need for equality issues to be under- negotiation skills, diversity in organisa- stood as intrinsic to management tions, gender policies, goals and actions, processes. and power. Contains many useful check- lists and practical guidelines that can be 'From the woman's point of view: feminist applied to gender and organisational approaches to organization studies', change. Available in English, French and Calas, M B and Smircich, in Clegg et al. Spanish from Novib, Amaliastraat 7, The (eds) Handbook of Organization Studies, Hague, The Netherlands. London, Sage, 1996.

'Gender in institutions: an inward look', In the Way of Women: Men's Resistance to Barrig, M, in M Barrig and Andy Wehkamp Sex Equality in Organizations, Cockburn, (eds), Engendering Development: ExperiencesC, Macmillan, 1991, USA. in Gender and Development Planning, Based on research that evaluates how men Novib/Red Entre Mujeres, The Hague/ sometimes help, but more often de-rail or Lima, 1994. resist, feminist change in four large Resources 69 outside our organisation. As the book's A Latin-American perspective on the authors are quick to point out, gender-bias institutional work of NGOs regarding in society shapes and sustains gender bias gender. Ponders the old, but still pertinent in organisations, and organisational question of whether it is necessary to change can never be fully achieved unless create women's units in institutions want- gender bias in society is tackled. ing to take a gender-sensitive approach to Review by Sara Chamberlain. their projects, or preferable to integrate planning that takes gender into account into broader activities. Focuses on NGOs j Further Reading | that work for, and with, women. 'Gendering organizational theory', Acker, J, in A J Mills and P Tancred (eds), Gendering Women in the Public and Voluntary Sectors: Organizational Analysis, Sage, UK, 1992. Case Studies in Organisational Change, Examines what is meant by 'gendered Brown, H, Office for Public Management, organisations', and the processes that UK, 1994. reproduce power imbalances between Examines aspects of effective equal oppor- men and women. Gives an overview of tunities implementation in the public and the development of organisational theory, voluntary sectors, focusing on the and suggests that women feminist theor- National Health Service in the UK, hous- ists are unusual in being simultaneously ing associations, and higher education. both inside and outside ruling structures. Develops a methodology to detect barriers Emphasises the central role of sexuality in to women's advancement. Suggests that a the reproduction of hierarchy and narrow focus on equal opportunities is suggests how gender analysis can be a ineffective without timescales, targets, resource for organisational change. and monitoring procedures. Sees a need to link changes in policies to initiatives that Art of Organising Training Sessions, 'Thirtyaddress organisational processes and Tools on Diversity and Organisational culture. Concludes that equal opportun- Change', NGO Forum, Fourth World Con- ities policies in the 1980s underestimated ference on Women, Huairou, China, 1995. the need for a pluralistic approach; the Includes articles on how to analyse organ- degree of resistance; the time-lag involved isations, communication in organisations, in change; the need for monitoring; and leadership, 'the learning organisation', the need for equality issues to be under- negotiation skills, diversity in organisa- stood as intrinsic to management tions, gender policies, goals and actions, processes. and power. Contains many useful check- lists and practical guidelines that can be 'From the woman's point of view: feminist applied to gender and organisational approaches to organization studies', change. Available in English, French and Calas, M B and Smircich, in Clegg et al. Spanish from Novib, Amaliastraat 7, The (eds) Handbook of Organization Studies, Hague, The Netherlands. London, Sage, 1996.

'Gender in institutions: an inward look', In the Way of Women: Men's Resistance to Barrig, M, in M Barrig and Andy Wehkamp Sex Equality in Organizations, Cockburn, (eds), Engendering Development: ExperiencesC, Macmillan, 1991, USA. in Gender and Development Planning, Based on research that evaluates how men Novib/Red Entre Mujeres, The Hague/ sometimes help, but more often de-rail or Lima, 1994. resist, feminist change in four large 70 Gender and Development

organisations. Shows how women as a Also that gender and transformative sex, but also black people, lesbians and bureaucratic change cannot occur independ- gays, and people with disabilities, are ently of a political context supportive of compelled to hide their 'difference' if they women's empowerment. IDS Bulletin is wish to claim equal rights. Also looks at published four times a year by the how these different identities interact with Institute of Development Studies, hierarchies of class. Formulates a counter- University of Sussex, Brighton BN19RB,UK. strategy for transformative change in organisations that involves acknow- Speaking Out, Breaking In, Goetz, A M (ed), ledging and asserting bodily and cultural Zed Press, forthcoming. specificity. A Best Practices for Gender Integration in Managing to Discriminate, Collinson, D, Organisations and Programs, Hamerschlag, Knights, D and Collinson, M, Routledge, K and Reerink, InterAction Community, London. March 1996. Argues that despite post-war changes in The results of a telephone survey of 30 gender relations in the UK, occupational member agencies, including CARE, segregation by sex persists in the labour Oxfam America, Save the Children, and market. Criticises traditional Marxist- World Wildlife Fund, regarding their feminist theories of gender inequality in efforts to integrate gender concerns into the labour market for neglecting human programming and internal management agency, but draws heavily on their con- policies, and to learn about the 'best cern with asymmetrical power relations. practices' of member agencies on a wide Uses empirical material to illustrate how range of gender issues. Issues surveyed job segregation is reproduced, ration- include: family-friendly work policies, alised, and resisted in the recruitment gender and recruitment policies, propor- process. Case studies focus on the banking, tion of women to men in senior manage- mail-order, food, and manufacturing ind- ment positions, and gender policy ustries. Prescribes some organisational development and programme planning. changes necessary to eliminate sex dis- crimination in the recruitment process. Institutionalising Gender Perspectives and Gender Training: The Experience of the Asian 'Gender and Administration', Goetz A M Pacific Development Centre, Heyzer, N, (ed), IDS Bulletin 23/4,1992. APDC. Argues that public administration is in Charts the history of the Women and itself a process that promotes the interests Development Programme, and gender of men. Questions the idea that women's policy at APDC. Includes sections on lack of privilege is an outcome of the 'Establishing our identity and work operation of 'neutral' forces and institu- methods', 'Strengthening our case,' and tions like the market. Develops the outline 'Changing organisational culture'. of a theory of gender in organisations, central to which is the dynamic inter- Instraw News: Women and Development No actions between gender relations within 17, on 'Women and Management', 1992. social relationships and within organ- Examines the status of women in isational relationships in public adminis- 'decision-making' bodies (government tration. The main conclusions are that administrations, organisations) in Africa, mere tinkering with structures, pro- Asia and the Pacific, China, Latin America cedures or representative bureaucracy is and the Caribbean, and Europe. Available not adequate to challenge power systems. from INSTRAW. Resources 71

Managing Diversity, JAMLC. and authoritative institutional frame- A monthly source of information, ideas, works put in place for implementation, and tips for people managing a diverse then gender policy risks falling into a series workforce. Available from: JALMC, P.O. of 'black holes' within and between these Box 819, Jamestown, NY 14702-0819, USA. wider NGO aims.

'A development agency as a patriarchal 'Power, institutions and gender relations: cooking pot: the evaporation of policies can gender training alter the equation?' for women's advancement', Longwe, S H Murthy, R K, Unpublished paper, 1995. in Women's Rights and Development: VisionDiscusses the strengths and weaknesses of and Strategy for the Twenty-first Century, gender training as a strategy for altering Oxfam Discussion Paper 6,1995. equations of power within oneself and An entertaining and instructive demon- institutions. Identifies NGOs as 'gend- stration of how the failure of gender ered' entities, and argues that the manner policies to be implemented in the North is in which women and gender ideologies closely mirrored by a similar 'evaporation' have entered organisations reflects and of policy in Southern development adminis- perpetuates gender hierarchies in society. trations. Looks at the mechanisms and Available from Gender and Programme procedures by which this evaporation Learning Team, Policy Department, takes place, and concludes that bureau- Oxfam, 274 Banbury Rd, Oxford, OX2 cracy is not gender-neutral; it is the means 7DZ; please enclose a stamped addressed by which patriarchy preserves the existing envelope. power relations that govern development co-operation. Guidelines for Good Practice in Gender and Development, National Alliance of Gender Planning in Development Agencies: Women's Organisations (NAWO), 1993. Meeting The Challenge, MacDonald, M (ed), These guidelines aim to promote good Oxfam, UK, 1994. gender practices in development agencies, Includes thematic papers and case-studies and solidarity and educational organisa- from organisations such as Oxfam, tions. Include guiding principles for staff, ACTIONAID and HIVOS. Keynote papers volunteers, and management. cover areas such as gender-aware plan- ning and institutionalising gender. Provides Gender, Power and Organisations; A a thorough overview of the main issues Psychological Perspective, Nicolson, P, arising from the workshop, in areas such Routledge, 1996. as policy, institutions and partnership. Examines the psychological consequences of gender imbalances in work organisa- Gender Policy and Black Holes: Some tions for senior and middle-ranking Questions about Efficiency, Participation andwomen. Argues that although there are Scaling-Up in NGOs, Mayoux, L, Open more senior women in organisations University: UK, 1994. today, these increased opportunities have Looks at recent trends in NGOs towards not been gained without psychological efficiency, professionalism and scaling- consequences. Examines how patriarchal up, and the restructuring involved in structures hinder women's progress, and achieving these aims. Explores some of how success in the world of work has the possible implications of these changes, psychological implications for women's and argues that unless women's empower- sense of subjectivity, self-esteem, and ment is taken seriously in its own right, gender identity. Also examines the 72 Gender and Development

impacts that achieving against such odds Power and Process, Reardon, G, Oxfam 1995. has on women's everyday lives. Discusses Oxfam's experience of inte- grating gender issues into its programme Gender Responsible Leadership: Detecting and organisational structure. Includes Bias, Implementing Interventions, Nostrand, five papers on major issues facing gender C, Sage, 1993. and development practitioners, including Analyses how we all consciously or Florence Butegwa on the law, and Lori unconsciously assist in upholding a Heise on violence against women. culture that tolerates male entitlement, privilege, and violence. Aims to help us Breaking with Tradition: Women and Work, become aware of sexism in ourselves and The New Facts of Life, Schwartz, F, Catalyst, others; to promote gender-fair interven- 1992, USA. tion strategies; and to create learning and Explores major issues facing women and working environments that are equally families in the 1990s. Discusses ways for supportive to men and women. both employers and employees to manage the issues surrounding maternity, methods 'Mainstreaming Gender in Organisations', for institutionalising flexible work arrange- Oxfam Gender Learning Workshop reader, ments, and employing and encouraging Oxfam, UK, April 1996. women capable of leadership. A collation of articles about 'main- streaming' gender in organisations. 'Making differences matter: a new Available from Gender and Programme paradigm for managing diversity', Learning Team, Policy Department, Oxfam Thomas, D A and Ely, R J, in Harvard 274 Banbury Road, Oxford OX2 7DZ, UK. Business Review, September-October 1996.

Feminist Policy Advocacy: Transforming Anthropology of Organizations, Wright, S International, National and Local Development (ed), Routledge, 1994. Institutions, Razavi, S. and Miller, C. (eds), Five essays on gender and organisational UNRISD, Geneva, forthcoming. change. Brings together anthropological studies of the complex ways in which 'BRAC Gender Quality Action Learning people make and contest meanings in Program: Evaluation Design,' Rao, A and organisational settings. Critically exam- Kelleher, D, Draft Paper, June, 1995. ines the organisational culture concept, Describes how evaluation methods were from an anthropological perspective. developed to gauge the success of organ- Explains the embededdness of gender isational learning process on gender in a relations, and shows how — despite development NGO in South Asia. The widespread change — inequalities persist, evaluation looked at the outcomes and using case studies from government impacts of the gender programme on staff organisations, private companies and a knowledge and skills, and on organisa- union. tional and programme quality. It also examined the programme's strengths and weaknesses; the causal factors that led to change, or a lack of it; and changes that needed to be made to the programme. Describes a participative action-learning process through which these changes could be made.