Mainstreaming Gender in Development A Critical Review

Edited by Fenella Porter and Caroline Sweetman

O Oxfam The books in Oxfam's Focus on Gender series were originally published as single issues of the journal Gender and Development, which is published by Oxfam three times a year. It is the only European journal to focus specifically on gender and development issues internationally, to explore the links between gender and development initiatives, and to make the links between theoretical and practical work in this field. For information about subscription rates, please apply to Routledge Publishing, T & F Informa UK Ltd., Sheepen Place, Colchester, Essex, OC3 3LP, UK. Tel: +44 (0) 207 017 5544; Fax: +44 (0) 207 017 5198. In North America, please apply to Routledge Publishing, Taylor and Francis Inc., Customer Services Department, 325 Chestnut Street, 8th Floor, Philadelphia, PA 19106, USA; Fax +1 800821 8312. [email protected] www.tandf.co.uk/journals

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Front cover: Oxfam workshop for literacy teachers in East Timor. Photo: Annie Bungeroth/Oxfam

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This book converted to digital file in 2010 Contents

Editorial 2 Fenella Porter and Caroline Sweetman Gender mainstreaming since Beijing: a review of success and limitations in international institutions 11 Caroline Moser and Annalise Moser Gender mainstreaming or just more male-streaming? Experiences of popular participation in Bolivia 23 Suzanne Clisby Freedom for women: mainstreaming gender in the South African liberation struggle and beyond 36 Shamim Meer Gender mainstreaming in government offices in Thailand, Cambodia, and Laos: perspectives from below 46 Kyoko Kusakabe Is there life after gender mainstreaming? 57 Aruna Rao and David Kelleher Re-thinking gender mainstreaming in African NGOs and communities 70 Senorina Wendoh and Tina Wallace Strategic gender mainstreaming in Oxfam GB 80 Elsa Dawson NGOs, gender mainstreaming, and urban poor communities in Mumbai 90 Vandana Desai Resources 99 Compiled by Kanika Lang Publications 99 Websites 107 Electronic resources 108 Organisations 111 Editorial Fenella Porter and Caroline Sweetman

ender mainstreaming has been Different contributions focus on inter- defined as 'a strategy which aims to national, national or local levels, and within Gbring about gender equality and government and NGOs. We believe that a advance women's rights by infusing decade after gender mainstreaming entered gender analysis, gender-sensitive research, the development lexicon,1 this reflection and women's perspectives and gender equality analysis is critical. What are the barriers goals into mainstream policies, projects and against and facilitating factors in favour of institutions' (Association for Women's ensuring development in the interests of Rights in Development 2004,1). women? Does gender mainstreaming in Caroline Moser and Annalise Moser (in development organisations deserve its poor this issue) suggest that many development image among many in the international organisations have followed the definition women's movement? set out by the UN Economic and Social Council: Integrationist and agenda- Mainstreaming a gender perspective is the setting approaches to process of assessing the implications for women and men of any planned action, including mainstreaming legislation, policies or programmes, in all areas Rounaq Jahan, a researcher into gender and at all levels. It is a strategy for making mainstreaming, found it helpful to distinguish women's as well as men's concerns and between two kinds of mainstreaming: experiences an integral dimension of the design, integrationist and agenda-setting (Jahan implementation, monitoring and evaluation of 1995,13). policies and programmes in all political, economic Jahan suggests that integationist and societal spheres so that women and men approaches, which began during the UN benefit equally and inequality is not perpetuated. Decade for Women 1976-85, aim to integrate The ultimate goal is to achieve gender equality women, as well as men, into the existing (1997, 28). development framework. Integration leads Contributors to this collection of articles to a focus on women as a marginalised were briefed to look very critically at how group; as people with additional or special gender mainstreaming has been carried out interests. Male interests remain viewed as in organisations involved in the develop- the norm. This approach has been criticised ment process, to assess the difference that by feminists as amounting to a recipe in gender mainstreaming has made, and to which an extra ingredient is added: 'add suggest ways of overcoming the challenges. women and stir'. Yet the end result of the Editorial recipe, and the cooking method, remain up in the UN International Women's Year basically the same. This form of gender (1975) as equality, development, and peace. mainstreaming can be seen in the welfare, The ideal of economic development which anti-poverty, and efficiency approaches to does not occur at the expense of equality and women in development (WID), which were peace is still unrealised. Many argue that identified by Moser (1989). Women are the such ideals have been distorted in the focus of concern because they are perceived process of integration of gender issues into as an especially needy target group, and /or the pre-existing mandates, ideologies, and because of the contribution they can make to procedures of development organisations development that is directed by develop- (Kardam 1993; Miller 1998). ment organisations which are intrinsically What is the answer? Should we forget 'male-biased' (Elson 1991). This sort of gender mainstreaming, or should we approach is politically conservative, ignoring continue the struggle to achieve what Jahan unequal gender power relations, often describes as a more radical, agenda-setting misunderstanding the existing economic kind of gender mainstreaming? In place of role of women in so-called developing integration, Jahan suggests that trans- countries. formatory gender mainstreaming is also The interests that women share as possible. This aims to 'transform... the members of a sub-dominant social group existing development agenda' (Jahan 1995). have been labelled 'strategic gender interests' Transformation starts from a gender analysis by Molyneux (1985), indicating interests of inequalities between women and men, through which women can achieve change which understands gender relations as in their overall position in society. Such intersecting with relations of race and class, to interests have been furthered through equity create context-specific locations of inequality. approaches to women in development If development organisations carry out (Moser 1989), which aim to transform law, gender analysis in this way, new priorities customs, and institutional procedures so emerge naturally. Development programmes that these no longer discriminate against would be informed by an awareness of the women on grounds of sex. Women's interests political causes of women's marginalisation, may also be served by empowerment and a commitment to support social trans- approaches, which aim to support women at formation by challenging gender inequality. community level to further their own For example, the practical problems of strategic gender interests, as well as to poverty faced by female-headed households further their more immediate practical in rural areas of Africa are shown in gender interests by obtaining sufficient resources to analysis to be caused, in part, by unequal enable them to put their ideas and choices access to essential resources like land. Thus, into action (Kabeer 1999). on the one hand, gender mainstreaming Yet it seems that development inter- consists of infusing gender analysis into ventions which genuinely support the work being done already in development empowerment of women - as individuals (for example, land reform). On the other who should be in charge of their own hand it consists of undertaking 'stand alone' destinies, and as a collective marginalised work to address particular issues of strategic social group - are rare. Rather than gender importance to women, which would not mainstreaming leading to transformed otherwise be undertaken as part of a development, 'gender' has itself been trans- development agenda (such as addressing formed — as a field of research and action, it violence against women, and sexual and has been depoliticised (Pearson 1999). The reproductive rights). agenda of the international women's move- Articles in this issue suggest that many ment as regards development was summed organisations which have attempted gender mainstreaming have not moved beyond the much more attention to the impact of gender integrationist approach. But agenda-setting mainstreaming on women themselves is gender mainstreaming is desperately amplified by articles from Vandana Desai, needed, because women are still as margin- and Senorina Wendoh and Tina Wallace, in alised and excluded as ever from political their articles. But in assessing impact, and economic life. We cannot ignore the development workers should adopt a central role that governments and NGOs nuanced understanding of the multiple play in this marginalisation and exclusion, factors which contribute to women's and the potential they hold for social, impoverishment and lack of choices. economic, and political transformation in Imported, blueprint analyses and quick-fix women's lives. solutions suggested by donors with little knowledge of local realities cannot be expected to yield useful analysis. Nor will Institutional and they be embraced readily by women—or men operational gender - working at the local level, who can see that mainstreaming such tools are either wholly inappropriate, or too crude, for the job they have to do. A second useful distinction made by Jahan (1995) is between institutional and oper- A key challenge faced in gender ational gender mainstreaming activities. mainstreaming in grassroots community This is not an 'either/or' option. Gender development work is inadequate under- mainstreaming should involve both kinds of standing of the tension which exists between activity, and indeed cannot succeed supporting the empowerment of women as otherwise. Institutional activities address a sex, and supporting the empowerment of the internal dynamics of development individual women and their households. organisations: their policies, structures, Approaches to gender and development systems, and procedures. Operational at this level often fail to deal with the issue activities address the need to change the of differences between women, whose programmes of work in which the organi- experience of marginalisation on grounds of sation is engaged (ibid.). All articles in this sex varies dramatically according to other issue focus to some extent on successes aspects of identity, including relative wealth and failures of institutionalising gender or poverty, ethnicity, caste or other factors. concerns into development. Caroline and These concerns have been critically evaluated Annalise Moser (this issue) suggest that this by authors including Cornwall (2001). A side of the equation has taken up most uni-dimensional analysis of male-to-female attention to date. In contrast, little is yet oppression does not equip gender and known of the impact of gender main- development practitioners to analyse and streaming efforts on the lives of women who address the complex relations of power, are involved with operational development which constrain the agency of individual work. They suggest that this needs much women. What is more, sometimes difference more investigation in the years ahead. can create obstacles to political action to further gender equality. If women do not Operational mainstreaming: what are feel particularly disadvantaged by gender the challenges? concerns they may - quite legitimately! - The litmus test of successful gender pursue other priorities. mainstreaming in operational work is that As Vandana Desai points out in her development programmes support the two article on NGO work in Mumbai, these issues complementary goals of structural gender create real challenges for organisations equality in society, and the empowerment of committed to gender mainstreaming. What is women living in poverty. The need to pay needed is operational gender mainstreaming Editorial which addresses gender interests as these ment work may not even identify the intersect with other interests, for example interests that women share on account of caste or age. Operational gender main- their marginalised position in society. streaming should start with women Suzanne Clisby's article in this issue identifying their own political priorities and highlights the fact that efforts to mainstream strategies. gender into local governance in Bolivia We believe that development organi- failed to create opportunities for women sations wanting to challenge gender-based to participate as equals and bring gender discrimination, and improve the lives of issues to the fore. This is because mixed individual women in communities, need to community groups contain power relation- adopt a dual-faceted approach. This is to ships, between women and women, and support feminist activity at all levels of between women and men, that will privilege society, to ensure that individual women's the concerns of the most powerful. In such a choices are not constrained by institutional situation, women's shared gender interests discrimination against them on grounds of are not likely to be included on the group their sex. At the same time, support is agenda. required for individual women within Institutional mainstreaming: assessing communities. For many, acute poverty the progress constrains them from embarking on any For successful operational gender main- activity which is not immediately necessary streaming to take place, changes are required for survival. For this reason, targeting within the institutions of development. resources on women needs to be seen in Transforming organisations to enable women context, as part of a commitment to the to participate as fully as men, in terms of empowerment of women (Kabeer 1999). In numbers and substantive input, is critical for her article in this issue, Elsa Dawson makes several reasons. this point in the context of an analysis of The first of these reasons is the inherent gender mainstreaming in Oxfam GB. Once question of justice for women. Women have immediate survival needs are satisfied, the right to participate in equal numbers women may opt to pursue political action to with men throughout society, and this ensure that obstacles to future choices are includes within social institutions of govern- removed. Of course, for some women in ment and in NGOs. Another reason is that it some contexts, political action (which may is widely believed that women's equal or may not be feminist) may appear to be the participation affects the agendas of develop- fastest route to gain essential resources. But ment organisations, making these reflect the important point is that it is for women to gender concerns. Care should be taken not to decide these things for themselves. The role assume that there is a connection between of a development organisation is limited to being a woman and furthering the shared responding to women's own agendas, in as strategic interests of women; yet the evidence transformative a way as possible (Young still shows that it is fair to 'generally assume 1993). Development work with women that feminism is practised by women, and living in poverty should be informed by certainly is defined by women's experiences' accurate analysis of the political location of (Porter 1999, 5). If institutions reform to women, and a commitment to supporting ensure that women are able to take a full and the goal of gender equality, as far as is equal role as decision makers, researchers, possible. planners, and implementers in develop- Without this dual commitment to the ment, 'women [will] not only become a part empowerment of women and structural of the mainstream, they also reorient the gender equality, community-level develop- nature of the mainstream' (Jahan 1995,13). Yet some critiques of gender main- The role of agents in streaming point out that ensuring that mainstreaming women participate equally with men is not in itself sufficient to guarantee that Critical to both operational and institutional organisations address gender inequality in gender mainstreaming are the people who their operations, or internally within their bring this about. Feminist agents who work own culture, structure, systems, and with organisations involved in the procedures. As Aruna Rao and David development process have been identified Kelleher argue in their article, it is not as essential in transforming the policy, planning, and implementation of develop- enough to change the identity of the players ment interventions (Goetz 1998,2004; Porter in the game; it is also necessary to change the and Judd 1999). These agents can be found rules of the game. Cultural norms from in the vast majority of development surrounding society are reflected in the organisations, regardless of whether the practices and values of organisations. To organisation is committed to gender change the practices and values involves the mainstreaming of any kind. Sometimes these difficult task of challenging formerly agents occupy posts which are not charged unquestioned norms. Rao and Kelleher's with supporting gender mainstreaming, but iceberg image demonstrates clearly how they are themselves feminists. Other agents there are different levels at which change with personal feminist commitment can be must take place, if organisations are to found in positions expressly charged with address gender inequality successfully in gender mainstreaming. their work and in their own internal Feminist agents face a daily struggle to practices. Only a small proportion of these place and keep gender issues on the levels is actually 'visible' above the surface organisational agenda, with regard to both as formal rules. Other levels are 'submerged', institutional practices and operational and therefore hidden from view. Change at activities. Anne-Marie Goetz (2004) points to these invisible levels is, nevertheless, the need for more recognition and support essential. for these agents to be given by their Elsa Dawson's article focuses on Oxfam colleagues in the international women's GB's experience of gender mainstreaming movements. She also highlights the need in its South American programme. The for their work to be judged in context. Many emphasis of Oxfam's gender mainstreaming changes brought about may not be strategy for the region prioritised insti- immediately visible to those outside the organisation. Women's movements do tutional change. Elsa Dawson challenges the not only have a role in supporting gender dichotomy between institutional and opera- mainstreaming by pressuring and influencing tional approaches to mainstreaming. For from outside, but are also needed for her, gender mainstreaming involves develop- alliance-building, solidarity, and support. ing contextually appropriate, locally owned Feminist agents work alongside, and understandings of gender relations at every must influence, colleagues who may not level of programme planning and imple- identify themselves as feminists. Never- mentation. She maintains that this should be theless, these colleagues have a key role to the responsibility of everyone involved in play in bringing about changes in develop- planning and carrying out development ment policy and practice. Development work. Carrying out a gender analysis as a practitioners, particularly at the imple- separate specialist task can undermine the mentation level, are often the central actors degree of ownership felt by staff in the in the success or failure of gender main- organisation. streaming initiatives. A number of articles in Editorial this issue (including those of Senorina gender inequality in their work. While Wendoh and Tina Wallace, Kyoko gender awareness raising is critical, it often Kusakabe, and Elsa Dawson) focus on the assumes a false homogeneity among need for more attention to be paid to work women, failing to recognise other identities with these actors. This work needs to held by women and men which intersect recognise their location as individuals and as with gender identity to create complex and post holders, and to spend more time unique experiences. The kind of training that convincing them of the rationale for agenda- is needed is very different. It would be setting gender mainstreaming. tailored to the complex identities and lives of One insight from these articles is that at individual participants and communities, present there is a widespread over-reliance and would enable them to respond to on two gender mainstreaming strategies: specific opportunities and constraints for gender policy formulation, and gender gender mainstreaming in their personal and training. In her article comparing gender professional contexts. mainstreaming policies in governments in three Asian countries, Kyoko Kusakabe Rights-based approaches to provides examples of this. Gender policies are clearly an essential first step in development and gender mainstreaming, but, in themselves, they are mainstreaming insufficient to transform organisational One factor which should facilitate a practices, procedures, and structures. They transformative approach to gender main- can often seem imposed from above or streaming is a political analysis of poverty outside. Without local-level adaptation, and development. It has been argued that these policies can alienate the very people the empowerment of women as a concept who are supposed to implement them. The should have a natural entree into the concerns result is passive or active resistance. of organisations which are addressing the Senorina Wendoh and Tina Wallace relate politics of inequality (Mayoux 1998). These this problem to the current insistence of may be political liberation movements, or many international donors that gender 'alternative' development organisations inequality be addressed as part of funding (Riddell and Robinson 1995). These have an agreements. Once the money is secured, avowedly political perspective on poverty, although there might be a role such as and hence have an 'emphasis... not so 'gender adviser', this is often window much on service delivery or development dressing and little attention is paid to the programmes, but on organising the poor need for policy formulation or subsequent with a view to enabling them to exercise activities to be shaped to local realities. greater influence over decisions affecting Gender training of development their lives' (ibid., 35). However, such practitioners is often the only local-level approaches often fail to discern difference activity to be included in funded inter- within communities, including difference ventions. While gender training has arising from gender inequality. Liberation potential to build commitment to put gender struggles focus on overthrowing despotic policies into practice, all too often the type of governments and need the support of training offered fails to do this. Gender women as well as men to ensure success. training, like gender policy formulation, is The strategic gender interests of women often not adapted to local realities. In tend to be sidelined while the struggle rages addition, it has a tendency to focus narrowly (Molyneux 1985), and often afterwards the on awareness raising, as if this will, in itself, new government fails to take them up enable individual practitioners to address (Molyneux 1991). Shamim Meer's article in this issue examined in order to identify appropriate demonstrates clearly the struggle of women strategies for gender mainstreaming. This to ensure that their shared interests requires a political response, and an analysis were incorporated into the agenda of of power, citizenship, and rights. This South Africa's post-apartheid government. political response also needs to reflect an However, this has resulted in what she calls understanding of the added threat presented a 'technicisation' of gender issues, which has by right-wing populist agendas, which can marginalised women's collective political actively undermine support for women's interests and stalled progress towards rights, while appealing to women as a gender equality in South Africa. The energies political group. of women activists-turned-politicians were often taken up with the business of government. Mainstream politics has not Gender mainstreaming, proved to be an effective forum in which to men, and masculinity challenge gender inequality and promote Some contributions to this issue have made women's rights. In matters like land reform, reference to the importance of masculinity to which affect both women and men, building gender analysis, and to the importance of in a gender analysis has met with resistance. men in gender mainstreaming initiatives. Meanwhile, women's gender-specific concerns Considering masculinity as an issue in are still addressed, in the main, outside of gender and development work is a logical government. The South African women's outcome of changing terminology from WID movement has successfully organised to gender and development (GAD). For around issues such as abortion and violence some, this outcome is not welcome. GAD set against women. out to put a political edge on development Outside government, development targeted at women, and to emphasise the organisations with a political analysis of need to challenge inequality. But it has poverty are faced with particular challenges ended up being undermined by a focus on when they start to address gender inequality. men's experience of gender relations, which If development organisations base their threatens to divert attention from the global vision and working practices on a commit- picture of continued female marginalisation ment to ending unjust and unequal relations from power at every level of society. Of between the global North and South, course, local realities turn up examples of analyses of gender inequality within male powerlessness and poverty, in which Southern communities potentially weaken the experience of particular men or boys is the power of this message. Added to this, shaped by their gender identity. Gendered such commitments to empowering marginal expectations of men can make extreme and groups are not always genuine: populist appalling demands on individual men who approaches are not always radical cannot live up to what society expects of approaches (Pieterse 1998), and gender them. In such contexts, development organi- equality is a radical aim. Elizabeth Harrison sations are presented with the choice to observes that 'development agencies are not spend resources on addressing male gender in the business of promoting political issues. What is critical is that resources are realignments or supporting revolutionary not diverted from women, and that in struggles' (1995, 41). Aruna Rao and David addressing male gender issues, a commit- Kelleher, in their article in this issue, suggest ment to gender equality remains non- that development organisations contain negotiable.2 within their 'deep structure' a conservatism Men are also critically important as a reflecting their administrative and technical constituency which can either make or break concerns, which should be uncovered and the success of gender mainstreaming. Editorial

In their article, Senorina Wendoh and Tina equal attention to the empowerment of Wallace point out that in many contexts women as agents of their own destiny, and working with men, particularly powerful structural gender equality. men in community leadership roles, is essential to the success of gender main- streaming initiatives. Notes 1 The Beijing Platform for Action mentioned the term 'gender main- Conclusion: women streaming' over 35 times (AWID 2004). subverting gender 2 Although some contributions do refer to mainstreaming the importance of men and Gender mainstreaming has, after ten masculinities, unfortunately we were years, had limited success. Integrationist unable to source contributions approaches have not succeeded completely specifically addressing this issue. Please in their comparatively modest aim of refer to past issues of this journal for addressing 'women's issues' within existing relevant articles. In addition, readers development agendas, while agenda-setting with experience on this issue are invited approaches have yet to be attempted in the to contact the editor to discuss possible vast majority of organisations. contributions to a future issue on this Gender mainstreaming needs to be seen topic. in perspective, as does planned develop- ment itself. Throughout history and across References the world, women have used the opportunities they see to gain access to the Association for Women's Rights in resources they need. Development organi- Development (AWID) (2004) 'Gender sations can offer women the chance to obtain mainstreaming: can it work for women's resources, which enable them to further rights?', Spotlight 3, November practical or strategic interests of different Cornwall, A. (2001) Making a Difference? kinds. This occurs regardless of the political Gender and Participatory Development, IDS intentions of the organisation. Discussion Paper No. 378, Brighton: However, development organisations Institute of Development Studies should not be complacent, leaving it to Elson, D. (1991), Male Bias In the women themselves to bring about changes Development Process, Manchester: in gender power relations. Gender equality University of Manchester is an intrinsic part of the vision of human Goetz, A.M. (1998) Getting Institutions Right development (Sen 1999). Development for Women in Development, London: Zed cannot be said to be just unless structural Goetz, A.M. (2004) 'Reinvigorating gender inequality is challenged and autonomous feminist spaces', IDS eradicated in all social, economic, and Bulletin, 35(4): 137-140 political institutions. Development organi- Harrison, E. (1995) 'Fish and feminists', IDS sations — both within and outside Bulletin 26(3): 39-48 government — have a key role to play. They Jahan, R. (1995) The Elusive Agenda: are important to individual women living in Mainstreaming Women in Development poverty as sources of money, information, London: Zed and other essential commodities. They are Kabeer, N, (1999), 'Resources, agency, also powerful voices in advocating for achievements: reflections on the structural change to end discrimination measurement of women's empowerment', against women as a sex. Gender main- Development and Change Vol. 30, streaming can only be brought about by pp. 435-64 10

Kardam, N. (1993) 'Development Pearson, R. (1999) 'Rethinking gender approaches and the role of policy matters in development', in T. Allen and advocacy: the case of the World Bank', A. Thomas (eds.) Poverty and World Development 21(11) pp.773-86 Development in the 1990s, Milton Keynes: Mayoux, L. (1998) 'Gender accountability Open University and NGOs: avoiding the black hole', in Pieterse, J.N. (1998) 'My paradigm or C. Miller and S. Razavi (eds.) yours? Alternative development, post- Missionaries and Mandarins: Feminist development, reflexive development', Engagement With Development Development and Change 29:343-73 Institutions, London: Intermediate Porter, M. (1999) 'Introduction: Caught in Technology Development Group the web?' in M. Porter and E. Judd (eds.) Miller, C. (1998) 'Gender advocates and (1999) multilateral development organisations: Porter, M. and Judd, E. (eds.) (1999) promoting change from within', in C. Feminists Doing Development: A Practical Miller and S. Razavi (eds.) Missionaries Critique, Zed: London and Mandarins: Feminist Engagement WithRao, A. Stuart, R., and Kelleher, D. (1999) Development Institutions, London: Gender at Work, Bloomfield: Kumarian Intermediate Technology Development Riddell, R.C. and Robinson, M. (1995) Non- Group governmental Organisations and Rural Molyneux, M. (1985). 'Mobilisation without Poverty Alleviation, Oxford: Oxford emancipation? Women's interests, the University Press/Clarendon Press state and revolution in Nicaragua', Sen, A. (1999) Development as Freedom, Feminist Studies 11(2), pp. 227-53 Oxford: Oxford University Press Molyneux M. (1991) 'The "woman United Nations (1997) 'Report of the question" in the age of perestroika', in R. Economic and Social Council for 1997', Blackburn (ed.) After the Fall, London: A/52/3,18 September 1997 Verso Young, K. (1993) Development Planning with Moser, C. (1989) 'Gender planning in the Women: Making a World of Difference, Third World: meeting practical and New York: St Martin's Press strategic gender needs', World Development 17(11) pp. 1799-825 11

Gender mainstream ing since Beijing: a review of success and limitations in international institutions Caroline Moser and Annalise Moser

The Beijing Platform for Action prioritised gender mainstreaming as the mechanism to achieve gender equality. A decade later, policy makers and practitioners are debating whether this has succeeded or failed. This article aims to contribute to this debate by reviewing progress made to date, through a review of gender mainstreaming policies in international development institutions. Categorising progress into three stages — adoption of terminology, putting a policy into place, and implementation — the article argues that while most institutions liave put gender mainstreaming policies in place, implementation remains inconsistent. Most important of all, the outcomes and impact of the implementation of gender mainstreaming in terms of gender equality remain largely unknown, with implications for the next decade's strategies.

n 1995, governments across the world appropriate today, and are measurement signed the Beijing Platform for Action. indicators sufficient? It is now an appro- IAlong with their endorsement of the Plan priate moment to address these and other of Action went a commitment to achieve critical issues relating to gender main- 'gender equality and the empowerment of streaming. women'. Gender mainstreaming (defined in This is no easy task. The purpose of this the next section) was identified as the most article is to begin to tackle this issue through important mechanism to reach this ambitious a review of the gender mainstreaming goal. Throughout the process, international policies of international institutions. It institutions have provided a variety of provides an assessment of progress to date support to governments and civil society in 14 international development institutions alike, be it analytical, institutional, or or organisations, including bilateral donors, financial in nature. international financial institutions (IFIs), A decade after the UN Conference on United Nations (UN) agencies, and non- Women, held in Beijing, practitioners around government organisations (NGOs).1 The the world are asking if gender main- review categorises progress in gender streaming has succeeded, while some mainstreaming in terms of the following sceptics are already talking of its 'failure'. three stages: This calls for a stocktaking of progress to • adopting the terminology of gender date. What have been the experiences of equality and gender mainstreaming; gender mainstreaming? Has the enormous range and diversity of activities ultimately • putting a gender mainstreaming policy had an impact on gender equality on the into place; ground? Are gender training methodologies • implementing gender mainstreaming. 12

This provides the basis for a synthesis taking account of gender equality in of progress, and the identification of administrative, financial, staffing, and limitations and gaps. It is hoped that these, other organisational procedures, thus in turn, will contribute to the development contributing to a long-term of new strategies for gender mainstreaming transformative process for the in the next decade. organisation in terms of attitudes, 'culture', goals, and procedures; Adopting the terminology gender empowerment: promoting of gender equality and women's participation in decision- gender mainstreaming making processes, as well as having their voices heard and the power to put At the international level, most develop- issues on the agenda. ment institutions have adopted the terminology of gender equality and gender mainstreaming, and are relatively consistent Putting in place a gender in its use. Among those that define gender mainstreaming policy2 equality, there is a general consensus that it refers to the recognition that women and In the past decade, the majority of major men have different needs and priorities, and development institutions have developed 3 that women and men should 'experience and endorsed a gender policy. Indeed, all equal conditions for realising their full those included in this review have endorsed human rights, and have the opportunity to such a policy. contribute to and benefit from national, political, economic, social and cultural Components of gender mainstreaming development' (CIDA1999). policy The majority of such gender mainstreaming Most definitions of gender main- policies share the following six key streaming across institutions adhere closely components, as summarised in Table 1: to those set out by the UN Economic and Social Council (UN 1997,28) as follows: • a dual strategy of mainstreaming gender combined with targeted actions Mainstreaming a gender perspective is the for gender equality; process of assessing the implications for women and men of any planned action, including • gender analysis; legislation, policies or programmes, in all areas • a combined approach to and at all levels. It is a strategy for making responsibilities, where all staff share women's as well as men's concerns and responsibility, but are supported by experiences an integral dimension of the design, gender specialists; implementation, monitoring and evaluation of • gender training; policies and programmes in all political, • support to women's decision making economic and societal spheres so that women and empowerment; and men benefit equally and inequality is not perpetuated. The ultimate goal is to achieve • monitoring and evaluation. gender equality. Three additional components — working with other organisations, budgets, and In addition, two further aspects of gender knowledge resources — are shared by a mainstreaming appear in some definitions, smaller number of institutions. namely: • the institutionalisation of gender concerns within the organisation itself: relating to Gender mainstreaming since Beijing 13

Table 1. Components and associated activities of gender mainstreaming policy4

Bilalerals IFIs UN System NCOs

Components Activities

D B CO ID B Sid a DFI D Hivo s CID A UND P Habita t UNICE F ACOR D UNIFE M Asia n AclionAi d OxfamG B

Dual strategy of Mainstreaming into policies, projects and X X X X X X X X X X X X X X 100 mainstreaming and programmes (all stages of cycle) targeting gender Actions targeting gender equality X X X X X X X X X X X X X X 100 equality Gender analysis Sex-disaggregated data and gender info X X X X X X 43 Analysis at all programme cycle stages X X X X X X X X X X X 79 Gender sensitive budget analysis X 7 Internal Responsibilities shared between a!l staff and X X X X X X X X X X X 79 responsibility gender specialists/focal points Gender Training Understanding and implementation of gender X X X X X X 43 policy for staff and counterparts Staff/counterpart gender sensitisation X 7 Staff/counterpart gender training/skills X X X X X X X X X X X X X 93 Manuals, tool kits X X X X X X 43 Support to women's Strengthening women's organisations through X X X X X 36 decision making and capacity building and training empowerment Support to women's participation in decision X X X X X X X X X X X X 86 making/empowerment Working with men for gender equality X X X X X X 43 Monitoring and Effective systems and tools for M&E X X X X X X X X X X X X X 93 evaluation Gender-sensitive indicators X X 14

Work with other Strengthening gender equality in work with X X X X X X X X X X 71 organisations government, donors, UN, private sector and NGOs

Capacity building of civil society X X X X X X 43 Support to national women's machineries X X X 21 Budgets Allocation of financial resources for staff to X X X X X X X SO carry out gender policy Knowledge resources Publications/knowledge base on best practice X X X X X X X 50 and effective strategies Networks X X X 21 Online data bases X X 14

Source: DFID (2000); Derbyshire (2002); CIDA (1999); Sida (1997); IDB (n.d.); ADB (1998); World Bank (2002); Sandier (1997); UN Habitat (2002); UNICEF (2000); UNDP (2002); ActionAid (2000); Oxfam GB (1993); Hivos (1996); ACORD (1999). 14

Most importantly, all organisations with national women's machineries. UN identify a dual strategy of mainstreaming agencies make use of networks and online gender equality issues into all policies, data bases to disseminate knowledge, and programmes and projects, combined with have an extensive system of gender focal supporting targeted actions for gender points within each agency. The UN is also equality (100 per cent). The majority unique in that it has several agencies or mention the need for gender training (93 per divisions dedicated to gender equality — cent), and for systems and tools for including UNIFEM, the Division for the monitoring and evaluation (93 per cent). Advancement of Women (DAW), and the Some form of gender analysis is identified Inter-Agency Network on Women and by 86 per cent, as is support for women's Gender Equality (IANWGE) — which active role in decision-making processes and provide support and co-ordination for the empowerment — mentioned by all except UN system. These last two entities were not the World Bank and the Asian Development included in Table 1, as they are not stand- Bank (ADB). Finally, the issue of the alone operational agencies. They provide responsibility for gender mainstreaming support for gender activities in other UN shows a combined approach, where all staff agencies, particularly through supporting share responsibility, but are supported by gender equality in co-operation with other gender specialists. Exceptions to this approach organisations, and providing a range of include the Inter-American Development knowledge resources. Bank (IDB) and ADB, and the UN agencies dedicated to gender. Institutionally, gender Policy constraints: the problem of specialists are often located within a instrumentalism centralised team, as well as 'embedded' in Although all institutions in this review have decentralised departmental and regional succeeded in developing an explicit gender offices. In an assessment of the NGO Hivos, policy, evaluations highlight as a constraint Dubel (2002) notes that this structure allows the issue of instrumentalism. Since gender for top-down (policy development and policy is generally formulated within a programmatic support) and bottom-up particular organisational context, with (policy operationalisation) processes. specific pressures, mandate and ideology, Other gender mainstreaming com- the gender policy and the organisational ponents less frequently cited include the mandate need to 'fit' (Razavi 1997). Here the need to identify the roles and respons- debate concerns the extent to which gender ibilities of staff (57 per cent), and equality policy should be developed as an strengthening gender equality in co-op- end in itself or, as advocates of instru- eration with other organisations (71 per mentalism argue, promoted as a means to cent). Half mentioned the generation and development. In this case poverty reduction distribution of best-practice publications, as is most frequently utilised as a useful well as attention to the allocation of platform. Advocates argue that this adequate resources. Just under half also promotes a win-win scenario, as in the 1995 cited capacity building of civil society, and Human Development Report phrase learning through manuals and tool kits, as 'development, if not engendered, is being important to gender mainstreaming endangered' (UNDP 1995). strategies. Three main arguments are used to Among types of institutions, minimal defend instrumentalism. First, it may be differences are apparent. Bilateral organi- inevitable, given the constraints of the sations report more activities concerned contexts within which feminist advocates with strengthening civil society and working operate. Second, in the 'real' world of Gender mainstreaming since Beijing 15 politics, compromises and strategic alliances the overall gender policy commitment are parts of reality. Finally, instrumentalism becomes less visible in the process of can be a way of subverting neo-liberal specifying project objectives, results, and discourse. Nevertheless, critics of an instru- evaluations (DAC 1998). The problem of mental gender engagement strategy argue policy evaporation can be due a number of that it risks depoliticising the transformative factors. These include lack of staff capacity nature of the feminist agenda (Miller and (exacerbated by the frequent use of — junior Razavi 1998), and presents problems when — consultants); organisational culture and there are conflicts between gender policy attitudes, including resistance to the notion and other issues. of gender equality; the treatment of gender equality as a separate process, which marginalises rather than mainstreams the Implementing gender issue; staff 'simplification' of the gender mainstreaming issue; and a lack of feeling of ownership of It is clear that most international develop- the policy (DAC 1998; Derbyshire 2002; ment institutions have put in place gender Valk 2000). mainstreaming policies. Therefore, it is at the However, as UNIFEM emphasises level of implementation that significant (Sandier 1997), ultimately gender main- challenges remain. As Heyzer (quoted in streaming is a process rather than a goal. Valk 2000) notes, Therefore, it may not make sense to argue that mainstreaming has failed. Rather, it is Through regional and international conferences, important to identify which aspects of we have achieved far-reaching agreements on gender mainstreaming are in place within gender equality. The challenge now is holding organisations, and which are the overall stakeholders —governments, UN agencies, the constraints to implementing a compre- private sector, and civil society — accountable hensive strategy. Implementation comprises for implementation. both institutional and operational inputs, Turning to the implementation of gender with the two closely interrelated. The outputs mainstreaming, most efforts are considered and outcomes/impacts of implementation inconsistent, and generally involve only a are measured in terms of greater gender few activities, rather than a coherent and equality (Moser 1995). Table 2 summarises integrated process. Sida, for instance, found these in terms of constraints identified in this that interventions showed only 'embryonic review as well as identifying data limit- evidence' of working with gender main- ations. This shows that, to date, assessments streaming processes (Mikkelsen et al. 2002). have focused more on institutional inputs Similar 'patchy' efforts towards gender than those relating to the process of mainstreaming were identified by Danida operational and programming imple- (2000), UNDP (Schalkwyk 1998), and two mentation. Finally the outcomes and impact reviews of NGOs (Wallace 1998; Mayoux of implementation in terms of gender 1998). equality still require far more attention. The Policy commitments to gender main- following section elaborates on the streaming frequently evaporate in planning constraints identified in relation to each of and implementation processes. An NGO these inputs. evaluation of DFID explicitly identified this as a constraint (MacDonald 2003; see also Longwe 1995; Derbyshire 2002). When this occurs, high-level commitments are not reflected in country or sectoral policies, and 16

Table 2. Implementation of gender mainstreaming policy

Implementation Constraints Evaluations of implementation, outcomes, input and data limitations

Institutional internal responsibility Extensive evaluation of implementation of organisational culture institutional components shows that significant resistance challenges remain. mechanisms for accountability gender training

Operational need for monitoring and Very few evaluations are available that address evaluation operational outcomes and impact on gender dilemmas with participation equality.

Institutional inputs realistically expect to achieve at the The majority of gender mainstreaming programme-level what we could not achieve evaluations focus on institutional inputs, in our own workplace?' (Oxfam 2003). An with attention from NGOs, bilateral agencies, organisational culture which is male-biased, and UN agencies, as well as more general in terms of attitudes, recruitment, working assessments. These raise a range of conditions, and structures and procedures, constraints including the following. 'discriminates against female staff and clients' (Valk 2000). Organisational culture Internal responsibility was mentioned as a constraint by NGOs Although most organisations have promoted a such as Oxfam, ActionAid Nepal, and those combined approach, where all staff share studied by Wallace, as well as UNDP, DFID, responsibility but are supported by gender and Eurostep agencies (Oxfam 2003; Rai specialists, success in gender mainstreaming 2000; Wallace 1998; Schalkwyk 1998; is still highly reliant on the commitment and MacDonald 2003; MacDonald et al. 1997). skills of key individuals, as identified for A study of the 'deep structures' of example in Hivos, DFID, and Sida (Hivos organisations identified how gender inequality 2001; MacDonald 2003; Mikkelsen et al. is perpetuated through the valorisation of 2002). In the UK, for instance, NGOs with heroic individualism; the split between gender specialists have made the most work and family; exclusionary power; and progress on gender issues (Wallace 1998). At the 'monoculture of instrumentality' (Rao the same time, when gender mainstreaming and Kelleher 2002). Many organisations still is the responsibility of all staff, gender issues have male-dominated senior management, can be diluted or disappear altogether, directors, and trustees, and gender through non-committed decision makers commitments in job descriptions are not and male resistance, while specialised rigorously pursued (Wallace 1998). In DFID, gender focal points can be marginalised for example, the target of having women in from mainstream activities (March et al. 30 per cent of senior civil servant posts is far 1999). Equally a gender unit at head office from being met (MacDonald 2003). In can be regarded by field staff as top-down or ActionAid Nepal, the gender imbalance was culturally coercive (Wallace 1998). so severe that they introduced a temporary Organisational culture women-only recruitment policy, which Programme success on gender equality and raised the percentage of women staff from 12 organisational culture are intrinsically per cent to 24 per cent (Rai 2000). Male- linked; as Oxfam staff asked, 'could we biased organisational culture can also Gender mainstreaming since Beijing 17 exclude women through the scarcity of high- organisation-level issues (Rai 2000; level job shares, extensive travel require- MacDonald et al. 1997). MacDonald et al. ments, and long work hours, all of which are (1997) provide a potential gender assess- difficult for women with dependent children ment framework for an organisation, (Wallace 1998). addressing mission and goal; strategy; products; structure; operations; decision Resistance making; planning, monitoring, and evaluation; Closely linked to organisational culture is communication; personnel; resources; the issue of (usually male) resistance. Staff organisational culture; and external context. working on gender issues were faced by resistance from senior management through Gender training to field staff, as well as 'cultural resistance' Interestingly, there was a consistently noted by ACORD and Eurostep agencies reported need for further and improved (Hadjipateras 1997; MacDonald et al. 1997). gender training at all levels. This was due to In Sida, it was found that resistance can resistance and negative attitudes towards come from conservative interests at the gender issues, and to a lack of staff political and institutional levels, as well as understanding about basic concepts, the from men at the institutional level relevance to their work, and how to (Mikkelsen et al. 2002). At the UNDP, gender mainstream gender into their work. These focal points recognised both active and was identified for example by Oxfam, passive forms of resistance (Schalkwyk ACORD, and DFID (Oxfam 2003; 1998). Some sectors and countries provide Hadjipateras 1997; MacDonald 2003). While more resistance than others (Danida 2000). training had been provided in the past, a This evidence suggests a need for work on high turnover of staff has meant that at any transforming attitudes, and for training. given point, many staff members have never received gender training. Mechanisms for accountability There is a widely acknowledged need for Gender training therefore needs to be not specific mechanisms of accountability, rather a one-off event, but ongoing and consist- than simply the general guidelines provided ently refreshed. It needs to be made more in policy statements. These include incentives specific or tailored to operational activities, for positive behaviour as well as appropriate clearly demonstrating its relevance to the sanctions (Wallace 1998; Hivos 2001; UN work that people do. There needs to be Inter-Agency Meeting on Women and follow-up in terms of 'trying out' the new Gender Equality [UNIAMWGE] 2001; CIDA skills. Gender training also needs to be more 2000; Rao and Friedman 2000). Related to culturally sensitive (Wallace 1998), with this is the fact that gender experts, including South-South training encouraged. focal points, advisers and others, are often junior staff and/or consultants who have Operational /programming outcomes little power to influence or advise (see and impact on gender equality Schalkwyk 1998). The review revealed far fewer assessments of operational aspects of gender main- There are few specific guidelines or streaming, including outcomes and impacts requirements, such as minimum standards, on gender equality — the ultimate goal of in order to move beyond the deterrence of an all-or-nothing approach, and few specific gender mainstreaming (see DAC 1998). The gender equality goals and targets in following constraints in particular were programme or project planning and design identified. (Mikkelsen et al. 2002; Hadjipateras 1997). Monitoring and evaluation There has also been a call for systems of The most commonly cited constraint at the monitoring and evaluation to be applied to operational level was the lack of effective, 18

consistent, and systematic monitoring and should be measured at various levels of evaluation of gender mainstreaming social aggregation, from the household, to outcomes and impacts. This was mentioned the community, to broader national, by Sida (Mikkelsen et al. 2002), Danida regional, and global levels. For example, in (2000), DAC (1998), Hivos (2001), the economic dimension, indicators of UNIAMWGE (2001), ACORD (Hadjipateras empowerment can include women's control 1997), Wallace (1998), and Mayoux (1998). over household income; their access to This lack of evaluation means that it is employment, credit, and markets; their difficult to know the effects of gender representation in high-paying jobs; and mainstreaming on gender equality and representation of their interests in macro- people's lives; as UNIAMWGE (2001) notes, economic policies. there is a need to link strategies with One of the few impact assessments was concrete outcomes. from Sida (Mikkelsen et al. 2002). It One of the challenges here involves evaluated the effects of interventions on identifying criteria for assessment, including gender equality in terms of the following appropriate indicators. Assessments often criteria: practical gender needs and strategic focus on input indicators such as the number gender changes; women's empowerment; and proportion of female beneficiaries, and and men, male roles, and masculinities. number of activities, rather than addressing Findings included the fact that all but two impacts or outcomes (Mayoux 1998; interventions addressed practical gender Hadjipateras 1997). The development of needs, and these in turn contributed to indicators on gender concerns presents strategic gender changes. Empowerment several challenges. One is the need for was rarely an explicit aim, but was a side uniform criteria, determined by consensus. effect in some interventions. Another is the difficulty of measuring In terms of successful strategies for changes in power and status. Such challenges promoting outcomes for gender equality, make impact assessment a lengthy, difficult, Sida (Mikkelsen et al. 2002) has identified the and costly process. following: Some of the recent work in this field has • Increased participation and access to concerned indicators of empowerment. A resources contribute to practical gender comprehensive study by Malhorta, Schuler, needs. and Boender (2003) employs Kabeer's (2001) definition of empowerment ('the expansion • Visible and specific gender equality in people's ability to make strategic life goals contribute to strategic gender choices in a context where this ability was needs. previously denied to them'). The study • The possibility of positive changes are synthesises a range of indicators used to increased when there is flexible measure women's empowerment. While programme design and development, these relate to women's empowerment in with goals and targets being general terms, rather than as an outcome of implemented during the life of the specific development interventions, the programme. study raises some interesting issues such as • Ownership of gender equality by the the need for multiple indicators and host institution is important. triangulation, and combining qualitative • Participatory approaches and dialogue and quantitative indicators. They suggest are needed. that women's empowerment needs to occur along six different dimensions: economic, ACORD (Hadjipateras 1997) used the socio-cultural, familial/interpersonal, legal, Longwe framework to assess impact on political, and psychological. Each of these gender equality in terms of welfare, access to Gender mainstreaming since Beijing 19 resources, conscientisation, participation, Does their presence simply legitimise and control. The greatest gains for women decisions made by men? What if women overall were in the spheres of welfare, access make decisions that appear to reinforce their to resources, conscientisation, and to a lesser subordination? What of the differences extent participation. There was limited among women? Whether and how gender impact on the 'ultimate level' of control. issues are raised in participatory processes Other indicators include participation in often depends on the agency, assumptions, decision making, and men and women and understandings of those who shape the benefiting equally, used by Oxfam in Sierra process, whether field researchers or policy Leone (2003); and practical gender needs makers. and an increase in equality of opportunity, Guijt and Shah (1998) argue that the use influence, and benefit, suggested by DFID of 'community' as a unit of analysis or (Derbyshire 2002). At the macro level, intervention has often led to social hier- composite indicators measure gender archies and gender differences being equality, for example, the Millennium overlooked. Here issues of power can be Development Goals' indicators,, and the forgotten, and empowerment simplified to Gender-Related Development Index. raising issues with local people, but not following through with transformative Women's participation strategies: a process which is ultimately not There are important dilemmas inherent in empowering. To address these issues within promoting women's participation. As both gender and participation, three areas of DAC (1998) and UNIFEM (Sandier 1997) attention are called for: conceptual clarity, state, gender mainstreaming should not be appropriate and consistent methodologies, concerned with simply increasing women's and organisational support and institutional participation, but with the terms of their consistency. participation. Increasing women's partici- pation is not always beneficial for women. Many NGOs show a bias towards mobilis- Conclusions ation of women's unpaid labour as an There is still no consensus on the failure or example of women's participation, often success of gender mainstreaming at the yielding negligible benefits for women and international level, with documentation in using their time (Moser 1993). Evidence also the public domain both fragmented and suggests that participation is often limited to arbitrary. What is clear is that, for the most the formation of participatory groups at the part, international institutions have put in local level in specific projects determined place gender mainstreaming policies. In from the outside. Grassroots constituencies terms of the implementation of those have little influence over decision making at policies, however, the evidence is mixed. other levels of the organisation (ibid.). The majority of evaluations have concerned Cornwall (2003) argues that while the institutional inputs, with varying successes ethics of gender and development, and and limitations identified. By contrast, of participatory development, concern very few assessments have addressed the challenging and changing relations of power operational and programming imple- and agency, in practice they can simply mentation of gender mainstreaming. Above exacerbate existing exclusion and unequal all, the outcomes and impact of imple- gender roles. Requiring that women are mentation in terms of gender equality are represented or consulted is necessary but still largely unknown. Thus, the next decade not sufficient: are their voices actually calls for a twofold strategy: implementation heard? Is the participation of a particular of gender mainstreaming (with far greater woman representative of women in general? transparency in terms of documentation), 20

and the development of more robust Notes evaluations of output and outcome processes. So while progress has been made, the next 1 A systematic analysis was conducted of decade will provide the real test of gender the following organisations: DFID (UK mainstreaming in practice. Department for International Develop- ment), CIDA (Canadian International Development Agency), Sida (Swedish Caroline Moser is a social anthropology/social International Development Agency), the policy researcher affiliated to ODI, London and World Bank, the IDB (Inter-American Brookings Institution, Washington DC. Current Development Bank), the ADB (Asian research includes inter generational asset Development Bank), UNICEF (United building and poverty reduction strategies, with Nations Children's Fund), UNDP fieldwork in Ecuador; women's organizations in (United Nations Development Pro- peace processes with capacity strengthening in gramme), UN Habitat, UNIFEM (United Colombia; and gender mainstreaming audits in Nations Development Fund for Women), the Beijing plus 10 context. Oxfam GB, Hivos (Humanitarian Address: 4841Albemarle Street NW, Washington Institute for Development Cooperation), DC 20016, USA. ActionAid, and ACORD (Agency for Co- Email: [email protected] operation and Research in Development). The background review relied entirely Annalise Moser is a Programme Specialist with on available documentation. The UNIFEM, working on gender and conflict absence of a particular concept or prevention in the Solomon Islands. She has a component does not necessarily mean PhD in social anthropology, and Itas worked as a that it does not exist within the consultant on women and peacebuilding, human organisation, but that it was not rights and gender-based violence. Address: mentioned in the documentation. UNIFEM, Q PO Box 1954, Honiara, 2 This review distinguishes between a SOLOMON ISLANDS. policy as the statement of intended Email: [email protected] commitment and action, and a strategy as the range of activities or measures designed to ensure the implementation of a policy. It is necessary to note that many organisations do not make such a clear distinction, using the terms inter- changeably. 3 Not all international institutions have such a policy. One study (Wallace 1998) found that only four of 17 UK NGOs had incorporated gender awareness into policies and procedures. 4 As specified in particular gender mainstreaming policies and strategies. Gender mainstreaming since Beijing 21

References Hivos (1996) 'Hivos Policy Document: Gender, Women and Development', ACORD (1999) 'Gender Equality: Policy, The Hague: Hivos Good Practice Guidelines and Action Hivos (2001) 'Report Gender Self- Plan for ACORD 2000-2003', London: Assessment of Hivos Gender, Women ACORD and Development Policy (1997-2000)', ActionAid (2000) 'Gender Policy', London: The Hague: Hivos ActionAid IDB (n.d.) 'OP-761 Women in ADB (1998) 'Policy of Gender and Development', Operational Policy, Development', Manila: ADB Washington, DC: IDB CIDA (1999) 'CIDA's Policy of Gender Kabeer, N. (2001) 'Reflections on the Equality', Hull, Quebec: CIDA measurement of women's empower- CIDA (2000) 'Accelerating Change: ment", in Discussing Women's Empowerment: Resources for Gender Mainstreaming', Theory and Practice, Sida Studies No. 3. Hull, Quebec: CIDA Stockholm: Novum Grafiska AB Cornwall, A. (2003) 'Whose voices? Whose Longwe, S. (1995) 'The evaporation of choices? Reflections on gender and policies for women's advancement', in participatory development', World N. Heyzer (ed) A Commitment to the Development 31(8): 1325-42 World's Women: Perspectives on DAC (1998) 'DAC Source Book on Development for Beijing and Beyond, New Concepts and Approaches Linked to York: UNIFEM Gender Equality', Paris: OECD MacDonald, M. (2003) 'Gender Equality Danida (2000) 'Gender Equality in Danish and Mainstreaming in the Policy and Development Co-operation: A Practice of the UK Department for Contribution to the Revision of Danish International Development', London: Development Policy', Copenhagen: Womankind Danida MacDonald, M., E. Sprenger and I. Dubel Derbyshire, H. (2002) 'Gender Manual: A (1997) Gender and Organizational Change: Practical Guide for Development Policy Bridging the Gap between Policy and Makers and Practitioners', London: Practice, Amsterdam: Royal Tropical DFID Institute DFID (2000) Poverty Elimination and the Malhotra, A., S. Schuler and C. Boender Empowerment of Women: Strategies for (2003) 'Measuring Women's Empower- Achieving the International Development ment as a Variable in International Targets, London: DFID Development', paper presented at the Dubel, I. (2002) 'Challenges for Gender ICRW Insight and Action Seminar, Mainstreaming - The Experiences of Washington, DC, 12 November 2003 Hivos', paper presented at Women's March, C, I. Smyth and M. Mukhopadhyay Worlds 2002, Kampala, 21-26 July 2002 (1999) A Guide to Gender-Analysis Guijt, I. and M.K. Shah (eds.) (1998) The Frameworks, Oxford: Oxfam GB Myth of Community: Gender Issues in Mayoux, L. (1998) 'Gender accountability Participatory Development, London: and NGOs: avoiding the black hole', in Intermediate Technology Publications C. Miller and S. Razavi (eds.) Hadjipateras, A. (1997) 'Implementing a Missionaries and Mandarins: Feminist gender policy in ACORD: strategies, Engagement with Development Institutions, constraints, and challenges', Gender and London: Intermediate Technology Development 5(1): 28-34 22

Mikkelsen, B., Freeman T., and Keller B. Sandier, J. (1997) 'UNIFEM's Experiences in (2002) 'Mainstreaming Gender Equality: Mainstreaming for Gender Equality', Sida's Support for the Promotion of New York: UNIFEM Gender Equality in Partner Countries', Schalkwyk, J. (1998) 'Building Capacity for Stockholm: Sida Gender Mainstreaming: UNDP's Miller, C. and S. Razavi (1998) Experience', New York: UNDP 'Introduction', in C. Miller and S. Razavi Sida, (1997) 'Sida's Action Program for (eds.) Missionaries and Mandarins: Promoting Equality between Women Feminist Engagement with Development and Men in Partner Countries: Policy, Institutions, London: Intermediate Experience Analysis, Action Plan', Technology Stockholm: Sida Moser, C. (1993) Gender Planning and United Nations (1997) 'Report of the Development: Theory, Practice and Economic and Social Council for 1997', Training, London: Routledge A/52/3,18 September 1997 Moser, C. (1995) 'Evaluating gender UNDP (1995) Human Development Report, impacts', New; Directions For Evaluation Oxford: Oxford University Press 67(Fall): 105-118 UNDP (2002) 'Gender Equality: Practice Oxfam GB (1993) 'Oxfam GAD Policy,' Note', New York: UNDP Oxford: Oxfam UN Habitat (2002) 'Habitat's Gender Oxfam (2003) links May 2003 Policy', Kenya: UN Habitat Rai, S. (2000) 'Gender and ActionAid UNICEF (2000) 'Equality, Development Nepal', in H. van Dam, A. Khadar and and Peace', New York: UNICEF M. Valk (eds.) Institutionalising Gender UN Inter-Agency Meeting on Women and Equality: Commitment, Policy and Practice,Gender Equality (2001) 'Report: A Global Sourcebook, KIT Publishers and Workshop on Approaches and Oxfam GB: Netherlands and Oxford Methodologies for Gender Main- Rao, A. and Friedman, M. (2000) streaming', New York, 27 February- 'Transforming institutions: history and 2 March 2001 challenges: an international perspective', Valk, M. (2000) 'Introduction: in H. van Dam, A. Khadar and M. Valk commitments to women and gender', in (eds.) Institutionalising Gender Equality: H. van Dam, A. Khadar and M. Valk Commitment, Policy and Practice, A Global(eds.) Institutionalising Gender Equality: Sourcebook, Netherlands and Oxford: KIT Commitment, Policy and Practice, A Global Publishers and Oxfam GB Sourcebook, Netherlands and Oxford: KIT Rao, A. and D. Kelleher (2002) 'Unravelling Publishers and Oxfam GB Institutionalised Gender Inequality', Wallace, T. (1998) 'Institutionalising gender Occasional Paper Number 8, AWID in UK NGOs', Development in Practice Razavi, S. (1997) 'Fitting gender into 8(2): 159-72 development institutions', World World Bank (2002) 'Integrating Gender into Development 25(7): 1111-26 the World Bank's Work: A Strategy for Action', Washington, DC: World Bank 23

Gender mainstreaming or just more male-streaming? Experiences of popular participation in Bolivia Suzanne Clisby

The Law of Popular Participation (LPP) in Bolivia can be seen as the first significant attempt by policy makers in the region to mainstream gender into a national development initiative. The LPP seeks to devolve power and resources from the national to the local level. It is the first Bolivian law to be explicitly couched in gendered terms, and aims to increase the prominence of women in local political and development spheres. However, as I suggest in this article, in some respects the LPP has actually had the effect of displacing women from the very site of their traditional forms of political activism, at community level. As greater status, power, and resources have been devolved to politics at this level, men have become more prominent in this previously neglected, 'feminised' sphere. The article argues that, to some extent, the goal of mainstreaming gender into national development via the LPP was missed. Reasons include a lack of effective and systematic gendered analysis of the structural barriers to women's participation, and the failure to support gender mainstreaming, and women's participation, through capacity building at all levels.

he term 'gender mainstreaming' has becomes little more than fashionable become common parlance in develop- semantics co-opted by politicians and policy Tment policy documents in recent makers, and that women will actually lose years. The Fourth World Conference on out in the longer term. When terminology Women in Beijing in 1995 was a critical becomes accepted at a policy level without forum at which a commitment to integrating the corresponding implementation and a gender perspective in all forms of structural transformation, it can serve to development and political processes was blunt demands, in this case women's demands, drawn up in the Platform for Action (PfA) for change. It can also elicit responses along (United Nations 2001). This commitment to the lines of, 'we've done that, it's been dealt an integration of a gendered perspective at with, you no longer have legitimate grounds all levels subsequently became labelled for complaint'. gender mainstreaming. It has become a major With this in mind, this article provides a global strategy for ensuring the incorp- critical analysis of an attempt to mainstream oration of gender perspectives and the gender into a potentially radical political promotion of gender equality in all areas of reform that has been rolled out across social development (Neimanis 2003). Bolivia since the mid-1990s. The LPP — also However, much more work still needs to known as the People's Participation Law, or be done to translate the policy rhetoric into Law 1551 — has attracted significant inter- grounded reality. Indeed, unless gender national attention and is generally heralded mainstreaming is genuinely translated from as a groundbreaking force for enhanced rhetoric to reality, there is a danger that it citizenship, democratisation, and much- 24

needed community development. Indeed, The 'beautiful dynamic' of over the past decade there has been a popular participation? tangible sense of both increased empower- ment and of greater enfranchisement into The Bolivian LPP was implemented from regional and national political processes 1994, and so precedes the Beijing Platform among local actors (Imparato and Ruster for Action, and the subsequent focus on 2003; Byron and Zolezzi 2003; Booth and gender mainstreaming. In this regard, the Piron2004). LPP could be seen as particularly forward- Nevertheless, in all the excitement thinking, in that it is a law that was written that the LPP has generated about people's with an explicit intent to integrate gender participation, far less attention has been paid awareness and gender equality into the to the actual gendered dynamics of the law. political process. As I suggest here, the LPP fell short of its Lauded as the most important and potential to effectively mainstream gender successful of a series of reforms initiated in into the political processes, for two key the late 1990s, the LPP instituted democratic reasons. First, there was a lack of attention municipal government on a nationwide paid to gendered analyses of both practical basis for the first time (Booth and Piron and strategic1 barriers to women's partici- 2004). In its own words, it sets out to: pation at the policy level. Second, there was secure improvements in the quality of life of a failure to provide adequate and systematic Bolivian women and men, with a more just capacity building to facilitate women's distribution and better administration of public participation at local and regional levels. As resources. To strengthen the political and a result, rather than encouraging women's economic instruments necessary in order to greater participation and decision making, perfect representative democracy, facilitating the LPP has in some cases had the reverse citizens' participation and guaranteeing equality effect of pushing women out of local spaces of opportunity in terms of representation of in which they were previously involved in women and men (Secretan'a Nacional de community development. Moreover, as Participation Popular 1994, 2). Lind (2002) states, since the popular partici- pation measures were introduced, the The LPP created new layers of locally elected percentage of women politicians and in municipal government, and devolved 20 per some cases of women's organisational cent of national tax revenue to the local level participation has actually decreased. In for participatory community development. addition, she argues, It divided the country into over 300 new municipalities, each with its own locally even when women's organizations participate in elected leadership, within which local these new structures, they may gain visibility organising committees — known as Territorial but they do not necessarily gain political or Base Organisations (OTBs, also referred to as economic power. An unintended consequence of Area-Based Community Organisations or decentralization is that some women's ABCOs) — were established. The OTBs in organizations have lost out or been left without each community tend to be pre-existing funding or support (Lind 2002, 242). socio-territorial organisations such as neigh- bourhood committees {juntas vecinales), and While there is some evidence that this may 2 be a transitional phase, and one which ayllus, or other forms of indigenous women are contesting with the support of territorial organisations officially recog- local and international NGOs, it is never- nised by the municipal government as theless important that generalised state- representative of a given community or ments about the success of popular area. These local committees are responsible participation do not go unquestioned. for producing the annual community Gender mainstreaming or just more male-streaming? 25 development plans (the Plan Annual Operativourban and 12 rural municipalities for specific or PAO) and acting as the interface between short-term interventions to promote gender local and municipal governance. The awareness in the planning processes. The municipal government should then use its Sub-Secretariat worked on assessments of allotted tax revenue to fund the develop- gender needs, trained women's rights ment initiatives set out in the community's promoters, and developed Legal Advice plan.3 Centres in the urban areas. One of the Although remaining rather vague as to selected municipalities, Entre Rios, in the the specific composition of the community southern Department of Tarija, is offered committees, all paragraphs in the law here as a good example of what can be indicate that both men and women should achieved when the LPP is applied under be considered eligible and equal partici- favourable conditions. According to the pants. Proponents of the LPP argue that former head of the Gender Affairs Sub- these features give the law a progressive Secretariat, the LPP implementation in Entre thrust in the area of gender relations.4 It is Rios has created a 'beautiful dynamic'7 in also believed that, since popular partici- which many traditional relationships of pation is centrally concerned with ethnic and gender oppression have come to improving local social services — areas in be questioned seriously for the first time which women in both urban and rural areas (Booth et al. 1996). In Entre Rios, the are normally more concerned than men — favourable conditions include a strong local the implementation of the law has provided Guarani8 women's organisation, a powerful a favourable context for the development indigenous people's organisation, and well- and increased visibility of women's public trained facilitators from the Gender and roles at the local level.5 Rural Sub-Secretariats, which work together The real significance of the LPP is that it with local NGOs. The non-governmental does provide a genuinely legal basis for Legal Services Network in Entre Rios was women's political participation in local and used to publicise the opportunities available regional governance. Rather than simply under the LPP, while also carrying out work relying on normative entitlements, Bolivian on human rights issues. women have explicit legislative entitlement A second positive example comes from through the LPP to participation in structural Cochabamba city, the third largest urban decision-making processes. centre in the country. Here, there is a markedly greater participation of women in the OTBs than one finds in rural regions. The impact of the LPP According to municipal government figures, To some extent, the LPP has provided approximately 20 to 30 per cent of the OTB avenues for the increased participation and leadership is female, compared with, for visibility of women in decision-making example, less than one per cent in rural areas processes at both community and municipal within the Cochabamba Department as a levels. Several positive examples exist of the whole.9 This can largely be accounted for by ways in which women are moving into the the presence of both a relatively powerful spaces created by the law, and beginning to Women's Civic Committee,10 and several exploit its possibilities. NGOs working specifically towards the Under the LPP, municipal plans are promotion of women's rights within the city expected to include 'women's concerns'.6 itself. These women's organisations have In an attempt to give substance to this lobbied the municipal government to provision, the Gender Affairs Sub- promote the introduction of 'Gender Secretariat within the Ministry of Human Secretaries' within the OTBs. Their remit is Development decided in 1995 to target 12 to raise issues of gendered equality of 26

opportunity at the community level, and drafters of the LPP required greater under- encourage women's greater participation in standing of the structural barriers preventing the decision-making processes of the LPP. women from taking advantage of the This is a positive step towards gender opportunities for participation provided by mainstreaming, with this role accounting for the Law. the majority of the percentage of women in leadership positions in the OTBs. Lack of time Overall, these examples indicate that, The first structural barrier is lack of time. On with the right kinds of intervention, popular a practical level, women have less time than participation has the potential to act as a men to participate in political processes. catalyst for positive transformations in Their multiple roles and responsibilities for gender relations. Having said this, there are reproductive and productive work lead to still challenges. For example, there is still a their being differentially time-poor. As a long way to go before the Gender Secretaries result, women felt they had little or no time make a significant impression. I found, for to spare to become involved in the LPP, example, that this new leadership role is regardless of their commitment to doing so. accorded little real importance within the Women's additional roles as community OTBs themselves — possibly the reason why mangers, including their roles within women's community groups such as the no men have stood for election to this 12 position — and that the role of Gender clubes de madres or mothers' clubs, tended Secretary remains vague or unheard of in the to be overlooked. These roles were not minds of the community members.11 perceived, by either men or women, as Furthermore, the LPP has not had a positive 'political' and so were accorded little social impact for all women, even in areas in which status. As Moser states: good work is now being done, and in many The fact that men are more likely to be involved areas this work is lacking altogether. in community politics means tlwt the In the following section, I highlight some participation of local women as community of the gendered dynamics of the LPP and its managers is frequently either invisible or not implementation at the local level. Then, valued. However, there is also a negative side to moving from the particular to the more women's participation. Wliile their participation general, I focus on some of the flaws in the is often crucial for project success, this is based gendered dimensions of the LPP at the point on the assumption that women have 'free time' of inception. [...] Wlien women fail to participate, it is not women who are the problem [...]. It is a lack of gender-awareness of planners about the different Barriers to gender roles of men and women in society and the fact mainstreaming: urban that women have to balance their time allocation women's experiences in terms of three roles (Moser 1993,103). Structural inequalities and constraints Gendered equality of participation may be arising from differences in women's and written into the text of the LPP, but, unless men's gender roles and expectations create this participation is practically and strategic- both practical and strategic barriers to ally facilitated, women's involvement is effective gender mainstreaming in develop- made particularly difficult. For example, for ment processes. The following examples are women to find the time to participate, they based on ethnographic research conducted first have to perceive themselves, and be in urban and peri-urban neighbourhoods on perceived by others, as having 'free time' for the outskirts of Cochabamba city in 1997. such purposes. This time is a strategic They illustrate the ways in which the gender need, in Moser's terms (1993). Gender mainstreaming or just more male-streaming? 27

In addition, the meetings have to be held at 530am. At 2pm I wash the clothes, clean the times that fit into women's daily routines: a house, then I return here to sell again at 4pm practical gender need (Moser 1993). The until night. At night 1 go home to cook dinner or following extracts are from interviews with sometimes we eat here in the market. I go to bed women who live and work in the resource- at 10pm. I have three sons [...]we are six in all. poor neighbourhoods of Barrio Colquiri and My husband works as a seller in the centre of Ville Sebastian Pagador. town so he doesn't have time to work in the Lourdes13 is Quechua, originally from a house [...] I haven't participated in the junta mining family on the Altiplano, but has lived vecinal. [The President] doesn't tell us when in Barrio Colquiri for over ten years. She is a there are meetings unless it's very important. nurse by training but now spends her time Those of my neighbourhood, we know almost looking after her four children, plus two nothing. We have heard about the Law [LPP] but from her husband's previous marriage. She I don't know very well what it is. They say it is continues to provide unofficial health care going to be good for us but I didn't find out a lot within the community. Her husband is a car about it. I haven't heard of the PAO [Plan mechanic in a small garage near the centre of Annual Operativo]. I haven't participated in Cochabamba. Lourdes has been going to the anything like that' (Ville Sebastian Pagador, neighbourhood club de madres for approx- June 1997). imately three years and is now treasurer of These interview extracts illustrate the ways the group: in which the gender division of labour, and 7 know about the junta vecinal but I don't women's and men's different uses and participate. 1 don't have time to go to the concepts of time, affect women's partici- meetings. [...] There are more men in the juntas pation in community politics, and hence the vecinales because women are more inhibited, they LPP. They also illustrate the ways in which inhibit themselves and they don't go to the genuine gender mainstreaming necessitates meetings. They have to cook, wash, so many a will to address barriers arising from such things to do in the house, whereas men dedicate differential socio-cultural expectations of themselves to their work outside, come home at gender roles and the lived realities of about 5 or 6 pm and then they can go to the women's lives. meetings, whereas women stay at home watching the kids. But it seems to me it doesn't have to be Ideological barriers to women in politics like that. We also have to participate. Little by What is also clear is that women, despite little women will participate more' their time-poverty, are actively involved in (Barrio Colquiri, March 1997). 'community' organising — thus termed as opposed to the men's 'political' organising. Lidia is the President of the club de madres in On an ideological level, the political sphere Ville Sebastian Pagador and a juice seller in is perceived as a male domain. Women's the neighbourhood market. She does not community organising is something that participate in the junta vecinal, and has little both the men and women in the knowledge of the LPP. Her daily routine neighbourhoods overlook — or rather, do again exemplifies the time-poverty that not apportion significant value to —despite many women experience. In spite of this, that fact that the work of the women's Lidia was the person who initially community groups is frequently both established and runs the neighbourhood implicitly and explicitly political. club de madres: An understanding of the power 7 leave the house to sell at 7am until 2pm. Before dynamics and experiences of individuals 7am 1 prepare the juices to sell. I wash clothes, and groups at both intra- and inter- clean the house, then I come to sell. I wake at household levels is crucial if the rhetoric of 28

gender mainstreaming is to be realised. greater political ambitions. As a result, Furthermore, as exemplified by the LPP, women now have to compete with men for planning and policy that is implemented spaces that were previously relatively without adequate understanding of such ignored because, 'now there is money in grassroots dynamics can fail to impact these local spaces men are taking more positively on key actors in a given target interest and so women are fighting not to get group, and, importantly, fail to understand pushed out'.14 the reasons for such problems. At these local levels, men always tended to be more visibly in control of decision Popular participation: making, through their acknowledged leaderships of indigenous, union, or neigh- missed opportunities for bourhood organisations such as the ayllus, gender mainstreaming? sindicatos campesinos^5 or juntas vecinales. A critique of many 'women in development' Whilst such organisations were ostensibly (WID) approaches to development is that responsible for lobbying for infrastructural they have 'tagged women on' to an existing local development, such as improvements in development process. This lack of a rigorous water supplies or roads, prior to the intro- gender analysis often reinforces or even duction of the LPP their efficacy was limited. extends gender inequalities for women. This was due to their relative lack of While the LPP was intended to formalise resources, and to the lack of status accorded women's political equality of participation to these 'feminised' local spaces at the macro through legislative reform — to give them political level. de jure political status — it largely ignored Women, on the other hand, were — and the pre-existing structures which deprived are — frequently the pro-active but largely women of de facto political power in the first invisible organisers and facilitators of place. Consequently, it has failed to address development and change at a community the fact that women are not necessarily in a level. This may be via formal membership of position to take full advantage of the social groups such as clubes de madres, in opportunities for political enfranchisement which women work together to, for provided through this law. example, improve family nutrition, provide The failure to mainstream a gendered informal welfare and health care, and create perspective throughout the process of community spaces such as playgrounds and planning and implementing the law has had gardens. It may alternatively be through the a number of negative repercussions. Most organisation of informal local networks, noticeably, what has occurred is that developing invisible safety nets amongst community organisation has become a resource-poor families in the absence of a political arena within which there is, for the welfare state.16 Since the 1980s there has first time, a genuine opportunity to control been a rise of neo-liberal reforms in Bolivia, a significant resources. There is also an subsequent pulling back of the State, and a opportunity to recognise and enjoy direct continued economic crisis. This all means structural relationships with municipal that the work of such socio-functional government, and national political parties. groups — both the formal and informal In other words, community-level develop- networks of predominantly women who ment and grassroots social organisation is engage in this often largely invisible now being accorded much greater impor- productive, reproductive, and community tance. It has become an arena in which local management work — has become under- leaders can make their mark, potentially able recognised. At the same time, as Lind (2002) to use this space as a stepping stone towards argues, this work is fundamental to the Gender mainstreaming or just more male-streaming? 29 national social structure. Women's community dominated community groups. Furthermore, organisations play a critical part in the socio- by according new powers and status (via economic development of the local arena, registration as OTBs) to the already male- but have attracted little acknowledgment of dominated territorial community organi- their roles at either the local or national sations, the LPP in some cases led to an political levels. increased polarisation of gender roles and The introduction of the LPP provided an powers at these levels. In other words, rather ideal opportunity for this (gendered) than a valorisation, increased visibility, and development work of women at community enhancement of women's roles at these level to become more formally recognised levels, men were able to appropriate these and resourced. This was not, however, the new, more powerful positions. In doing this immediate effect. Instead, what were trad- they further consigned the 'remnants' of itionally defined as female/feminised community organising and decision making spaces — as a result of their association with to women, with a concomitant reduction in the private /domestic /local spheres — are their relative status. now, through greater political power and In this respect, several criticisms could be resources, becoming an increasingly raised with regard to the lack of explicit contested environment. mechanisms written into the LPP, both to As mentioned above, for a community to guard against the male domination of these become part of the popular participation political spaces, and to promote equality of process they first need to register an OTB. opportunity in representation of women and One aspect of the Law is that these OTBs men. Other than the language of gender should be territorial organisations rather mainstreaming and recognition of women than functional. This raised an immediate within the legislation itself, the Law did not gendered bias in terms of who controlled the provide any special mechanisms or LPP at the local level. In Bolivia, there tend to incentives for changing gender relations in a exist certain types of community organi- positive direction. It could be argued that, sation, and these tend to have a marked whatever the existing radical potential of the gendered dimension. LPP, important opportunities were missed On the one hand, there are neighbour- to make it more directly powerful as a hood committees (juntas vecinales), indig- strategy to encourage the increased enous groups (e.g. ayllus), and union groups enfranchisement of women into community (e.g. sindicatos campesinos). These groups are and municipal leadership roles. perceived to be territorial, pertaining to a There were three broad thrusts to the given area or community, and are seen as the argument against more directly and tangibly more official representatives of a given targeting women in the LPP legislation.17 community. On the other hand there are First, at the time it was claimed that setting organisations formed around a particular quotas for the participation of women in the social function or interest, into which dubes OTBs would generate an unhelpful backlash de madres are placed. Whilst almost against an already controversially radical invariably pertaining to a given area or reform. A declaration of principle, on the community, these groups are not formally other hand, would provide a basis for a local regarded as territorial. It almost goes movement with sufficient support to move without saying that the former are over- ahead in an effective way. However, we whelmingly male-dominated and the latter have since seen the establishment of the female-dominated. 'Law of Quotas' in 1997, which does Thus, as it was written into the LPP that specifically set quotas for women as only territorial groups could be registered as candidates in national political parties OTBs, this automatically excluded female- (Booth, Clisby, and Widmark 1997). This 30

suggests that, political will allowing, the given barrio. It was claimed that this problem LPP could also have included certain targets stems from an objective reality of gender within its own legislation. relations in Bolivia, rather than from any A second argument for the lack of insensitivity to gender issues on the part of specific targets for women's participation the legislative team.20 This 'objective reality' being named was that higher rates of is that indigenous Andean traditions of illiteracy and lower levels of education domestic consultation are based on the among women presented serious obstacles concept of complementary gender roles: the to women's leadership participation that public/private spatial dichotomy. This, it is could not be legislated away.18 Issues of argued, leads to less purely patriarchal illiteracy and a lack of formal training do patterns of decision making than appears at pose problems when establishing new forms first sight (Taipinquiri 1996; Harris 2000). of governance and leadership, and women I find this fundamental premise flawed. are statistically over-represented in illiteracy However, for the purposes of this critique, tables. However, I would suggest that these even if we accept that the distinction between problems are by no means gender-specific, female-dominated functional groups and and do not constitute sufficient cause not to male-dominated territorial groups is a specifically target women as potential technically legitimate argument, it remains community leaders. problematic. In reality, community-based Indeed the same standard does not seem women's groups, although not officially to apply to male leaders. In Independencfa precluding membership by women from in the High Andes, for example, a Quechua different communities, do tend to be male counsellor was elected to the new overwhelmingly territorial in as much as municipal government. He spoke almost no they pertain to a given neighbourhood. Spanish (the official language of politics, in It would be a relatively simple matter to which all legislation is written), and had make these organisations officially territorial very little formal education, literacy, or 19 and, as such, qualify as OTBs on these training in leadership skills. There was no grounds. An argument against this was that, serious suggestion that only well-educated, whether territorial or sectoral, women's Spanish-speaking men should be allowed to community organisations do not represent stand for municipal government. Any such both men and women in a given neigh- suggestion would have been met with bourhood in the same way as juntas vecinales widespread outrage from the majority officially do. This is despite the fact that indigenous, rural communities across the juntas vecinales tend to be overwhelmingly country. Illiterate women are inherently no male-dominated organisations.21 There is less capable of leadership than illiterate men, an important and wider issue here: it and the way forward is to provide essential appears to be more acceptable for all-male or capacity building for all candidates, regard- less of gender. predominantly male committees to purport to represent the whole than it is for female- A third issue which most directly dominated groups to do so. discriminates against women's participation in the LPP is that of the definition and recognition of the OTBs. As discussed The evolution of gender above, the problem for the overwhelming mainstreaming in popular majority of women's organisations through- participation out Bolivia was that they were not deemed to qualify officially as OTBs, because they So, to return to the question posed in the were classed as neither territorial nor as title: is the LPP an example of effective representing the whole population of a gender mainstreaming or not? On the one Gender mainstreaming or just more male-streaming? 31 hand, the three arguments against more The LPP process has received support directly targeting women (discussed in the from a range of international government previous section) demonstrate the ways in and non-government agencies, and in some which, despite the rhetoric, the LPP reflects areas across the country there are now deeper, insidious gender biases operating several local and international NGOs working within society. We have seen how the LPP to build upon the gendered dimensions of can actually serve to reinscribe unequal the Law.22 One of the NGOs being supported gender relations through a series of biases is the Institute Femenina de Fomento y and assumptions written into the Law. The Formaci6n Integral (IFFI), a regional NGO LPP talked about gender mainstreaming, working in Cochabamba to promote but did not ensure that this actually occurred women's rights and provide training for by providing adequate capacity building in a women. It has been running a series of work- comprehensive and sustainable way. It shops to raise awareness among women of shied away from positive-action measures, their rights, responsibilities, and oppor- failed to incorporate an analysis of women's tunities available under the Law. In Ville and men's gender roles, and made Sebastian Pagador, for example, IFFI helped assumptions about women's capabilities a group of women to present their demands and their forms of community organising for development initiatives to be included in that discriminated against women from the the annual PAO. Their plans included a outset. Thus, despite the laudable intentions scheme for the construction of a community of the LPP, not enough was done at the and training centre. The male leadership of crucial stage of implementation to facilitate the OTB said their plans were unrealistic the equality of participation and decision because the zone had much more pressing making that it claimed to advocate. priorities, such as water and sewerage systems, This is not to say that the LPP has not which would require all the LPP funds for begun to break down the gendered barriers the next few years. Undeterred, the women to women's formal participation; indeed, in approached the Mayor directly and explained some cases, women have managed to exert their plans and the situation. The Mayor greater leverage. More broadly, the Law has eventually agreed to provide 50 per cent of generated a momentum of enhanced the necessary funding for the project, if they citizenship and participation which 'is were able to raise the other half. Examples acknowledged as something irreversible' such as this provide evidence of how, in (Jos6 Barriga, Vice Minister for Popular some areas, women are moving into the Participation and Municipal Strengthening, spaces created by the LPP and beginning to cited in Imparato and Ruster 2003, 326). exploit the possibilities of the Law. It is Despite its flawed beginnings, it does seem unlikely, for example, that without the LPP that something of a groundswell of action providing the institutional framework, the around capacity building, including some women from Ville Sebastian Pagador would work on gender issues, is occurring across have prepared a proposal which, although it the country. As more and more people did not make it through the official channels become aware of their rights under the LPP, of the LPP, reached the level of municipal increasing numbers of local actors are calling planning and became a future possibility. for these rights to be realised. As Veronica However, the LPP failed to integrate Cutipa, a community group leader in appropriate capacity-building mechanisms Cochabamba, points out, 'while before the into the legislation in an effective and system- Law we knew nothing, we have learned atic way. It has thus been left to both local something, at least to complain, to demand and international NGOs to step into this gap the rights that are ours by law' (cited in in recent years in ways that provide a patchy Imparato and Ruster 2003,326). and relatively ad hoc national picture. 32

Nevertheless, there are instances where level decision making, and within this, to the goal of gender mainstreaming in popular promote greater opportunities for gender participation in Bolivia is closer to being equality in participatory planning. realised. Although these instances do currently tend to be exceptions to the more general pattern, since women's participation Notes in the political sphere at any level remains 1 The distinction between practical and relatively limited, they nevertheless demon- strategic gender interests or needs has strate the possibilities that have been opened become an important reference point in up by the Law. What has also been demon- 'gender and development' (GAD) strated across the region is that, once aware discourses. See particularly Molyneux of their rights under the LPP, women (1985) and Moser (1993). are keen to become involved in decision 2 Ayllus are ancient forms of indigenous making. It is certainly not the case that, as I territorial organisation in the Andean was told by several male community region. Ayllus tend to be associated with leaders, 'women simply don't want to the Aymara, one of the largest 23 participate'. indigenous groups in the region and To mainstream gender concerns properly dominant on the Altiplano (Ticona et al. into popular participation is undoubtedly a 1995; Taipinquiri 1996; Vasquez 1998). long, slow process, which would call for Bolivia is unique among its South major political and financial investment American neighbours in that approx- over many years. However, the experience imately 60 per cent of its population is thus far has generated some interesting indigenous, with the largest groups dynamics. While the LPP has resulted in being Quechua (30 per cent) and some women being pushed out of develop- Aymara (25 per cent) (UNICEF 1994; ment processes at local levels, there have Freedomhouse 2004). also been tangible advances for other 3 For a fuller explanation of the LPP, see women's groups. As Lind (2002, 246) notes, Booth et al. 1996; Booth et al. 1997; Kohl 'some women's NGOs that are sub- 2003. contracted by the state have [...] benefited 4 Taken from interviews with the Gender to a large degree, in political as well as Affairs Secretariat between 1994 and financial terms. Such is the case of IFFI in 1997, and with Ivonne Farah, former Cochabamba.' She goes on, however, to Vice-Minister for Gender Affairs and sound a warning note: 'This perceived Sonia Montafio, formerly Sub-Secretariat power is not necessarily permanent, it of Gender Affairs, Ministry of Human depends on future political relationships Development, La Paz, 1996. and policies and IFFI may or may not retain 5 Taken from interviews with the this power.' Secretaria Nacional de Participation Lind is right to be cautious: as we have Popular and the Sub-Secretaria de seen at macro-development levels, it is all Asuntos de Genero, La Paz, 1995-7. too easy to provide a gendered discourse at 6 Law No. 1551, Law of Popular the policy level, but with little concomitant Participation, Article 14, 20 April, 1994. 'engendering' of development processes. It 7 Taken from an interview with Sonia seems clear that the LPP will not provide Montafio, La Paz, formerly Sub- proponents of gender mainstreaming with Secretariat of Gender Affairs, Ministry of a textbook example of success. However, Human Development, La Paz, 1996. there is significant energy and commitment 8 The Guarani are the third largest among both women and men across Bolivia indigenous group in Bolivia, with a to use the Law as a tool to strengthen local- population of approximately 5,000 Gender mainstreaming or just more male-streaming? 33

people concentrated in the eastern 13 Individual names have been changed. lowland Department of Chuquisaca. 14 Carmen Zabalaga, Co-ordinator of the However their territorial boundaries Instituto Femenina de Fomento y spread across Paraguay, Brazil, and Formacion Integral (IFFI), March 1997, Argentina and their total population is Cochabamba, Bolivia. estimated at approximately 80,000 15 Sindicatos campesinos, or peasant (Survival 2005). They have a distinct unions, are largely male-dominated language and culture, and Guarani was groups with significant power, given official language status in particularly in rural areas. Paraguay in 1992 in recognition of the 16 Bolivia is one of the poorest countries fact that it has been the dominant in Latin America, with 63 per cent of lingua franca there for centuries Bolivians living below the poverty line, (Wearne 1996). and 42 per cent (3.3 million) living in 9 Taken from interviews with Osvaldo conditions of extreme poverty. The Montaflo, Director de Gestion average annual income of poor people Territorial, Municipal Government of stands at $290, with 70 per cent of the Cochabamba, May 1997. population living on less than $2 a day 10 The Women's Civic Committee is a (Republic of Bolivia 2001). Bolivia is an sub-committee of the municipal Civic aid-dependent country in which, Committee and is largely made up of according to Nickson (2002, cited in prominent women in the city. The Booth and Piron 2004), the scale of Committee is dominated by women of financial and institutional aid depend- Mestizo and Spanish descent, with a ency is comparable to that of an higher socio-economic status than average African 'heavily indebted indigenous urban women. Those poor' country. In 2000, net assistance to involved tend to be educated, pro- the country stood at 5.8 per cent of fessional women who are also often GNP (Booth and Piron 2004) and the related to men within municipal budget deficit rose to 8.6 per cent in politics. The Women's Civic Committee, 2002, well above IMF limits (Byron and while technically non-governmental, is Zolezzi 2003). Wealth is concentrated in perceived as being linked to local the hands of five per cent of the government and sees its role as that of population, and levels of both poverty lobbying for both women's issues and and unemployment have worsened in wider social concerns to be addressed the past decade {ibid.). within municipal government. 17 Taken from interviews conducted with 11 Taken from ethnographic research a range of Bolivian commentators, conducted in Cochabamba during 1996 academics, and legislators between and 1997. 1994 and 1997. See also Booth et al. 12 Clubes de madres, or mothers' clubs, 1996; Booth et al. 1997. have a long history in Bolivia. They 18 Taken from interviews with the LPP primarily serve as a grassroots social legislators, the Secretan'a Nacional de and welfare-based support network for Participation Popular. women and their families across the 19 Taken from research conducted in nation. Clubes de madres can also have a Independencia in 1996. political edge and engage in political 20 Ruben Ardaya Salinas, Director de protest, lobbying for socio-economic Fortalecimiento Municipal, Secretan'a and political change. See, for example, Nacional de Participacion Popular, Lind 2002. La Paz, 1996. 34

21 According to the president of the II Evaluation Country Study: Bolivia', National Confederation of Neigh- La Paz: Canadian International Develop- bourhood Associations (CONALJUVE), ment Agency Juan Jos6 Diez de Medina, there is a Freedomhouse (2004) 'Freedom in the mandatory 50 per cent female quota in World: Bolivia', www.freedomhouse.org its appointments. This has not, (last checked by author March 2005) however, been translated into de facto Harris, O. (2000) To Make the Earth Bear participation in decision-making roles, Fruit: Ethnographic Essays on Fertility, and neighbourhood committees remain Work and Gender in Highland Bolivia, predominantly male-dominated. London: Institute of Latin American 22 Danish, Dutch, Swedish, Swiss, Studies Canadian, and US agencies are Imparato, I. and J. Ruster (2003) Slum supporting the LPP. The Canadian Upgrading and Participation: Lessons from International Development Agency Latin America, Washington: World Bank (CIDA), for example, approved 14 Kohl, B. (2003) 'Democratizing decentral- projects across the country between ization in Bolivia: the Law of Popular 1999 and 2003, worth $725,000, through Participation', journal of Planning its Gender Equity Fund (GEF). The Education and Research 23:153-64 GEF strategy is to encourage the Lind, A. (2002) 'Making feminist sense of incorporation of policies and resources neoliberalism: the institutionalization of for gender equity, and in June 2000 women's struggles for survival in CIDA established a gender equity Ecuador and Bolivia', Journal of programme in Cochabamba with six Developing Societies, 18(2-3): 228-58 participating local NGOs. Neimanis, A. (2003) Gender Mainstreaming 23 Drawing on ethnographic research in Practice: A Handbook, Regional Gender Programme of the United Nations (1995-7), I found this tended to be the Development Programme's Regional prevailing view of a range of male Bureau for Europe and the CIS community leaders in across the (UNDPRBEC), UNDP country. Molyneux, M. (1985) 'Mobilization without emancipation? Women's interests, state References and revolution in Nicaragua', Feminist Studies, 11(2), pp227-53 Booth, D., S. Clisby, and C. Widmark (1996) Moser, C. (1993) Gender Planning and Empowering the Poor Through Institutional Development: Theory, Practice and Reform? An Initial Appraisal of the Bolivian Training, London: Routledge Experience, Stockholm: SIDA/Stockholm Republic of Bolivia (2001) 'Bolivia Poverty University Reduction Strategy Paper', La Paz: Booth, D., S. Clisby and C. Widmark (1997) Government of Bolivia Popular Participation: Democratising the Secretaria Nacional de Participacion State in Rural Bolivia, SIDA/Stockholm Popular (1994) Ley de Participacion University, Stockholm Popular: Reglamento de las Organi- Booth, D. with L-H. Piron (2004) Politics and zaciones Territoriales de Base, La Paz: the PRSP Approach: Bolivia Case Study, Ministerio de Desarrollo Sostenible y Working Paper 238, London: Overseas Medio Ambiente, Articulo 1:2 Development Institute Survival (2005) 'Guarani", www.survival- Byron, G. and G. Zolezzi (2003) 'South international.org/guaranf, (last checked American Regional Gender Fund, Phase by author, May 2005) Gender mainstreaming or just more male-streaming? 35

Taipinquiri (1996) Cosmovision Andina: Vasquez, G. R. (1998) 'The Ayllu' in Apffel- Expresidn y sentimiento espiritual andino- Marglin/PRATEC (eds.) The Spirit of amazonico, La Paz: Centro de Cultura, Regeneration: Andean Culture Confronting Arquitectura y Art Western Notions of Development, London: Ticona, E., G. Rojas, X. Albo (1995) Votos y Zed Books Wiphalas: campesinos y pueblos originarios Wearne, P. (1996) Return of the Indian: en democracia, Laz Paz: Fundacion Conquest and Revival in the Americas, Milenio/CIPCA London: Cassell UNICEF (1994) Children and Women in Bolivia, La Paz: UNICEF United Nations (2001) 'Supporting Gender Mainstreaming: The Work of the Special Advisor on Gender Issues and Advancement of Women', United Nations, www.un.org/womanwatch (last checked by author March, 2005) 36

Freedom for women: mainstreaming gender in the South African liberation struggle and beyond Shamim Meer

The liberation struggle in South Africa highlighted racial and class oppression as key causes of poverty, inequality, and a lack of rights for most South Africans. Drawing on the language of the struggle, women political and trade union activists brought attention to their oppression and exploitation as women, and were able to place non-sexism alongside non-racism and democracy as key liberation principles. However, while men in these organisations ostensibly accepted the idea of non-sexism, they were not ready to change their behaviour or give up their power, and women activists met with ongoing resistance. During the negotiations for democracy, women drew on their experience of the years of struggle and were able to ensure a high proportion of women in parliament, influence the country's constitution, and advocate the establishment of State machinery to mainstream gender equality. However, in the post-apartheid era of reconstruction and development, both the demobilisation of protest movements and the emphasis on the technical aspects of development stand in the way of gender mainstreaming via the State.

Introduction Through their active involvement in the liberation movements and their careful It is important for us to unite women committed strategising, women activists were able to to a non-racial, non-sexist, democratic South shape the mainstream of political ideas. By Africa. Otherwise we will find ourselves in the the mid-1980s, despite dominant Marxist same situation as women from other countries in and nationalist views that women's rights the post-liberation era. After having struggled would divert and weaken the struggle together with their men for liberation, women (Wieringa 1995; De Mel 2001; Hutchful comrades found their position had not changed. 1999), non-sexism was made an aim of the We need to assert our position as women more mainstream struggle — at least at the level strongly now than ever before and we can only of language. However, although they won do that effectively as one, unified, loud voice. the support of some men in their efforts to (Feroza Adam in Meer 1998,124)1 mainstream women's rights within the A cornerstone of the national liberation liberation movements, women found that struggle in South Africa during the years of the gains they made were constantly under apartheid was mass mobilisation and mass threat. Their strategies were shaped not action. Entire communities took part in work only by their experience of apartheid stay-aways, workers engaged in strike capitalism, but also by the resistance of men action, students boycotted classes and in the liberation organisations. closed down academic institutions. Women Building on their activism during the engaged in all of these struggles as workers, years of struggle, women political activists students, and community members, and, as played a key role in the negotiation process they did so, they pursued an additional that marked the transition from apartheid struggle — the struggle for women's to a democratic South Africa. Women cam- liberation from oppressive gender relations. paigned for their inclusion in the negotiations. Freedom for women in South Africa 37

Through their participation, they ensured activists, women organised in separate that gender equality was enshrined in the community groups, in women's forums in new South African constitution, and that trade unions, and in women's wings of machinery to mainstream gender equality liberation movements. While struggles for was in place. liberation attacked the lack of civil and However, progress on gender equality political rights, women were successful in made during the transition has not inserting their demand for equality as automatically been transformed into women within these mainstream struggles. unambiguous gains for women within the post-apartheid era of development. Women organise in trade unions Women's organisations were demobilised, The mainstream liberation movements, led and were no longer a force to be counted on by men, had an interest in women's in efforts to mainstream gender equality. involvement because they needed to boost The shift from struggle to development has the numbers involved in the struggle to end resulted in technical approaches to what are the national and class oppression of black essentially always political problems: the people and workers. In the case of trade rights of workers, poor people, and women. unions, their bargaining power with It seems that, taken out of the arena of management hinged on their ability to sign struggle into the State and bureaucracy, up 51 per cent of the workers in a work gender equality has become a technical place as paid-up union members. Where concern. women constituted a sizeable proportion of the workforce, the union could only attain majority when women became union A history of women's members. It was thus important for the organising in the context of unions to recruit and sustain the struggles against apartheid membership of women workers. In establishing the right of women to join Women have a long and successful history trade unions and political organisations of organising in South Africa. Their alongside men, the principle of women's struggles ensured that gender equality equality was established. This allowed became a central concern in the years women to talk of equal rights in other leading up to the development of the post- spheres of their lives. As greater numbers of apartheid South African State. women entered the trade unions and In the 1960s, the severe repression of the community-based resistance organisations, apartheid State led to the outlawing of they began to raise concerns that could not resistance organisations such as the African be ascribed completely to the racist National Congress (ANC). But by the early apartheid State, or to capital. They spoke of 1970s trade unions, student and community- the problems they faced in their work places based organisations had mushroomed connected with equal wages, maternity across South Africa. In the 1980s local leave, and childcare. They spoke of the struggles in individual factories and isolated difficulties they experienced in being communities came together, and national activists. These included restrictions placed trade unions, student, civic, and women's on women's movement and time by movements were formed. These were able to boyfriends and husbands, their heavy grow despite State repression, including workloads arising from household responsi- states of emergency, bans, detentions, and bilities and paid employment, and the assassinations of political activists. attitudes of fellow workers, trade union In addition to being active in organi- officials, and leaders who saw them as sations as workers, students, and community inferiors — as 'tea makers instead of speech 38

makers'. They spoke of problems of sexual and the community. Many men at this harassment and rape in their homes, in their meeting found it difficult to accept that workplaces, and in their communities. working in one's own home for husbands In 1983 women brought the 'private' and children could be exploitation. As one concerns from their homes and communities man said: to the public attention of a national 'it is tradition among our people. It is education conference of the Federation of unacceptable to most of our people that a man South African Trade Unions (FOSATU) for should look after children and do the washing.' the first time. A speaker at this Conference, (ibid.) MamLydia Kompe, spoke of the problems she encountered as trade union organiser. Other men, however, supported the women Her fellow trade unionists saw her as trade unionists, as the following comments inferior, expected her to make their tea show. simply because she was a woman, and were 'We don't have to use tradition. If a man is home resistant to women in leadership positions. early he has all the rights to make the fire and In addition women faced obstacles in their cook for the children.' homes; the biggest obstacle in her own life was a husband who did not want her to '[I]fwe both go out to work, but when we get home it is my time to rest and my wife's time to attend union meetings. She spoke out carry on working, I don't think the struggle will against these practices, noting that: go on.' (ibid.) 'A woman is a human being... zue appeal for equal rights... We don't want to be inferior' One of the conference organisers, Grace (Meer 1998, 69). Monumadi, emphasised that women should not be scared and should act now to A second speaker, Tembi Nabe, highlighted break down divisions between women and the unfair division of domestic labour men workers, because: which consumed women's time. A woman 'we don't want to wake up in years to come to had to get up early to make tea for her find that women have been left out of the husband, prepare water for washing, make struggle.' (ibid.) the bed, wash the baby, take the baby to the child minder, prepare herself for work, get Women continued the discussion begun at to work and be harassed all day, perhaps as this conference over the following years, a domestic worker. Then at the end of the within their unions and the Federation. day she picked up the baby, cooked, They set up women's forums to support cleaned, washed, ironed. Even though her each other, and to strategise ways of husband was home, Tembi Nabe reported ensuring that women's equality would be that: taken up by the trade union movement. In their workplaces, women agitated for — 'he doesn't even think of fetching the baby. He and won — maternity benefits, thus makes it a point that every time he comes back advancing their reproductive rights. from work his little darling is next to him — Women brought their concerns to that is his bottle of whiskey or brandy' (ibid.). national gatherings of women,2 and to the In challenging deeply held ideas of National Congresses of the Federation. They women's roles and place in the home and changed the nature of the discussion in trade political activism, a vision of a different union congresses, making political struggles gender order was emerging, suggesting of 'personal issues' such as contraception, new ways of being women and men. The abortion, childcare, maternity, sexual notion of exploitation was extended into harassment, and domestic violence. They analyses of relationships within the home made calls that men should share childcare Freedom for women in South Africa 39 and housework, as the domestic burden on They aimed to increase women's skills and women did not allow them to participate in confidence, and do away with all forms of the economy and society. They also called discrimination based on sex. for fair wage employment policies and In 1990, the ANC women's section (who women's representation at all levels of the were in political exile, the ANC having been economy and society. They asserted that banned in the 1960s), women from UDF- there should be equal relationships between linked organisations in South Africa, and women and men in the Congress of South the Women's Committee of the Dutch African Trade Unions (COSATU)3 and in the Anti-Apartheid movement organised the country as a whole. They campaigned for Malibongwe Conference in Amsterdam. women in leadership, and they raised the The conference aimed to make sure that matter of sexual harassment and rape of women's freedom was part of the struggle women within the trade unions. for national liberation. It called for house- work and childcare to be shared by men and Women organise in communities women, reasoning that only then would Women in community and political women be able to take part fully in political organisations were able to change the activism. There was agreement that freedom nature of the discussions in these organ- for women would not be an automatic isations also. In addition to taking up outcome of national liberation, that cultural struggles around rent, water, and childcare, and traditional practices that oppress women campaigned against rape and women must be fought, and that in addition violence against women. to laws to protect women's rights there was a In 1986, the Port Alfred Women's Organ- need to change attitudes. The conference isation organised a stay-away from work to made a call that sexism be fought as protest at poor handling of a rape case by the seriously as racism. police: the rapist had not been charged. The women emphasised how important it is to Union men resist talk about rape and sexual assault openly. While the majority of men in the liberation They noted that sexual assault is 'another organisations accepted the notion of gender kind of oppression' (ibid., 81). In 1990, when equality along with worker rights and the gang rapes were on the increase, Soweto rights of black people, they did not expect church women marched in protest carrying women to challenge male sexual behaviour, placards which read 'sexual abuse is a crime or their prerogative to lead. Calls for against humanity' (ibid., 86). women's representation in leadership were At regional level, organisations such as resisted by COSATU men, despite the Natal Organisation of Women (in then continual demands from women, and it Natal), the United Women's Congress (in the was only in 1993 that COSATU had its first Western Cape), and the Federation of woman in national leadership. To this day, Transvaal Women (in the then Transvaal), COSATU has resisted calls for quotas for were formed in the early 1980s. They worked women in leadership. for the removal of all laws and customs that Resistance to confronting exploitative act against women. These organisations sexual behaviour of men in the unions was came together in 1987, in the United made clear when an affiliate, the Transport Democratic Front4 (UDF) Women's Congress. and General Workers' Union (TGWU), Their participation in the male-led UDF brought a resolution on a sexual code of educated members about women's oppression, conduct to the COSATU 1989 Congress. In and enabled women's concerns to be raised introducing the resolution, the male TGWU in all UDF meetings and organisations. president spoke out against what some men 40

saw as their unquestionable right. He called women's structures disband in the interests attention to a growing problem of the sexual of integrating women's concerns. Women exploitation of young women union resisted, arguing the necessity for organising members by senior male trade union separately as women. After much discussion leaders. The young women entered these the Congress decided to set up gender as serious relationships, but were soon forums, made up of women and men abandoned by the men, and this resulted in members, to function alongside the existing women members leaving the union. The women's forums (Lacom et al. 1992). resolution sparked four hours of heated Confusion over the different roles of gender debate in the male-dominated Congress, and women's structures had the effect of and was the only resolution not passed at the weakening women's organising efforts, and Congress. Some men felt that the resolution diverted attention from the issues that should never have been brought to Congress. women had thus far managed to bring into A minority believed that women's oppress- the mainstream of trade union forums. ion was a reality, and, like racism, needed The language of gender had entered the to be tackled head on. The compromise world of the trade unions in the late 1980s. reached was that the committee drafting a As COSATU women noted, without the general code of conduct for COSATU recognition of power imbalances, it shifted members would look into the issue. The the focus from the fact that men benefit from resistance of COSATU men to addressing the oppression of women, and that women sexual exploitation in their ranks was further are disadvantaged; it can blunt women's highlighted by the fact that it took seven struggle and disguise the fact that men must years after this Congress for COSATU to give up privileges; and it can result in men adopt a policy against sexual harassment. taking control of women's struggles, for In the face of such resistance, women example as the dominant actors and trade union members continued to organise ideologues in gender structures (ibid.). themselves in separate women's forums in COSATU women continued to argue the the unions affiliated to COSATU. However, need for women to lead the struggle for an these attempts to build their skills and end to women's oppression and exploit- confidence were constantly under threat. In ation, noting that to leave the struggle for 1988, plans to set up a national women's gender equality to men is like leaving the struggle against apartheid to whites: structure within COSATU were subverted by male leadership on the grounds that 'The motor for driving action on gender has to be this would undermine community-based women' (ibid., 50). women's organisations. At the 1990 Congress of the National ANC men resist Union of Metal Workers of South Africa Like COSATU women, ANC women found (NUMSA, a COSATU affiliate), male delegates resistance from men in the ANC to their argued strongly that women's structures calls for increasing the numbers of women should close down because they were not in ANC leadership. In 1990, there were no performing well. Women delegates pointed women among the six national office out that the education committees (of which bearers of the ANC, and women made up the women's structures were a part) were only 18 per cent of the National Executive not performing well, yet there was no Committee (NEC). The ANC Women's suggestion that education structures close League (ANCWL) raised this as a problem down. at the 1990 ANC Consultative Conference, At the 1991 COSATU Congress, two and got the male leadership to agree in union affiliates recommended that COSATU principle that affirmative-action measures Freedom for women in South Africa 41 needed to be considered. The ANCWL Negotiations and a canvassed male leaders to support the constitution for a new proposal they planned to bring to table at the 1991 ANC Conference. The proposal South Africa was that at least 30 per cent of the positions The shift from apartheid to a democratic on the NEC of the ANC be filled by political order took place through a women. Although senior ANC male negotiated settlement which began with leaders agreed to support the proposal, talks between the apartheid government, they did not actually do so. At the 1991 the ANC, and other key liberation conference, ANC women found themselves movements. These talks started soon after isolated, and their proposal rejected. In the the ANC was unbanned. Between 1991 and heated debate that followed the intro- 1994, the talks moved into more structured duction of their proposal on quotas, negotiations, and culminated in an election delegates argued that women were not date being set for April 1994. ready to lead, that there were few women As the key organisations moved to the of leadership quality, and that women must negotiating table, new political formations prove themselves. Angry, disappointed, and were established in the country. The ban on let down, ANC women told the conference the ANC having been lifted, returned exiles that similar arguments had been used by and released political prisoners joined UDF the apartheid regime to keep power in activists in establishing the ANC within the white hands. country. UDF organisations, including the As a result of their defeat at the 1991 UDF women's organisations, were encouraged Conference, the ANCWL recognised the to disband, so that their members could need to organise at grassroots level on an build ANC and ANCWL branches. ongoing basis, so as to make sure that there In the course of the creation of this was greater support for women's equality. new political landscape, community-based They also saw the need to build a broader women's organisations that had been key in coalition of women to influence the the preceding years were demobilised. negotiations already under way for a demo- COSATU unions entered an alliance with cratic South Africa. Their defeat brought the ANC, and contributed to the negoti- home the reality that unequal social relations ations as an alliance partner, resulting in the within society enter even liberation loss of an independent voice on the part of movements such as the ANC. Raymond trade union women. Suttner, head of ANC political education, At its launch in 1991, the ANCWL noted in 1993 that there was a lot of abuse of prioritised action to contribute to the women in the democratic movement. country's constitution. However, realising Women were beaten and raped, and while that they stood only a slim chance of lip-service was paid to gender equality, influencing the negotiations and the drafting people in the ANC were still at the 'beginning of the country's constitution on their own, stages' of understanding the full significance ANCWL leaders initiated the formation of of this. In particular, there was not an the Women's National Coalition (WNC). adequate understanding of what this would This brought together some 60 organisations mean in their personal lives (Meer, 1998). (including women's wings of political parties, church women, and organisations such as the Young Women's Christian Association). The WNC played a significant role in influencing the constitution, and shaping the machinery intended to 42

mainstream a commitment to gender conservative constituency, which had never equality in the new State. engaged in the liberation struggles. Calls by By drawing on gains made by women in COSATU, UDF, and ANC women on preceding years in placing non-sexism on reproductive rights and shared housework the liberation agenda, the WNC was able to were not key issues for the WNC, and it was ensure that women's equality took not able to arrive at consensus on abortion. precedence over customary law in the Added to this, the WNC was engaging in country's constitution. It campaigned for, a new terrain that required technical and and won, national machinery to advance legal expertise around negotiations and gender equality, including an Office on the constitution making, within the broader Status of Women, a Commission on Gender negotiations framework, which emphasised Equality (CGE), and gender focal points in a middle ground rather than battles between all government departments. It also played a opposing forces. Former activists within the key role in sensitising political parties on the WNC made shifts to learn new skills, or importance of women's votes, and the were marginalised as technical expertise advisability of increasing the numbers of took over. women on their electoral lists. The ANC agreed on a one-third female quota on their list of parliamentary candidates. In the first Post-apartheid South Africa democratic election, in 1994, an ANC victory resulted in 101 of the 400 seats in the national As a result of women's active involvement assembly going to women — making South in the struggle for liberation and the Africa count among the countries with the strategic intervention of organised women highest proportion of women in parliament. during the negotiations, the post-apartheid government policy espouses a strong In 1994, the WNC launched the Women's commitment to gender equality. There is a Charter. By this time, most of the key leaders high proportion of women in public office. of the WNC had become members of However, in the context of reconstruction parliament, or had joined the ranks of other and development it has been difficult to tiers of government; their energies were sustain the organisation of women, and dispersed in national politics and away from this has weakened women's ability to feminist interests. Without effective leader- ensure the goal of gender equality, despite ship, and a unifying issue to sustain the their gains. coalition, hopes that the charter would be the focal point for sustaining a strong and The first democratic parliament in 1994 effective women's movement were not had one of the largest proportions of women realised (Meintjes 1996). parliamentarians; the constitution of the country guarantees equal rights between While the gains made by the WNC are women and men; and there exists an clearly significant, it is important to note its limitations in taking up the calls made by impressive array of mechanisms to promote women in the UDF and COSATU over the women's advancement. These include: 1980s and 1990s. The WNC was a new • the parliamentary committee on the organisational formation representing a Improvement on the Quality of Life and broad coalition, within which neither the the Status of Women, established in 1996 former UDF women's organisations (which to oversee the implementation of the had by now collapsed into the ANCWL), nor Convention on the Elimination of All COSATU women, participated. The influential Forms of Discrimination Against voices represented in the coalition tended Women and the Beijing Platform for to be those of a middle-class, more Action; Freedom for women in South Africa 43

• the Commission on Gender Equality women leaders from the trade unions, (CGE), established in 1997 to monitor community-based organisations, the UDF, and review legislation and the gender ANCWL, and WNC entered national or policies of publicly funded bodies to provincial parliaments. Women entering the ensure that women's equality is promoted; State were, however, overwhelmed by the demands of these institutions and spent • the Office on the Status of Women more time learning the rules of the game (OSW), established in 1998 to co-ordinate than challenging them. The language of and provide guidance to gender units State institutions encourages the technical, within national government depart- and does not easily admit the political. ments and provinces, and to initiate policy-oriented research; Concerns about sharing housework and childcare with men, and challenging men in • gender focal points in most line function order to transform gender relations, are not a departments; part of the technical approach dominant in State-influenced structures. As Baden and • almost all line function departments Goetz (1997) note for other contexts, the have made some attempt to include preoccupation is with procedures rather women's concerns in their white than the power relations that result in papers;5 some have produced gender women's subordination. Gender became policies, and many have conducted some professionalised, and gender experts became form of gender training for staff. de-linked from grassroots constituencies It has taken time to set up these and not accountable to them. institutions, and an overarching constraint is that they lack resources. The CGE and Women's organisations of the years of OSW are poorly resourced. Gender units struggle are no longer vocal or visible, and and focal points lack senior management thus do not serve as either pressure or support, and lack clarity on gender goals. resource to State-created institutions. Gender equality is often read as a numbers Outside government and parliament, game, with a focus on making sure that the South African women have been most composition of State institutions reflects the notably active in campaigns to combat race and gender demographics of the violence against women and promote country (Meer 2003). reproductive rights. They have contributed Further, these structures are often not to the development of legislation and policy staffed by feminist or political activists who to address violence against women and would be more willing to address the goal of termination of pregnancy. However, in areas gender equality as a political project such as economic policy and land reform, requiring the transformation of existing where advancing women's rights threatens relations between women and men. male privilege far more directly, women Seidman (2003) notes how, within the CGE, have not constituted an organised force, nor women wanting to construct a feminist have they made gains. project within the State came up against In the new era of reconstruction and those concerned with a project of national development, power relations have been de- development. This resulted in an approach emphasised and development is increas- which avoided direct challenges to gender ingly defined in technical and legal terms. inequality, and instead emphasised service The struggle was seen as over, once South to women within the framework of existing Africans had won political rights. In my gender relations. view, growth and market efficiency, and not Given their great hopes that equality for political struggle, are now advanced by the women would be created through the State, ANC government as solutions to poverty 44

and inequality. As Miller and Razavi (1998) emphasis is placed on technical solutions, note for other contexts, gender mainstreaming and where the State is seen as the vehicle for which suggests win-win scenarios has the promotion of gender equality, there has gained ground over more confrontational been little space left for women's activism ideas, which are rooted in structural outside of state arenas. understandings of women's and workers' Yet development and the attainment of oppression and exploitation. gender equality are both political matters. That the technical arenas of policy and To advance these goals there is a need for law are not sufficient to address gender struggle both at the level of ideas and power relations, and that struggles need to practice. To take up such struggles, there is a continue both inside and outside the State, is need for strong women's organisations illustrated in Michael Blake's (2001) which have as their focus the transformation observations that South Africa is a deeply of gender power relations. patriarchal masculinist society with pervasive ideas of male superiority and Shamim Meer worked as a political and human privilege. This is evidenced in survey results rights activist during the years of apartheid, in showing that 40 per cent of South African communities and with trade unions in South Municipal Workers' Union (a COSATU affiliate) members admitted abusing their Africa. Since 1994, she has worked with NGOs partners in the past ten years. Blake notes and some government departments in addressing that the world of the union is one of sexist women's rights within programmes such as land jokes, unwanted sexual advances, male reform, trade and industry, and rural develop- domination at meetings, male abuse of ment. She continues to search for ways of linking power, male devaluation of women's notions of struggle to questions of development. contributions, the ignoring of women's concerns, and sidelining of women. Men in Notes COSATU saw quotas for women as a direct threat to male domination. The approach to 1 These are the words of Feroza Adam — gender equality is to get men to assist in a feminist activist, who was to become a women's development, but not to address member of parliament in South Africa's their own oppressive masculinity. first democratic parliament in 1994 — to a national conference of trade union and community-based women in March Conclusion 1990. Through their organisation and strategic 2 A National Women's Congress in 1988 actions, South African women were able to and a National Women's Seminar in make non-sexism a key goal and value of 1989. the national liberation struggle. They 3 COSATU was established in 1985, ensured that gender equality was bringing together FOSATU affiliates and enshrined in the constitution, and that an other independent trade unions, such as array of gender machinery was put in place the National Union of Mineworkers and to mainstream gender in the new State. the South African Allied Workers' Union. However, as Alvarez (1989) notes in 4 An umbrella body of organisational relation to Brazil, it has been difficult to affiliates resisting apartheid. translate the fervour of the political struggle 5 White papers are produced by to the new context of post-apartheid government line function departments development. In a context where develop- and spell out their broad policy ment is seen as apolitical, where the frameworks and priorities. Freedom for women in South Africa 45

References Meer, S. (2000) 'Which Workers, Which Women, What Interests? Race Class and Alvarez, S. (1989) Engendering Democracy in Gender in Post Apartheid South Africa', Brazil: Women's Movements in Transition paper presented at Project Politics, New Jersey: Princeton CES/MacArthur Symposium on University Press Reinventing Social Emancipation, Baden, S. and A.M. Goetz (1997) 'Who Coimbra, Portugal, 23-26 November needs sex when you can have gender? 2000 Conflicting discourses on Gender at Meer, S. (2003) 'Putting EU and UK Gender Beijing', Feminist Review 56: 3-25 Policy into Practice - South Africa paper Blake, M. (2001) 'The Mal(e)aise in for Closing the Gap', London: One COSATU' in 'GETNET Network News', World Action February, Cape Town: GETNET Meintjes, S. (1996) 'The women's struggle De Mel, N. (2001) Women and the Nation's for equality during South Africa's Narrative: Gender and Nationalism in transition to democracy', Transformation Twentieth Century Sri Lanka, Colombo: 30: 47-63 Social Scientists Association Miller, C and S. Razavi (1998) Hutchful, E. (1999) 'Marxist responses to 'Introduction' in C. Miller and S. Razavi the challenge of gender relations' in A. (eds.) Missionaries and Mandarins: Imam, A. Mama, and F. Sow (eds.) Feminist Engagement with Development Engendering African Social Sciences, Institutions, London: ITDG Dacca: Codesria Seidman, G.W. (2003) 'Institutional Lacom, SPEAK, and COSATU (1992) No dilemmas: representation versus Turning Back: Fighting for Gender Equality mobilisation in the South African in Trade Unions, Johannesburg: Lacom, Gender Commission', Feminist Studies SPEAK, COSATU 29:3 Meer, S. (1998) Women SPEAK: ReflectionsWieringa, S. (1995) Subversive Women: on our Struggles 1982-1997, Cape Town, Women's Movements in Africa, Asia, Latin Kwela Books America and the Caribbean, New Delhi: Raj Press 46 Gender mainstreaming in government offices in Thailand, Cambodia, and Laos: perspectives from below Kyoko Kusakabe

In this article, I aim to examine the ways in which gender concerns have been 'mainstreamed' into government activities. I focus on three countries in the Greater Mekong Sub-region: Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia. While gender mainstreaming policies are in place at the national level in these countries, the 'evaporation' (Longwe 1995) of such policies at the lower levels has been a problem. The article concentrates on challenges of implementation which exist at provincial/commune and department levels. Drawing on the experience of middle- and low-level government officers, I argue here that policy evaporation occurs partly because of lack of political commitment to gender mainstreaming at different levels. Another problem is tliat the concept of gender mainstreaming itself remains vague, and is thus difficult to translate into action.

n 1997, the Economic and Social Council Many problems regarding gender main- of the UN defined gender main- streaming have already been identified by Istreaming as, first, the process of practitioners and scholars alike (for example, assessing the implications of any planned Rai 2003; Goetz 2001; Miller and Razavi, action for both women and men. Second, it 1998). Problems include the weak is a strategy for making women's concerns influencing power commanded by gender and experiences an integral dimension, of focal points, lack of resources, the evaporation the design, implementation, monitoring, of gender policies when it comes to and evaluation of policies and programmes implementation, and the difficulty of gender in all political, economic, and social mainstreaming in the face of gender-biased spheres, ensuring that women benefit organisational culture and discourse. Some equally with men.1 scholars have even questioned whether In the last few decades, various approaches gender mainstreaming is co-opting the to gender mainstreaming have been feminist agenda, instrumentalising and developed and implemented in different diluting it, and thus doing more harm than countries and organisational settings. These good for gender equality (Standing 2004; have included appointing gender focal Miller and Razavi, 1998). points among staff; conducting training in In this article, I briefly survey the efforts gender sensitivity and gender analytical made to address gender issues in govern- skills; developing gender policies and ment offices, in Laos, Cambodia, and methods of gender-responsive planning; Thailand. These cases may not be and carrying out gender-sensitive monitoring representative of the overall effort that is and evaluation, through identifying gender taking place in these countries. However, it is indicators, collecting gender-disaggregated hoped that they will serve as food for data, and, recently, gender budget analysis. thought. In particular, they highlight the Gender mainstreaming in government offices 47 need to give more attention to the Gender training has been conducted at importance of the activities of middle and all levels from the Provincial Department lower field-level government officers. staff to villagers. In general, I found that people expressed discomfort about training their peers, even within the Ministry, Cambodia preferring to train people whom they Cambodia was under socialist rule from perceived as lower in status than they were. 1979 to 1993. Under the socialist system, The Ministry trained trainers who are now Cambodia had a Women's Association of based in the Provincial Department, with the Cambodia (WAC) — a mass organisation of aim that they would, in turn, train district, the socialist government, which extended commune, and village-level people. However, from central to village level. It was the training occurs only when and where involved not only in political campaigning, there are funds available from donors. Often, but also in relief work, especially supporting gender training is the sole gender activity poor widows, and destitute women. undertaken at community level. In 1993, when Cambodia abandoned There is no doubt that gender training is socialism for democracy, a Secretariat of important, but activities and achievements State for Women's Affairs was established beyond training were not often found.4 The immediately after the first general election. heavy focus on gender training was due to The Secretariat was later upgraded to a lack of clarity on the part of provincial and Ministry of Women's Affairs in 1996.2 Many commune-level gender staff about their former WAC staff members were absorbed mandate to promote gender equality. into the structure of the Provincial Gender training is a concrete activity, in Department of Women's Affairs, which which they have experience, and are operated in the provinces under the Ministry confident that they can do well. As a result, of Women's Affairs. In 1999, the Ministry their activity report amounts to a list of produced a five-year strategic plan, Neary training sessions, which they state had an Rattanak.3 In this, it defined a policy advisory underlying aim of covering all government role for itself on gender issues in relation to staff and villages in the province.5 all line ministries, local government, and Gender focal points have been appointed public institutions. The direct social-service in each Provincial Department of the other delivery function inherited from WAC was government ministries, and at the village abandoned. Due to a lack of national funds, commune level. In the ministries, gender almost the entire budget for implementation focal points are mostly lower-level officers, of activities of the Ministry of Women's and normally do not have any departmental Affairs comes from international project budget allocated. The focal points were not support. chosen for their expertise on gender issues, There are four major types of gender but have undergone gender training. They mainstreaming activities that have been have regular meetings with staff from the carried out by the Provincial Department of PDWA, but I found that the meetings did not Women's Affairs (PDWA), with technical always provide them with clear guidance support from the Ministry. These are: gender about what they should be doing in their training; working with gender focal points in departments. At commune level, there is government ministries; giving input into lack of knowledge of the existence of gender planning in ministries; and information focal points. None of the women we sharing and awareness raising about interviewed in the villages even knew that women-specific issues, including violence there was a gender focal point in the against women. commune council. 48

Frustration due to the lack of clarity in developing a gender mainstreaming check- roles is felt within the commune, as well as list to be used during the planning process. by provincial level officers. One gender focal The checklist reminds planners to consider point in the commune council replied to our whether women will be able to participate in, question on what she does as a gender focal and benefit from, proposed activities.8 point6 as follows: 'I don't do anything, because There are significant challenges involved there is no budget. lam not instructed from above in undertaking these activities. In order for what I should do. They (PDWA) sometimes give the PDWA to provide necessary inputs to me posters for domestic violence and trafficking. I other departments' plans, it needs extensive went to the villages to distribute these. Now it is knowledge of other sectors' work, in finished. I have been to PDWA meeting several addition to knowledge and experience of times. But it has now been a long time since I have planning. If the gender focal points are to last met them... No, no one in the villages comes carry out the work, they need knowledge of to me to discuss about their problems...' the gender issues relating to their particular Lack of concrete work beyond gender sphere of work. Often, their level of know- training, and lack of clarity on the mandate ledge makes it impossible to do anything of gender focal points, means that staff beyond noting and reporting on the number acting as gender focal points are often not of women participants in commune assessed positively on their performance by activities. However, it would not be fair to colleagues. One male officer at commune conclude that the difficulties that PDWA and level said: 'Yes, we have a gender focal point. But commune gender focal points have in raising I do not know what she is doing. She does not gender issues in planning processes arise come to office regularly. She is busy'. Such merely from their lack of knowledge. It is statements that they do not know what the unrealistic to expect the provincial and gender officer is doing, and their perception commune-level gender focal points to have that gender officers are busy or sick, implies a profound ability in policy analysis and that male officers view gender officers as not planning, especially with the absence of any productive, and not contributing to the technical and political support. Lack of activities of the council. financial resources for gender focal points Participation of the PDWA in the discourages attempts to take more inno- planning process of government depart- vative or proactive actions, and also ments was achieved at two levels. Within contributes to their low status in the government ministries, staff participated province and commune. But without oppor- directly in meetings or supported gender tunities to discuss their ideas and without focal points to give input. At local level, support for translating their ideas into planning is carried out by commune action, it is difficult to come up with councils, and includes a series of discussions activities beyond training, even if there is a with villagers.7 Final decisions on develop- budget. ment activities that are to be implemented The final activity of PDWA is to are made at the district integration disseminate information on gender issues, workshop. Here commune councils discuss and run awareness-raising activities in their plan with provincial/district depart- communities, on issues such as domestic ments, as well as other organisations violence. Despite the policy of no direct working in the area. The PDWA fed into this implementation of projects in communities, local planning in various ways, including field-level activities are carried out by supporting the gender focal points in the PDWA on women-specific problems such as commune council to raise gender issues, and domestic violence, trafficking of women and (with the Ministry for Women's Affairs) children, and vocational training and skill Gender mainstreaming in government offices 49 improvement for women. These activities a Lao woman reaches 17 years old, the active are often carried out with enthusiasm, and members are the elected representatives of there is increased awareness of issues like villages. Some Women's Union village domestic violence and trafficking of women representatives are active, and work and children.9 However, these activities are diligently as volunteers. However, since often implemented separately by PDWA most of the work of the Women's Union and gender focal points at commune level, is unpaid and time-consuming, some and do not necessarily lead to or influence representatives feel over-burdened.11 the way they work with other departments In most development projects in Lao and other commune council members. PDR, Women's Union provincial and district Overall, the Cambodia case suggests that staff are put in charge of women's concerns the gender mainstreaming process is or gender issues. For example, in an understood in vague terms. As a result of integrated rural development project in successful gender training, awareness and Northern Lao PDR,12 a Women's Union willingness to work on gender issues is high officer, seconded to the project, was in among provincial/commune-level govern- charge of both micro-credit and gender ment officers. However, concrete activities issues. This particular project was successful that should take place are unclear, and thus in supporting women's weaving activities, people who want to work on gender issues which led to a large increase in household are discouraged and lose momentum. cash income. The Women's Union, with its vast network in the village level, could expand the scale of project activities much Lao People's Democratic faster than any other component of the Republic project. However, later on, the price of Lao PDR has a Women's Union: a mass woven cloth dropped, and the activity organisation under the socialist govern- became less lucrative. At the same time, ment. In the beginning, its focus was to export tax was introduced, further adversely promote traditional gender norms, and it affecting the weaving industry. Although concentrated on national security (Saphakdy the weaving activity was successful at the 2005). It was given a wider mandate in beginning, in the absence of co-ordinated 1991, when its role in promoting the equal support by the State for the activity, the rights and advancement of women, and women weavers were left at the mercy of the responding to women's needs, was market. The support for weaving was recognised under the Constitution. In 1993, confined to the Women's Union, and was not at its Third National Congress, Lao integrated into other sectors such as finance, Women's Union adopted a commitment to commerce, and agriculture. As a result, gender awareness and equity. timely support for export of woven cloth or As one of the two institutions in Lao alternative employment for women was PDR10 formally recognised as having lacking. responsibility for advocating women's Another example of an activity of rights and gender concerns, the Women's the Women's Union comes from the Union has a unique opportunity to influence Governance and Public Administration the policies, plans, and practices of both Reform (GPAR) project in Luang Prabang. government and non-government organi- The GPAR project began in 2002. It aims to sations. One of the strengths of the Women's improve governance through enhancement Union is that it has a strong network from of human-resources management, financial the national to the village level. Although management, office environment, planning membership to the Union is automatic after and co-ordination, and service delivery 50

capacity. Project documents specify that the women's rights and the political process of project will work closely with the Gender changes in gender relations. The change in Resource Information Development Centre direction of the Women's Union discussed of the Women's Union, and will take gender above is not necessarily understood or issues into consideration. The need to agreed by all its members. Therefore, the increase the number of women in responsible Women's Union network itself does not positions, and to give training and necessarily lead to the initiation of a political development opportunities for women, was process for gender mainstreaming. specified in the documents. However, when translated into action, the only activity that was carried out under gender main- Thailand streaming was two gender training sessions In Thailand, the first official national (Saphakdy 2005).13 mechanism for advancement of women — The emphasis on awareness raising the Office of the National Commission on indicates the project's underlying assumption Women's Affairs (ONCWA) — was set up that if officers are informed of gender in 1989 under the Prime Minister's Office. concepts, they will be more sympathetic and In 2002, ONCWA was transferred to the co-operative towards gender initiatives and Ministry of Social Development and will also take up gender-responsive Human Security. It was combined with the activities. However, Saphakdy's study (2005) Family Development Office, and the new shows that there is no relation between a body was named the Office of Women's positive attitude towards gender equality Affairs and Family Development (Tamthai initiatives and the number of times 2005). individuals have attended gender training.14 As part of its effort to mainstream gender It should be noted that the training provided concerns in all ministries and departments, for them was focused on awareness raising Chief Gender Equality Officers (CGEOs) and did not provide them with concrete have been appointed in all government ideas on what to do in the field or in the agencies, at both ministry and department workplace. levels. CGEOs are to oversee gender The Lao case shows that having a integration in policy and planning processes nationwide women's network does not in their respective government departments necessarily carry the message of gender (Bhongsvej and Putananusorn 2003). equality throughout society. It also does not In the case of the Department of Fisheries make it easier for gender issues to be (DoF), the Director of the Personnel Division incorporated into the work of various was appointed as CGEO. His work started sectors and departments. Moreover, the with collecting gender-disaggregated data legacy of mobilising women for national on the staff working in the Department. goals, without challenging traditional During a workshop with DoF officers, it was gender norms, has been hard to remove from repeatedly emphasised that integrating the organisational culture of the Women's gender perspectives is the policy of the Union. The former focus of the Union was to Department, even though there is no written support nation building. Such efforts to policy to this effect yet. The Department is bring women to contribute to certain causes active in the Mekong River Commission can be easily shifted towards a focus on (MRC) Fisheries Programme, which itself women contributing to the well-being of the has a gender policy and strategy. This family/community or to national economic promotes gender-disaggregated data development. However, it is more difficult collection, and supports the Regional to shift to the ideology of protecting Network for Promotion of Gender in Gender mainstreaming in government offices 51

Fisheries (RNPGF) (Sriputinibondh el al. were on the agenda, this would allow 2004). Until quite recently, the CGEO did not officers to integrate gender concerns into have any link with the RNPGF. their daily work. In the Inland Fisheries Research and Development Bureau of DoF, there are two Conclusion people who are directly involved in the RNPGF. Within DoF, these national network Below, I summarise some of the many co-ordinators have not been given the learning points which emerge from the human and financial resources to work on three case studies. gender mainstreaming. They have attended regional trainings and workshops, conducted The importance of national policies to several research activities, presented research local-level implementation on gender issues in national fisheries In the three countries studied, at the conferences, and held workshops with DoF national level there are gender main- staff who are interested in gender issues. Yet streaming structures in place, including currently, the designated research areas in gender focal points, national machinery for the Department focus on areas such as the advancement of women, gender units, aquaculture and fisheries management, but and gender policy. This article, however, do not cover areas of research on social focused on gender mainstreaming processes issues. This means that even if DoF at the department and provincial/ researchers examine social issues related to commune level — which has attracted fisheries and aquaculture, this is not relatively less attention in the gender recognised as an achievement relevant to mainstreaming debate — to trace what has assessing individual staff members for happened at this level. The importance of performance or promotion. As a result, there establishing national-level policies on is no great incentive to carry out research on gender equality is well recognised in gender-related topics in DoF. bureaucracies. The logic is that if policy, practices, procedures, and incentive There is clearly a mismatch between structures change at national level, it will knowledge, skills, connections, motivation, be relatively easy to effect similar changes and position inside DoF for gender main- at the lower levels of government. Yet the streaming. Additionally, there is a general cases show that the existence of national- understanding that even though taking level policies and strategies for main- gender concerns into consideration is a streaming do not necessarily ensure policy of the Department, it is not a main implementation at the departmental and priority. All this makes it difficult for those provincial/commune level. I have argued who are motivated to mainstream gender to that one of the barriers to mainstreaming a bring about further achievements and concern for gender equality in the changes. Better co-ordination to overcome government bureaucracies studied is that the mismatch, empowerment of lower-level the realities of middle- and lower-level officers to voice their needs and ideas for government officers are often neglected. change, and recognition and rewarding of The lower-level officers are the ones who initiatives, could all improve the motivation are directly in contact with village women of staff. Lobbying for the opportunity to do and men, but what they should be doing is social science related research needs to be often not stipulated. Less effort is focused done internally through the co-ordination towards them and their daily work than and co-operation of people with different 15 towards national-level work on developing skills, knowledge, and positions. If social gender policy, reforming organisational issues relating to fisheries and aquaculture 52

structure, and running gender training field, for reaching out at the village level, sessions. while PDWA does not. Most gender main- streaming discourse remains at the New institutional structures for gender philosophical level, and is not being mainstreaming: the pros and the cons translated into concrete action at the field In Lao PDR, the Lao Women's Union is level. Not being able to work and show seen as the organisation responsible for concrete achievements gives a negative gender mainstreaming. Even though Lao impression to their colleagues in the does not have a large NGO population, the commune. This, together with the budgetary Women's Union is able to reach out and constraints discussed earlier, leaves field- mobilise a large number of women, since it level gender officers with low self-esteem is a mass organisation with a long history and status. (established in 1955). However, this long history in itself presents challenges for Challenges concerning the donor-driven the Union's transformation into an nature of gender mainstreaming organisation with a mandate to promote In Cambodia and Lao PDR, gender gender equality in all spheres of life. This mainstreaming is often donor-driven. The transition is difficult. Given the sector- sustainability of the initiative as the based planning practices of government in consequence of donor dependence is one Lao PDR, and its new mandate, the problem. Another problem is that the Women's Union needs to work with other opportunities provided by these donor- departments to ensure that gender issues driven initiatives are not translated into are mainstreamed into their work. But routine procedures in government offices. because the Women's Union is a well- Especially among the lower-level govern- established institution, with independent ment officers, there are problems in work that it has been doing for decades, identifying what should be done in and because other sectors also do not see practical terms. Often, people are left trying the need to change the way they work, it is to work this out on their own. difficult to adjust to performing this new Gender training as the sole or main role. It is even more difficult for the lower- activity in gender mainstreaming level Union officers. They still feel they lack The case studies provided evidence of a clarity regarding their gender main- very heavy emphasis on gender training in streaming roles, and the relationships that mainstreaming. In Cambodia and Lao they should be forging with colleagues in PDR, with the support of donor agencies, other government departments. gender training at the lower levels has been In contrast, Cambodia created a new conducted, and gender is no longer a novel institution for gender mainstreaming. But concept. Gender awareness has therefore the process of transition from socialism been achieved to some extent. Although spelled the end of the women's association gender training may be necessary, it is not set up under the socialist system. This led to sufficient to ensure that gender concerns the loss of the nationwide network of are mainstreamed into government bodies women which had been a feature of the and their activities. Administering gender association.The case study emphasised that training can, indeed, even be seen as a the new institution has to depend on other strategy which enables those staff charged government departments to influence its with gender mainstreaming to avoid agenda and facilitate contact with its addressing the reality of resistance to the constituency of grassroots women. These idea that government should work to departments have extension officers in the promote gender equality. Initially at least, Gender mainstreaming in government offices 53 training presents an easy way out in these men for meetings. Hence, promoting situations: the deadlock can be blamed on a women's participation in productive and lack of understanding and support from community work in the villages does not in other members of the organisation and itself challenge existing gender power wider society, which can be 'solved' by relations as much as might be expected. training.16 While monitoring the quality of women's It is important that other concrete participation and taking steps to improve it activities for gender mainstreaming (especially might be a good strategy, in general the routine activities) are introduced in the focus on participation remains quantitative. middle and lower levels of government. It is limited to documenting the number of Ongoing small activities related to gender female and male participants in different mainstreaming at the field level create a events. Better knowledge of the national favourable environment to allow initiatives and local contexts in countries on the part to grow. For example/regular home visits in of all involved in gender mainstreaming, communities/groups by technical staff, including international donors, is critical. (such as district agriculture extension officers) can begin a process of trans- Kyoko Kusakabe is Associate Professor, Gender formation. Through discussion and and Development Studies, School of Environment, consultations with poor village women, Resources and Development, Asian Institute of practical gender concerns and their links to Technology, P.O.Box4, Klong Luang, Pathuntliani unequal gender power relations emerge. 12120, Thailand. Each visit can develop this dialogue. Such Email: [email protected] routine discussions by technical staff need to be accompanied by regular meetings with Acknowledgement officers trained in, and in charge of, gender mainstreaming. Such initiatives already The author would like to thank Ubolratana exist, or are planned, in many areas in each Suntornratana, Veena N., Toshiko Hamano, of the three countries. However, all will need Girija Shrestha, and Theonakhet Saphakdy formal recognition and reward. Routine, for their comments and inputs on the early concrete actions in the field lead to better draft of this article. Veena N. is also gender analysis, better planning, and acknowledged for her help in English improved clarity in the concept and meaning editing. The author is also grateful to the of gender mainstreaming. editors for their useful comments and inputs. Challenges in monitoring women's participation Beyond gender training, the only other activity commonly undertaken in the three countries is to promote women's partici- pation in village and community meetings. All three countries have a large-scale involvement of women in productive activities — in fisheries, in agriculture, and in manufacturing work — but this is often on discriminating terms.17 In addition, in all three countries women often participate in meetings already, either because they are required to,18 or because women are at home more and thus more available than 54

Notes work, such as collecting contributions from each household for village 1 Report of the Economic and Social ceremonies. Even though it does Council for 1997, A/52/3, 18 provide status in the village — since September 1997, chapter 4 being a representative reflects other 'Coordination Segment: Coordination women's assessment that one has a of the policies and activities of the good personality and economic specialized agencies and other bodies standing — the workload can be so of the United Nations system'. See heavy that some representatives are www.un.org / documents / ga / docs /52 not able to continue for long. /plenary/a52-3.htm 12 Study conducted in March 2000 and 2 It was renamed the Ministry of January 2001. Women's and Veterans' Affairs in 1998, but in 2004 reverted to Ministry of 13 These two training sessions are those Women's Affairs. that were targeted at the staff members of the project. A gender component 3 This may be translated from Khmer as was developed in the village manage- 'women are precious gems'. ment training programme, and 4 It is noted, however, that with the few provided to senior officials in the resources allocated to gender activity, village level. training is one of the limited options available. 14 Although there was little difference in 5 Interview in Northwest Cambodia, attitudes among officers who received December 2004. or did not receive gender training, 6 Interview in Takeo Province, April Saphakdy reported village women 2004. expressing that their men are now 7 Cambodian administrative levels are more helpful at home. Saphakdy also village, commune, district, and noted that since there were only two province. gender trainings conducted during the 8 Interview with commune gender focal project period, significant change in point in Northwest Cambodia, attitude might not be a realistic December 2004; and in Central expectation. Gender training assess- Cambodia, April 2004. ment in Cambodia (Kusakabe and 9 Village leaders say that after the Chim 1999) showed that there is a domestic violence training, domestic direct relation between the number of violence cases in the village decreased. gender trainings organised and However, this is often based on positive attitudes towards integrating perceptions. Although many people gender issues in work. However, the know about the problem, the effect of number of gender trainings attended training and campaigns on the actual, was related to the attendee's position: and not reported, number of domestic those who were working as gender violence and trafficking cases is still not officers or focal points received more clear. training. Therefore, it is difficult to 10 Lao National Commission for conclude whether it was the effect of Advancement of Women is the other the training or their positions which institution that has an official mandate made them work more positively on for the advancement of women. gender issues. 11 Unlike the village chief's work, the 15 The author would like to express work assigned to Women's Union her gratitude to Ms. Ubolratana representatives is unpaid, tedious Suntornratana for her input. Gender mainstreaming in government offices 55

16 It is recognised also that gender World's Women: Perspectives on training provides an incentive for Development for Beijing and Beyond, New officers to work positively on gender York: United Nations Development equality. In countries where govern- Fund for Women ment salaries are low, the per diem and Miller, C. and S. Razavi (1998) travel allowance paid to them for 'Introduction' in C. Miller and S. participation in training is considered Razavi (eds.) Missionaries and significant. Mandarins: Feminist Engagement with 17 For example, men's wages are 23 per Development Institutions, London: cent more than women's on average in Intermediate Technology Publications Cambodia (Godfrey et al. 2001, 11). in association with the United Nations According to the 1998 salary survey by Research Institute for Social the National Statistics Office in Development Thailand, in enterprises of 1,000 Rai, S. (2003) 'Institutional mechanisms for persons and over, women were earning the advancement of women: main- 59 per cent of men's income level, streaming gender, democratizing the while for enterprise of 100-299 persons, state?' in S. M. Rai (ed.) Mainstreaming the figure was 65.5 per cent. Gender, Democratizing the State?: 18 In Lao villages, some make it a rule that Institutional Mechanisms for the any household that does not attend Advancement of Women, Manchester: village meetings will be fined. Manchester University Press Saphakdy, T. (2005) 'Mainstreaming Gender into Governance and Public References Administration Organizations: A Case Bhongsvej, M. and S. Patananusorn (2003) Study of Governance and Public 'Strategies for gender mainstreaming: Administration Reform Luang Prabang the case of Thailand' in Putting Gender Provincial Pilot Project, Lao PDR', Mainstreaming into Practice, Bangkok: Master's thesis, Asian Institute of Economic and Social Commission for Technology, Thailand Asia and the Pacific Sriputinibondh, N., K. Kaing, Nguyen Thi Godfrey, M., S. So, S. Tep, D. Pon, C. Katz, Bich, K. Deeburee, N. Liepvisay, W.D. S. Acharya, C. D. Sisowath, and Hartmann (2004) 'Gender Main- T. Hing (2001) A Study of the Cambodian streaming in the MRC Fisheries Labour Market: Reference to Poverty Programme', paper presented at the 7th Reduction, Growth and Adjustment to Asian Fisheries Forum, 30 November- Crisis, Working paper 18, Phnom Penh: 3 December 2004, Penang, Malaysia Cambodia Development Resource Standing, H. (2004) 'Gender, myth and Institute fable: the perils of mainstreaming in Goetz, A. M. (2001) Women Development sector bureaucracies', in 'Repositioning Workers: Implementing Credit Programmes Feminisms in Development', IDS in Bangladesh, New Delhi: Sage Bulletin 35(4): 82-8, Brighton: Institute Publications of Development Studies Kusakabe, K. and C. Chim (1999) Subrahmanian, R. (2004) 'Making sense of 'Evaluation Report on CARERE/SEILA gender in shifting institutional Gender Sector Training, Cambodia', contexts: Some reflections on gender CARERE/UNDP, June mainstreaming', in 'Repositioning Longwe, S. H. (1995) 'The evaporation of Feminisms in Development', IDS policies for women's advancement' in Bulletin 35(4): 89-94 Brighton: Institute N. Heyzer (ed.) A Commitment to the of Development Studies 56

Tamthai, P. (2005) 'The Role of National Mechanisms in Promoting Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women: Thailand Experience', proceedings of United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women (DAW), The Role of National Mechanisms in Promoting Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women: Achievements, Gaps and Challenges', 29 November-2 December 2004, Rome, Italy Woodford-Berger, P. (2004) 'Gender mainstreaming: What is it (about) and should we continue doing it?', in 'Repositioning Feminisms in Development', IDS Bulletin 35(4): 65-72, Brighton: Institute of Development Studies 57

Is there life after gender mainstreaming? Aruna Rao and David Kelleher

In the world of feminist activism, the time is ripe for reflection and review. We need to ask why change is not happening, what works, and what is next. This article points to the fact that while women have made many gains in the last decade, policies that successfully promote women's empowerment and gender equality are not institutionalised in the day-to-day routines of State, nor in international development agencies. We argue for changes which re-delineate who does what, wliat counts, who gets what, and who decides. We also argue for changes in the institutions that mediate resources, and women's access, voice, and influence. We outline key challenges, as well as ways to envision change and strengtlien the capacity of State and development organisations to deliver better on women's rights.

n the last decade, efforts to make the They include bringing women to the development 'mainstream' work for discussion table during the Burundi peace Iwomen have resulted in impressive gains process; strengthening or establishing organi- as well as staggering failures. In the wake sations and networks to promote gender of Beijing Plus Ten,1 numerous reviews equality in mainstream agencies; main- document the strategic partnerships forged streaming gender issues into law reform between the women's movement and policy processes in Botswana (including national reformers in the process of putting equity policy regarding HIV/AIDS); gaining and women's rights at the heart of develop- greater visibility for women's work through ment debates (UNRISD 2005; Millennium the census in Nepal, India, and Pakistan; Project Gender Task Force on Education and and protecting widows and orphans from Gender Equality 2005). Women have made dispossession on the death of the male striking gains in getting elected to local and 'owner', by supporting primary-justice national governance bodies, and entering mediation processes in Malawi. In Rwanda, public institutions; girls' access to primary where women were systematically raped education has improved sharply; and and murdered during the civil war, women women are entering the labour force in have gained 49 per cent of the seats in increasing numbers. parliament and formed local women's Under the banner of gender main- councils elected solely by women. streaming in institutional practice, there are The problem is that these examples are numerous examples of positive outcomes not the norm. Practices that successfully for women's lives, beyond policy measures. promote women's empowerment and gender 58

equality are not institutionalised into the shared, decision making remains in the day-to-day routines of State and inter- hands of a small number of senior people national development agencies. who, in our experience, are less and less More important are the myriad, interested in gender equality. Moreover, insidious ways in which the mainstream management discourse dominates institu- resists women's perspectives and women's tional life. The strength of traditional rights. Economic orthodoxy promoting management theory, and organisational unmanaged, export-led growth through development thinking and practice, is to competitive market capitalism, free trade, focus on efficiency and results. Its weakness, and fiscal austerity — including the drastic particularly as applied to social-change reduction of government social spending — organisations in many Southern contexts, is has hurt poor women most (Elson 2005). that it does not explicitly deal with power Governance reforms have not forced States dynamics or cultural change. Such theory, to address their accountability failures when therefore, cannot help organisations to it comes to women's access to resources and develop strategic objectives derived from a services. For the most part, institutional nuanced analysis of relational and material reform still means fiscal and administrative hierarchies, or bring about outcomes that reforms rather than making systems work change those inequalities. better for the poor, including women. In the world of feminist activism, it is In South Africa, where Gender at Work2 time to take stock and ask why change is not has organised numerous consultations over happening, what works, and what does not the past three years, the unease generated by work. This rethink is happening at a time the gap between promise and reality is of unprecedented militarisation globally palpable. Feminist activists speak of the which has demoted and marginalised work fundamental difficulty in shifting the on women's rights. At the same time we are paradigm of patriarchy within which they seeing an equally unprecedented mobil- operate, and the resultant high fall-out and isation of citizens against war, and against burn-out. They tell us that they have only the negative effects of globalisation, as well managed to chip away at how power is as for social justice. Campaigns such as the exercised — there is no major shift here. Global Call for Action Against Poverty They point to the enormous contradictions (GCAP), led by citizen action groups, are they see between good gender equity policies focusing attention on accountability of and high numbers of women in positions of global institutions, and new terms of trade power, and some of the highest levels of and development. But by and large, these violence against women in the world. In global movements and their grounding India (where Gender at Work is also active) notions of citizenship and accountability are social justice activists point to the rise in the gender-blind. power of the State and right-wing politics, Moreover, while 'citizens' are mobil- and an accompanying decrease in commit- ising, the infrastructure and resources for ment to human rights principles. supporting women's activism to challenge At the level of formal institutions, gender power relations in the home, whether they are trade unions, NGOs, communities, organisations, markets, and women's organisations, community-based the State are being dismantled. The archi- organisations, State bureaucracies, or tecture of organisational structure, process, corporate structures, not much has changed policy, and funding to support women's either. Organisational structures tend to empowerment and gender equality is being reinforce the power of a few, who, for the eroded also at international and national most part, are unwilling to give up the levels. At the same time, new aid modalities privileges of power. Even when power is such as budgetary supports and Sector Wide Is there life after gender mainstreaming? 59

Approaches (SWAPs) may make it more The need for political strategising at possible to cheat on gender equality goals. multiple levels, and deeper, institutional Gender concerns are falling through the change, highlights the inadequacy of cracks. Institutional change, capacity building, previous strategies. But it is unclear what the political partnerships, and women's new solutions are. Most feminist activists organising are being marginalised in what and analysts acknowledge the need for new is, increasingly, a bean-counting approach to approaches that address the discrimination development deliverables. brought about by macro-economic policies in employment, wages, and food security. New approaches must also support welfare Gender mainstreaming — services that structure opportunities for wedged between a rock and women, that hold systems accountable, and hard place? that allow for learning on the part of women Gender mainstreaming is grounded in and men. Those approaches are being feminist theoretical frameworks, and its formulated. They range from calls for a new appeal to 'femocrats' and to gender activists social contract (Sen 2004), to the creation of was its promise of transformation. But innovatively managed market approaches gender mainstreaming has been caught (Elson 2005); and from calls for the between a rock and a hard place. At a macro transformation of institutions and organi- level, it is operating in a policy environment sations (Goetz and Hassim 2003; Rao and which is increasingly hostile towards justice Kelleher 2002; Millennium Project Gender and equity, and which is further feminising Task Force on Education and Gender poverty. At a meso level of organisations, Equality 2005), to a re-energised and gender mainstreaming has become a random re-politicised women's movement. All collection of diverse strategies and activities, approaches to bringing about gender all ostensibly concerned with moving equality must have a political component. forward a gender equality agenda, but often This is because gender relations exist within not working in ways we would have hoped. a force field of power relations, and power is At this level there is still active resistance to used to maintain existing privilege. In the the value of women's rights and gender remainder of this article we will elaborate on equality goals. Furthermore, where allies the dimensions of institutional change. exist, their hands are tied by policy priorities, poor infrastructure, and decreased funding levels. Finally, at a micro level, first- What are we trying to generation development objectives are change? enshrined in the Millennium Development Our understanding of how to work towards Goals (MDGs). While the MDGs do incor- gender equality is that we need to change porate measurable indicators for women's inequitable social systems and institutions. empowerment, there are a number of Generally, people now speak of 'institu- difficulties. First, they narrow the agenda tional change' as the requirement for dangerously (by not including violence addressing the root causes of gender against women, for example); second, m inequality. This means changing the rules of any governments have not mainstreamed the game. These are the stated and unstated gender equality into the MDGs (other than rules that determine who gets what, who the one focused on gender equality); does what, and who decides (Goetz 1997; finally, focusing on MDGs has pre-empted North 1990; Rao and Kelleher 2002). These support for women's organisations and rules can be formal, such as constitutions, women's organising — the vanguard of the laws, policies, and school curricula; or political fight. informal, such as cultural arrangements and 60

norms regarding who is responsible for informal relations. This gives us the household chores, who goes to the market, following four clusters which impact on who decides on the education of children, or each other: who is expected to speak at a village council • women's and men's individual meeting. It also means changing organi- consciousness (knowledge, skills, sations which, in their programmes, political consciousness, commitment); policies, structures, and ways of working, discriminate against women or other • women's objective condition (rights and marginalised groups. resources, access to health services and Different organisations have focused on safety, opportunities for a voice); one or other of the four areas listed below. • informal norms, such as inequitable Some organisations, for example, work on ideologies, and cultural and religious legal and policy change, while others focus practices; on changing material conditions. In order to bring about gender equality, change must • formal institutions, such as laws and occur both at the personal level and at the policies. social level. It must occur in formal and

Figure 1: What are we trying to change?

Individua change

Women's Women's and men's g access to consciousnessJ resources ,

Informal < Informal cultural Formal norms and institutions: exclusionary laws, policies, practices etc.

Systemi z change Is there life after gender mainstreaming? 61

Often we assume that change at one level Challenges of institutional change on the will lead to change at the others. For example, ground women who have started and maintained Programme and project evaluations point to micro businesses often report being more the difficulty of moving from individual self-confident. However, we also know, for change and learning to social change. They example, that it is possible to have material describe the problem of socio-cultural resources but no influence; and that it is acceptance of ideas of gender equality, the possible to be 'economically empowered' lack of capacity of implementing partners, but not free from violence. Sustainable and the difficulties of attitudinal and change requires institutional change, which behavioural changes at the individual and involves the clusters of informal norms and institutional levels. formal institutions at the bottom of the diagram. But how does institutional change Challenges of clarity happen? And most importantly, what is the A number of analysts have recently pointed role of development organisations in that out how a lack of clarity endangers imple- change process? The organisations that mentation of gender mainstreaming support those interventions also exist in the strategies (Hannan 2003; Subrahmanian same force field of power. This means that 2004). However, the most pernicious mis- they will require capacities not only to want understanding is the separation of gender to intervene in a significant way, but also to mainstreaming from women's empower- be able to intervene. Typically, it will require ment work. In the name of mainstreaming an ongoing change process to build and resources are being withdrawn from projects maintain these capacities. focused on women's empowerment. Figure 1 may be helpful in the following Although much work needs to be done with ways. First, in an abbreviated way, it shows both men and women, we cannot reduce the whole universe of changes that might be commitment to programming that focuses contemplated to enhance gender equality. on women, because that is where crucial This can serve as an outline to document progress towards gender equality is being how these clusters appear in a particular made. context. Second, it allows change agents to make strategic choices as to where and how Challenges of organisational change The lack of senior-management support; to intervene. Finally, it points to the fact that lack of accountability; lack of knowledge changes in resources, capacity, and know- and skills among senior staff on gender ledge are necessary, but not sufficient, for issues; marginalised, under-qualified, and sustainable change. Ultimately, changes of under-resourced theme groups and specialists formal and particularly informal institutions 3 are all problems present in organisations are required. mandated to mainstream gender concerns in development. What are some of the key challenges of institutional Challenges of measurement At one level, there are ongoing difficulties change? in obtaining sex-disaggregated data. At As we reflect on lessons from experience, another level, there is a lack of tracking and contemplate where we go from here, we mechanisms for the relative contributions see four key challenges. that a particular project might make to different goals. For example, in a sanitation project, how much of the project budget can be said to be responding to the needs of 62

women? Answering this would require a This implies a symbiotic relationship social-impact analysis at the design stage of between power and ideology, which gains the project, and a sophisticated tracking expression and perpetuation through mechanism. At a deeper level, however, is structures of all kinds — judicial, economic, the problem of measuring the intangibles social, and political. Empowerment in this that are at the root of social change of any framework therefore means a trans- sort. This is the change in consciousness of formation in power relations. Specifically, women and men, the change in community it means control over resources (physical, norms, or the change in attitudes. human, intellectual, intangible); control over Incremental changes must be perceived and ideology (beliefs, values, attitudes); and understood as valued results, knowing that changes in the institutions and structures gender equality is a long-term goal. that support unequal power relations. Notions of citizenship, like institutions, Beyond mainstreaming to are inextricably bound up with relations of power. 'Like power relations, citizenship institutional transformation rights are not fixed, but are objects of If there is to be life after mainstreaming, our struggle to be defended, reinterpreted and experience teaches us that it will require extended' (Meer 2004,32). The negotiation is transformation at the institutional level. We around societal positions that discriminate must come to ideas like empowerment, against women, and gender roles (including citizenship, and rights with new eyes and a the public/ private divide that acts to contain more overtly political analysis. women and their agency primarily within Transformation of gender relations the private sphere, while opening men's requires access to, and control over, material agency to the public sphere). It is also around and symbolic resources. It also requires unequal power formed on the basis of class, changes in deep-seated values and caste, ethnicity, and other key markers of relationships that are held in place by power identity. Not only that: the negotiation is also and privilege. Transformation is, funda- a challenge to ideas that frame how we see mentally, a political and personal process. the world and how we act. Sen (1999) says that institutions limit or Similarly, claiming rights is a political enhance poor people's right to freedom, process, played out as struggles between freedom of choice, and action. Without a the interests, power, and knowledge of critical understanding of how institutions differently positioned actors. A rights-based need to change to allow different social approach to development argues that all groups to secure their entitlements and people are entitled to universal human access opportunities for socio-economic rights, and development should be oriented mobility, development goals cannot be to meeting those rights. A rights perspective achieved. From the perspective of poor politicises needs (Ferguson 1999). While a people, institutions are in crisis and a needs-based approach identifies the strategy of change must: '(i) start with the resource requirements of particular groups, poor people's realities; (ii) invest in a rights-based approach provides the means organisational capacity of the poor; (iii) of strengthening people's claims to those change social norms; and (iv) support resources. The challenge of the rights-based development entrepreneurs' (Narayan 1999, approach is 'in maintaining equal emphasis 223). on the need to build both citizens' Feminist thinking about empowerment capabilities to articulate rights and the directly engages with resources, power, capabilities of political-economic institutions ideology, and institutions (Batliwala 1996). to respond and be held to account' (Jones Is there life after gender mainstreaming? 63 and Gaventa 2002, 26). For individuals and how can we strengthen the capacity of State groups, demanding accountability requires and development bureaucracies to deliver a sense that they have a right to do so on their operational mandates? And how (claiming that political space), and can we shift organisational practice to focus mechanisms through which their demands better on equity and exclusion? can be made and responded to. On the other In order to strengthen the project of side, accountability (according to the UNDP transformation, we need to disaggregate the Human Development Report 2000) is judged range of strategies and activities that are by whether appropriate policies have been dumped in the gender mainstreaming bag implemented and progress achieved. (such as policy reform, advocacy, capacity building, analytical frameworks, programme Transformation: the role of development, monitoring systems) and analyse their gains and their failures development agencies (Subrahmanian 2004). This should also help We think that transformative goals exist us to think strategically about what these uneasily within large development organi- institutions are well placed to do. At the sations, as they are likely to be overcome by same time, measurement systems need to be technical considerations more amenable to developed that can capture the full range of administrative practice. The key questions gender equality outcomes, both tangible and are: given the uneasy relationship between intangible. transformation and large organisations,

Figure 2: Dynamics between top-down and bottom-up forces of change

Social and public accountability - Economic and political opportunities - Equity and inclusion - Decentralisation of resources Formal - Transparency and governance pressures Informal - Leadership pressures and vision - Ideology Social change - Gender equality and culture Interaction between institutions, on the agenda - Unequal power voice, processes, structures - Inclusive relations structures - Effectiveness Mobilisation and voice - Accountability - Rights and choice - Capabilities, assets, resources

Empowerment 64

Our change strategies should envision monitoring. While we would agree that institutional change. This does not mean these are needed, 30 years of research and reducing programmes such as those focused practice in the private sector shows that on education or women's entrepreneurship. these 'command and control' strategies are It means seeing these not as ends in not enough for significant organisational themselves, but as means to equality. change. Institutional change requires political In our work, we have described the 'deep activity to translate education or improved structure' of organisations. Like the uncon- health care into equality. One important idea scious mind of individuals, this is largely is that of working on both demand and unexamined, but constrains some behaviour supply sides of the institutional change and makes other behaviour more likely equation. By the supply side, we mean (Rao et al. 1999). The deep structure is the shifting opportunity structures towards collection of taken-for-granted values, and equality for women; changing incentives ways of thinking and working, that underlie and capacity in global, State, and community decision making and action. (See Figure 3.) agencies to respond to women. This includes Power hides the fact that organisations delivering on services and on rights. On the are gendered at very deep levels. More demand side, we mean strengthening specifically, women are prevented from women's awareness of their own agency, challenging institutions by four inter-related voice, and mobilisation; their influence over factors: institutions; and their ability to hold them to • political access: there are neither systems account. nor actors who can put women's perspectives and interests on the agenda; Organisational deep • accountability systems: organisational structure resources are steered towards quantitative targets that are often only Organisational change needs to go far distantly related to institutional change beyond policy adoption and large-scale for gender equality; processing of staff through gender training • cultural systems: the work/family workshops. It is clear that, like any other divide perpetuated by most complex skill, the evolution of knowledge organisations prevents women from and values (particularly for men) is a long being full participants in those process, requiring practice. Gender theme organisations, as women continue to groups and specialists need to be better bear the responsibility for the care of resourced, but more importantly, they need children and old people; to be part of decision making. Even when senior managers agree that gender is • cognitive structures: work itself is seen important, gender equality still has to mostly within existing, gender-biased displace other important values in decision norms and understandings. making. Only by ensuring a strong voice for It should not come as a surprise to learn that gender equality advocates in decision the deep structure of most organisations is making will gender concerns be represented profoundly gender biased, and acts as a in the day-to-day discussion of competing brake on work for gender equality. For needs and values that are at the heart of example, one aspect of the deep structure is development work. Numerous analysts the separation between work and family. have emphasised the importance of strong As Joan Acker pointed out, a key assumption leadership and accountability structures, in large organisations is that work is including performance appraisal and better completely separate from the rest of life, and Is there life after gender mainstreaming? 65

Figure 3: The iceberg of organisational structure

Organisational deep structure

/ Formal rules \

A CiiffiHra! ^ 'r ,. ^v systems / ^^.

'•> •- \ • * •• •'' '

j

the organisation has first claim on the Generating power to worker. From this follows the idea of the change organisations 'ideal worker', dedicated to the organi- sation, unhampered by familial demands, We believe that there is a web of five spheres and... male (Acker 1990). Another aspect of in which power can be generated to move an the deep structure is the image of heroic organisation towards transformation.4 These individualism. As organisations were five spheres are: originally peopled by men, they are, not • politics; surprisingly, designed and maintained in ways that express men's identity. Heroic • organisational politics; individualism can lead to a focus on winning, • institutional culture; and noticeable achievement. This contrasts with the largely process-oriented, and some- • organisational process; times long-term, business of understanding • programmatic interventions. gender relations in a particular context, and acting for equality. In addition, given stereotypical gender roles, heroes tend to be men, further contributing to the idea of men as the ideal workers and women as 'other'. 66

The political sphere them. Another way to describe culture is as This is based on the assumption that because organisational ideology: 'Ideology is a they live within gendered societies, few complex structure of beliefs, values, organisations will devote the time, energy, attitudes, and ways of perceiving and and resources to effective gender equality analyzing social reality — virtually, ways of work unless pressured to do so. But is there a thinking and perceiving' (Batliwala 1996,2). women's constituency that is exerting Culture then, can be a powerful ally in sufficient pressure for gender equality to be making work on gender equality a valued noticed by the organisation as an issue part of the organisation's work: the normal, requiring attention? In some cases donors or the reasonable, 'just good development' boards of directors have been the source of (Rao et al. 1999). Similarly, culture can some pressure, but local, political pressure exclude — making the organisation difficult has more potential for holding organisations for women — and force a focus on 'harder', accountable. The key skills required are more 'real', outcomes (such as infrastructure organisation and advocacy. The pressure projects). Cultures are generally changed by generated by this sphere may have many the influence of leaders, and by the results, but they are dependent on work in understanding of others that the new the other spheres. directions are valuable.

Organisational politics Organisational process This refers to the day-to-day bargaining that This is the vehicle that turns the intangibles goes on between bureaucratic leaders as of bureaucratic politics, organisational they struggle to make their particular views culture, and political pressure into organi- a reality. This sphere is about access of sational action. This happens through gender advocates to power, their bargaining programmes, policies, and services. The ability, and skill in the use of power. Power question is whether there are sufficient is built from position, coalitions, clarity of resources, and sufficient skilled and analysis and purpose, and assets such as knowledgeable people, to lead the process of access to senior levels, and the ability to learning and change. Ultimately, knowledge provide valued goods (information, tech- must be spread through the organisation, nical expertise, material resources). The and gender equality must become part of the strong voice of an outside constituency is a organisational skill set, along with other tremendous asset, but far from all that is aspects of development. If resources and needed for a bureaucratic player. The expertise are the grease of organisational outcome of bureaucratic 'victories' may be process, then approval mechanisms that stronger policy, or increased resources, or require gender analyses are the drivers. even the evolution of an alternative For example, some development agencies organisational culture. require a gender analysis and strategy as a component of all projects. Finally, because Institutional culture gender equality has never been achieved, Institutional culture is that collection of organisational learning needs to be seen as a values, history, and ways of doing things key capacity. This leads us to work on the that form the unstated rules of the game in ground. an organisation. Most importantly, culture defines what is valued as being truly Programmatic interventions important in the organisation (often at odds These constitute the last (and first) sphere of with official mission statements). This power. It is here that the work of the other sphere is important because of its capacity to spheres is validated. It is also here that the make things happen as well as to block organisation delivers value or not. In the Is there life after gender mainstreaming? 67

Figure 4: The organisational likelihood of promoting gender equality

PROGRAMMATIC INSTITUTIONAL CULTURE INTERVENTION Is there a culture of Requires applied research, openness and dialogue? continuous learning and attention to power dynamics

ORGANISATIONAL POLITICS Requires • Access to power Clarity of analysis Skilled negotiation • Alliances Networks ORGANISATIONAL PROCESS • Policy • Procedure • Knowledgeable people Women in senior positions PRESSURE Women's constituency (inside and outside), senior leaders, donors, accountability structures and incentives

area of gender equality, what is of value is to change. But in many cases, in large multi- still contested. What used to be thought of as lateral organisations, the pressure for work good practice is now challenged as on gender equality is intermittent and insufficient. What this means is that this muted. The difficulty with governmental sphere must be energised by applied systems is similar: seldom is there significant research, and by the development of new pressure to take gender equality seriously, methodologies that can make a difference. and many government officials are in any These methodologies must also capture the case isolated from the pressure. attention and support of other parts of the organisation, as well as its partners. Figure 4 shows some of the relationships Building knowledge for between these spheres of power. transformation and a Even when the focus is at this level, "politics of solidarity' however, we have reservations regarding the usefulness of organisational change In this article, we have argued that life after strategies for making large organisations mainstreaming must be focused on more interested in working towards gender institutional transformation. This envisions equality. These strategies are helpful when changes not only in material conditions of managers feel strong and continued pressure women, but also change in the formal and 68

social structures which maintain inequality. David Kelleher is Co-Director of Gender at Organisations must also be transformed, so Work. For more than 30 years, he has worked that women's empowerment and gender with non-government and public organisations, equality are firmly on the agenda, and are helping them build their capacity to further their supported by skilled, politically influential social mandates. For the last few years he has advocates. None of this will happen without been involved in a number of gender and the simultaneous creation of enabling organisational change projects. He has been a environments (supply), and the mobilis- Fellow at the Simmons Institute for Leadership ation of women's groups for rights and and Change in Boston. He has also been a access to power and resources (demand). member of the board of Directors of A WID,and is This vision is not the reality we now face. currently the Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Our experience to date is telling us that there Bangladesh Co-ordinator for Amnesty is a frightening lack of knowledge with International (Canada). which to accomplish the institutional changes we need. Parts of this knowledge do Gender at Work (www.genderatwork.org) exists exist in the work of organisations in different to build knowledge and capacity on strategic parts of the world. We need to bring these change for women's empowerment, gender pieces together, and forge a new set of equality, and social inclusion. It was created in understandings, which can guide our work June 2001 by AWID, Women's Learning beyond mainstreaming. Partnership (WLP), CIVICUS, and United Finally, in these times of political and Nations Fund for Women (UNIFEM). It works economic conservatism, gender advocates with development organisations and focuses on within development organisations, and the links between organisations, gender equality, feminists working in all kinds of spaces, and institutional change. need to come together to build what some 5 have called 'a politics of solidarity'. This is Notes needed to infuse our work with vision and energy. A politics of solidarity can help us to 1 Beijing Plus Ten is the UN-led ten-year assess strategically how to advance this review of the implementation of the transforming agenda, particularly when Beijing Platform for Action, adopted by different political and institutional arenas the Fourth World Conference on Women are not working in synergy with our held in Beijing in 1995. understanding of social change. 2 Gender at Work is a knowledge and capacity building organisation focusing Aruna Rao is Co-Director of Gender at Work. on the links between gender equality, She is a gender and institutional change expert, organisations, and institutional change. with over 25 years' experience of addressing Gender at Work works with develop- gender issues in a variety of development ment and human rights practitioners, organisations, primarily in Asia. She currently researchers, and policy makers. also serves as Chair of the Board of Directors of 3 This framework is adapted from the World Alliance for Citizen Participation work of Ken Wilber. (CIV1CUS), and served as President of the 4 This framework owes much to all the Association for Women's Rights in Development previous work in this field, but (AWID)from 1998 to 2001. She holds a Ph.D. in particularly to Graham Allison (1969) Educational Administration from Columbia and Caren Levy (1996). University, New York. 5 See for example Deniz Kandiyoti (2004). Is there life after gender mainstreaming? 69

References Levy C. (1996) The Process of Institutionalizing Gender in Policy and Acker, J. (1990) 'Hierarchies, jobs and Planning: The Web of Institutionalization, bodies: a theory of gendered organisa- Working Paper No. 74, Development tions', Gender and Society, 5: 390-407 Planning Unit, University College, Allison, G. (1969) 'Conceptual models and London. the Cuban missile crisis', American Meer, S. with C. Sever (2004) Gender and Political Science Review, 63(3): 689-718 Citizenship: Overview Report, Bridge Pack Batliwala, S. (1996) 'Defining Women's on Gender and Citizenship, Brighton: Empowerment: A Conceptual Frame- Institute of Development Studies work', in Education for Women's Millennium Project Gender Task Force on Empowerment, New Delhi: Asia South Education and Gender Equality (2005) Pacific Bureau of Adult Education 'Taking Action: Achieving Gender Elson, D. (2005) 'Section 1: Macro- Equality and Empowering Women', economics, well being and gender www.unmillenniumproject.org (last equality', presentation at a panel checked June 2005) organised by UNRISD at The Ford Narayan, D. (1999) Can Anyone Hear Us? Foundation, New York in March 2004, to Washington D.C.: The World Bank launch the UNRISD publication Gender North, D. (1990) Institutions, Institutional Equality: Striving for Justice in an Unequal Change, and Economic Performance, World, 2005 Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Ferguson, C. (1999) Global Social Policy Rao, A. and D. Kelleher (2002) Unravelling Principles: Human Rights and Social Justice,Institutionalized Gender Inequality, AWID London: DFID Occasional Paper No. 8, Toronto: AWID Goetz, A. (1992) 'Gender and Admin- Rao, A., R. Stuart and D. Kelleher (1999) istration', IDS Bulletin, 23, Brighton: Gender at Work: Organizational Change for Institute of Development Studies Equality, Connecticut: Kumarian Press Goetz, A. (1997) Getting Institutions Right for Sen, A. (1999) Development as Freedom, New Women in Development, London: Zed York: Anchor Books Books Sen, G. (2004) 'Remaking Social Contracts: Goetz, A. and S. Hassim (2003) No Shortcuts Beyond the Crisis in International to Power: African Women in Politics and Development', Irene Tinker Lecture Policy Making, London: Zed Books Series, International Center for Research Hannan, C. (2003) 'Gender Mainstreaming: on Woman, Washington DC, 16 Some Experience from the United November. Nations', paper presented at a conference Subrahmanian, R. (2004) 'Making sense of on Gender Mainstreaming — A Way gender in shifting institutional contexts: Towards Equality, Berne, 20 June 2003 some reflections on gender main- Jones, E. and J. Gaventa (2002) 'Concepts of streaming', in 'Repositioning Feminisms Citizenship: A Review', IDS Development in Development', IDS Bulletin, (35)4: 89-94, Bibliography 19, Brighton: Institute of Brighton: Institute of Development Development Studies Studies Kandiyoti, D. (2004) 'Political fiction meets UNRISD (2005) Gender Equality: Striving for gender myth: post-conflict recons- Justice in an Unequal World, Geneva: truction, "democratisation" and women's UNRISD rights', in 'Repositioning Feminisms in Wilber, K. (1999) The Collected Works of Ken Development', IDS Bulletin, 35(4): 134-6, Wilber, Volume 4, Boston: Shambhala Brighton: Institute of Development Press Studies 70

Re-thinking gender mainstreaming in African NGOs and communities Senorina Wendoh and Tina Wallace

This article examines research on gender mainstreaming initiatives, undertaken by a sample of local NGOs in four African countries. This research explores where resistance to gender equality comes from in some African organisations and communities. It shows that for gender mainstreaming processes to be effective they need to address the complex realities of people, and be sensitive to the values of communities in their implementation. The more successful gender mainstreaming initiatives have worked with local people's beliefs and realities, and allowed sufficient time for attitudinal clwnge in both local people and NGO staff.

ransform Africa is a network of The research focused on the communi- training and organisational develop- cations, and collaborative work, between Tment NGOs. It supports local African NGOs in the global North and South, and NGOs to develop their skills, and helps them the communities with whom the latter work. to address some of the inequalities in their Information was taken from local NGOs, relations with NGOs from the North. The partners, and communities in four African research discussed here grew out of the countries: Zambia, Rwanda, Uganda and experiences of some of these NGOs. They the Gambia. The organisations included were concerned about a perceived resistance The Community Development Resource to gender equality issues that they saw in Network (CDRN) in Uganda, The Catholic some of the local NGOs they were supporting, Commission for Development (CCD) in and in the communities with which they Zambia, Programme Regional de Formation worked. The research was undertaken by et d'Echanges pour le Developpement Transform Africa, in collaboration with the (PREFED) in Rwanda, and African Consultants Transform network and supported by The in The Gambia. In all cases the research was Community Fund (now called The Big Lottery). conducted by local researchers with the The main aims of the research were to participation of Senorina Wendoh from understand the reasons for this perceived Transform Africa.1 hostility towards gender equality in some These are countries with contrasting African NGOs and those they worked with; economic, political, religious, and cultural to seek out African perspectives on gender contexts. Within each country, the range of and equality issues; and to share the findings experiences and findings included in the widely to enhance understanding of what research comes from various rural and urban gender equality means in the context of settings: settings which are more 'included' different African countries. in the political mainstream, and those which Rethinking gender mainstreaming in African NGOs and communities 71 are more marginalised. In each country, a gender will enhance acceptance and imple- Transform partner organisation undertook mentation of policies and practices. Gender research with several of its NGO partners, mainstreaming must therefore involve local and the communities with which they NGOs and communities in the development worked. In addition, some randomly of concepts, frameworks, and reporting selected NGOs they had not worked with formats, and these must be culturally rooted. before were included in the sample. All the They have to relate actively to the needs and NGOs said they were trying to work with realities of poor women and men. If there is gender issues, though few were specialist or no sense of ownership, it is unlikely that women's NGOs. gender mainstreaming can be sustained at The research made it clear how different all levels of government and civil society, the contexts are in different communities in from central to provincial, and from district the same country, and between countries, to local. and that they were all undergoing rapid Furthermore, gender mainstreaming change. This change is occurring through must contribute to women's empowerment, environmental degradation, changing within both development organisations and employment patterns due to globalisation, communities, so that women stop being a the growth of conflict, the spread of target group and become active players in HIV/AIDS, and worsening poverty. NGOs gender work. Too often they are seen as and communities are living in fast-changing objects of development, rather than agents of contexts in Africa, and many of the changes change able to contribute to a transformation are out of their control. process that meets their own analysis and It quickly became apparent that much aspirations. It is not for external agents to work to address gender inequality is determine what changes they need, or to tell reaching local people through government them what roles they must play and what initiatives. These are usually donor-promoted. resources they need to access. Women must The research findings indicate that gender — with support — define and work for the mainstreaming is still largely an external changes they need. This will enable them to concept. It has been adopted by govern- start to articulate, and gain access to, their ments and by some local NGOs, usually rights. those headed by women and urban based. The following sections share some of the Gender mainstreaming is often perceived by discussions held by the Transform researchers other local NGOs to be for the benefit of with officials in government ministries and donors, rather than for the benefit of local NGOs, and with people in communities communities. They find themselves grappling in the four countries. They show how the with ideas of gender equality that they have concept of gender equality is often either little understanding of, or ownership over. misunderstood or misinterpreted within They feel that many of the ideas are imposed development agencies and communities. All by those with power over them (their quotations are taken from the research. international NGO partners, donors, or government). Discussions with The 'foreign-ness' and lack of local ownership of the gender agenda often lead government officials to different forms of resistance, including Many governments in Africa committed outright rejection, scepticism, or people their countries to the Beijing Platform for masquerading as gender-sensitive, with no Action in 1995, and agreed to the real understanding or appreciation of the formulation of gender policies. For some this issues. The research suggests that improving led to the creation of gender ministries, relationships and ways of working on while other governments created focal desks 72

in existing ministries. Women's caucuses in benefiting women will mostly exclude men. some parliaments increased the represent- The discussions, even at government level, ation of women's voices, and women's repeatedly raised the spectre of robbing men concerns were also raised by lobbyists and of their power and status, something seen as individuals, in committees focusing on legal deeply threatening. Often government affairs, governance, and human rights. officials say this is apparent at local level Many dedicated men and women were during implementation; only a few admit involved in the development of government that these concerns are often shared also at gender policies, and planning consequent government level. action. Everything looked set to improve for In a different country another senior the empowerment of women and the official echoed these sentiments: achievement of gender equality. 'The gender policy is important, yet at the Resistance at government level operational level there is still a lot of resistance, However, closer scrutiny began to tell a people want to address gender but in your mind, different story. Government officials cited you don't think gender.' significant resistance 'at implementation level Another government official asserted: where people give higher priority to other 'To change people's mind... [y]ou can sensitise activities and they grade gender issues at a lower and train but implementing is difficult. We try level because of misconceptionls]'. to be there at implementation. We participate in At the heart of the perceived hostility to training as the mouthpiece of the Division — gender equality work as being 'foreign', micro-issues must include gender. Using the 'threatening', and a plan to 'usurp men's strategic plan of action, we make sure that power' is the sense that it is external and not certain gender priorities are included. There is a relevant. Indeed, the approach is seen as lot of antagonism, so we always have to be misunderstanding the essence of African present to give weight to our focal points. We societies. Such views can be found inside ensure that we are present. It is a long way [to governments, even while they openly implementing gender mainstreaming].' espouse the need to work on gender inequalities. One senior government official According to one director of a Ministry of expressed the problem: Community and Social Services, an under- 'We are living in a changing world, nobody can standing of culture is vital and yet very resist the change even if we insist on the cultural complex: practices... [W]e are acting in response to 'There is a lot of misunderstanding and government policy to uplift women, the donors weakness on the part of cultural policy makers also demand that we involve women, but... the even though gender is a subject that is being role played by the Nnabagereka [king's wife] addressed every day. We should have awareness has influenced the way we do our work. Most on issues of gender and culture. These things donors give us a condition to include at least should be portrayed in a positive light [if 65% of the beneficiaries to be women; the mainstreaming is to have impact].' government policy says one-third.' The concerns expressed above were repeated This comment captures both the hope during interviews with line ministries in contained in gender mainstreaming initiatives each of the four countries. At the core of the and the challenge of implementing policies resistance seemed to be a concern that the about which there is ambivalence. While concepts of gender were culturally donors want two-thirds of the main inappropriate, that there was a direct threat beneficiaries to be women, the government to men and male power, and that these decided on one-third because of a fear that concepts were hard to implement because Rethinking gender mainstreaming in African NGOs and coimnunities 73 they were not well adapted to local realities donors have played in raising the issue of on the ground. In translating them into gender equality and highlighting the need to practice the concepts were poorly under- tackle women's exclusion and subordination, stood, if at all. they have many concerns about the donor role. These include the fact that what gender The role of donor influence inequality means in different contexts is Many of those government officials inter- poorly understood by donors, and the ideas viewed referred to the power, and yet are often not fully understood by staff contradictory nature, of donor influence in responsible for implementing gender work. mainstreaming gender. Respondents indicated Donor procedures — with tightly framed that donors make gender equality a budgets, timetables, and predicted outcomes condition across the board, without — do not enable the kind of work needed for analysing or understanding the key gender sensitive social and cultural change to take issues in any given context. They thus place effectively. Local NGO staff cannot underestimate the challenges of imple- control how they go about mainstreaming mentation, and their funding patterns (with gender equality, because of donor conditions short timeframes and tight targets) often and demands. These are often applied in a make this work difficult. A director of one blanket way across countries and cultures government organisation stated: that are, in fact, highly differentiated and 7 have not much I can do, mainly because I work in very different ways. implement the project according to the donor conditionalities. I would for instance arrange for The gender mainstreaming a meeting to sensitise both men and women, or conundrum among local even the families benefiting, but the budget only limits me to what is earmarked.' NGOs Local NGOs share these frustrations. While The challenges faced by government donors make clear demands and often have officials charged with the mainstreaming of defined expectations of the outcomes for gender approaches are also experienced by work on gender, they do not understand local NGOs who work to mainstream gender well enough the contexts, the barriers, or the analysis and goals into their organisations demands of working out ways to address and communities. Among those interviewed these complex issues in practice. about addressing gender inequality in their work, there were far fewer success stories One local NGO programme officer than stories of resistance encountered by the defined their relationship with donors NGO workers. around gender in this way: Gender terminology and objectives have 'Donors listen to what we want, we give them become a condition for funding among our plan and they give us funds. But you know many donor agencies, including international how difficult it is, sometimes some of them take NGOs. Therefore local NGOs — which long to approve our plan and we can only start always need money for their work and have when they give us the funding. The different few opportunities for raising funds locally funders give money at different times of the year — include 'gender' in their funding proposals. so that accounting is on-going throughout the Sometimes they do this with little or no year. I wish all the programmes started all at understanding, and often with little or no once, but they [donors] take long and sometimes intention of using the funds for these purposes. they are the ones who indicate when the A respondent in one country observed: programme will start.' 'Donors insist on gender in their funding While government officials, and some local activities, they cannot fund an activity unless NGO staff, say they appreciate the role that there is a gender component.' 74

The result is that, often, proposals for Everybody was uncomfortable with it but nobody funding incorporate a gender element solely talked about the discomfort. Wlien Beijing came, to fulfil donor requirements, without any some women reacted and went quickly. This led real commitment to mainstreaming gender to conflict and divorce in families. Women from in organisations or programmes. This town and foreigners don't tell them the truth donor-led insistence on including a gender because men and women can't be equal. Some element, without due regard for local women reacted radically, others sceptically and perspectives, skills or analysis, results in others indifferently. The speed with which NGOs masquerading as gender-sensitive at Beijing ivas adopted in the country, it threatened best, and becoming resistant, mistrustful, traditional structures, because "man is the chief and sceptical at worst. This is how one and if you come with power, he resists".' respondent interpreted the funding conditions: The above quotation reflects much of the 'Economic issues are one reason we take things hostility that many men who were inter- from the outside because we are dependent on the viewed for this research exhibited towards north. We do not contextualise them. For the concept of gender equality. Many men — example we have now adopted the international even those expected to implement these way of thinking that man must share power with approaches in local NGOs — were fearful, the woman.' uneasy, and threatened by these new ideas and definitions, which challenged much that The problem of rapid change they had believed since birth. Many women, Also central to the challenge of gender with less choice and control in their own mainstreaming is the speed with which the lives, were also fearful about aspects of these idea of gender equality has been adopted. gender concepts in discussion. In contrast, Such a rapid adoption has meant that NGO some women responded positively to staff and communities either do not believe concepts coming from Beijing. In particular in the idea and associated concepts, and these were the more educated urban women, simply 'parrot' the terminology, or they do who had some opportunities and significant not understand its significance. It is common choices in their lives. to hear the English words 'gender main- The fact that NGOs are rooted in their streaming' dropped into many conversations own cultures means that staff reflect the at village level: presumably there are no local gender relations prevalent in their society. terms for it and people do not really know They find it hard to combat these internally, what the words mean. One male NGO as well as in their work with communities. director clearly expressed concerns echoed The issue of organisational culture is by many about the rapid manner in which therefore key to gender mainstreaming. The mainstreaming was adopted by many following quotation is taken from an inter- governments and NGOs: view with a male director of an organisation 'Beijing was not a good thing because it was not that considers itself gender-sensitive and sensitive to African culture. Bazungu which has conducted gender training. It [foreigners] come with their agenda and we shows the depths of the confusion that swallow it whole without considering our own ensues when ideas are only half grasped and contexts. Bazungus come with their things from concepts applied inappropriately. Beijing, and we take it automatically. It came at 'But you cannot forget who a wotnan is because top speed and expected things to change she cannot forgive anything, to put her as a overnight. People living in town copied it manager she'll end up chasing all the workers... without considering the knowledge and habits In the office I'm very gender sensitive because I of rural people. It was global, like a wave of employ a secretary she'll also make my tea, I'll thinking, a fashion, ideology that was very fast. tell her to do my filing, when I come when my Rethinking gender mainstreaming in African NGOs and communities 75

hair is not combed, she'll tell me, I write a love bring gender balance but it is giving what is due letter, she'll put it nicely on the computer — to a person". she's just like at home, some of the things my 'The chief inspector of The Victim Support Unit wife does, the secretary will remind me to look [VSU] is a woman. She opposed what I said and nice, to look clean.' 1 fought back to her and said the VSU is there to It is unrealistic to work within short time- victimise men. When a man goes there to report frames when the changes that are needed in maybe he is being abused by his wife, he is told to knowledge and attitudes will take a long go and call his wife when she comes to tell her time, even generations, to achieve. Main- story, she is the one listened to and the man is streaming gender analysis and practice is a locked up in the cell instead. Gender is a reaction process that requires changes to long-held against men. cultural beliefs and practices. If they are to be '...Gender training brings theories people don't effective, these changes must allow people to believe in, but since there are some allowances begin to see their value and develop owner- for attending, people go only because they are ship of the concepts and the change interested in them. After that, life continues. processes needed to implement them. Many After the zvorkshop, people laugh and tease each NGO workers addressing gender issues other and say to the women when they ask for complained of project and training time- a lift, "we are gender here, look for your own frames that are limited. They allow little time cars".' for them to understand and change, and give The issue of attending workshops to gain the them barely enough time to begin to work per diem allowance, rather than to learn new with communities: ideas, is a real problem for many organi- 'To change a person is a difficult thing. These sations. It is, of course, absurd to try and olds, their minds are just in their culture. We tell change attitudes and beliefs about gender them you expect things to change... Some have inequality, and to try to promote new ways accepted but others have not. But I think if this of working through one-day workshops thing goes on these youths will be better and anyway. better. They are now learning, it's just these Many of the struggles experienced by old ones.' local NGOs with the rapid speed of mainstreaming, and the short-term training Gender training workshops run by many that is used as the main approach, are local and international agencies are the key reflected in the interview below, with a tool for gender mainstreaming. Yet this has woman project manager: led to levels of scepticism. Many NGO workers interviewed felt that one- to three- 'On the surface it feels like all men and women day workshops were not enough to have embraced the idea of gender. But maybe people act differently from the way they feel. challenge people's attitudes, or to under- They all seem to embrace the idea of gender, yet stand the tools and frameworks that they gender seems to be for women [in practice]. were expected to use in their organisations Every time there is a gender workshop, the men and at community level. look at me or the secretary to be the ones to go. One respondent acknowledged that he Wliy? Because we are women. It is happening had attended a one-day gender workshop everywhere in Rwanda even in government. that was run by a government ministry. A woman is the one who is chosen whether or When asked what he thought about it, not she knows anything about gender or even he said: the language of the workshop [if it is in English]. 'A lot of noise. Women thought men were selfish It is as if gender is outside of them [men]. They and men thought women were interfering with have not yet internalised it. Why is preference their operations. I said to them "Justice is not to given to women in projects [e.g. water and 76

sanitation], yet it is men who are invited to build government advertisements and NGO the projects. This makes women to continue to be workshops. Yet most men and many dependent because they do not know how the women, especially in rural areas, felt machines work, and are at a loss when the alienated and threatened by these ideas. machines break down ...At work and in Religious faith and traditional cultural organisations, women are always appointed as values are important in communities. These treasurers because they are trustworthy and do are not easily reconciled with the current not steal, yet at home, women are not trusted to concepts of gender equality imported from be in charge of finance or property. Many international agencies and donors. The women live in rural areas and work in Christian church as it exists in the research agriculture. They can't read or write, and there areas appeared to be even more resistant is need to train them. Those who have been able to change than African cultural values. to learn are few.' A church official had the following to say: As noted earlier, NGO staff are rooted in 'We respect women. These new foreign ideas are their own socialisation and upbringing, and confusing our women. Tlie bible states clearly carry many gender concepts into their lives that the woman is the priest in the home while at work. Enabling them to analyse and the man is the priest in the Church. We honour explore their attitudes, and to see which them for the work they do in the home.' ones might block the achievement of aims While there is plenty of evidence of women that they espouse, such as the alleviation of being active in the Church, the research did poverty, is a slow process and one that not uncover any signs of this being a route to demands a range of responses, not simply women claiming new rights or asking for short workshops. Inadequate attention is change in their lives. The examples seen paid to working with staff on their own showed women playing a largely sub- beliefs and practices. This ensures that they servient role within the life of the Church. are ill equipped when it comes to explaining Mainstreaming initiatives often fail to and training on gender issues in communities. stress the strong link between gender Their lack of understanding is one source of inequality and poverty. The idea that real resistance. Another is the fear of the women need to be able to access resources implications of gender equality work for and take some control in their lives is not themselves. made clear, yet without this, the concept of equality risks alienating men. They feel their authority and position is being directly Communities and gender undermined, and they lack understanding mainstreaming of what the benefits of change might be. In almost all the communities we One man expressed the resentment felt encountered, elements of hostility and by many men in many communities: bewilderment about gender issues were 'Beijing helped the country to adopt a law on expressed. The core concept that people did gender. Before Beijing, men decided everything, seem to grasp was that of 'gender balance', even the life of women but now men can't do which we were told had 'been brought from anything. They can't sell a land, cows, even TV Beijing', usually by the government. When without the agreement of the woman. [N]oiu... asked what was meant by 'gender balance', the men fear the law... because it makes men feel many of the informants said it meant '50-50', bad, they feel that they are being forced to do or that 'women should be equal to men'. The things. According to the law, if men sell anything concept of gender balance, in terms of without consulting women/wife, the police will numbers and equality, had been introduced come and take you to prison: "it is as if Beijing to these communities through vigorous came and diminished the power of men".' Rethinking gender mainstreaming in African NGOs and communities 77

Most gender mainstreaming initiatives also knowledge to help women to see what do not seem to take into account that in some would be of real value to them in their contexts, men have the power to block current situations. Decisions are rushed; changes: there is often not the time to discuss, raise 'Authority belongs to the father. It is natural issues and awareness, or challenge and that children belong to the father. Because it is introduce new ideas at a pace that women the man who marries the woman, he is also the can understand. one who takes care of the children, the one who The range of livelihoods open to women names them and gives them away in marriage.' varies greatly in the different regions, as do the reactions of women: a wide range of Another view was: views and opinions wase expressed in the 7 appreciate that women have been marginalised research. In some contexts they are already but I do not agree with the approach used to breadwinners and relatively independent, emancipate them. The whole movement has while in others they are highly dependent in eroded our culture, women no longer respect every way and cannot even begin to engage their husbands not even elders. The process has with ideas such as gender equality. The been so fast with little consideration of our following reactions elicited from women in cultural values. When women get money for the four countries reflect the varying instance, they forget cultural norms. The whole realities: question of women empowerment is not our 'We depend on men for our livelihood. We do not culture, it has failed even in the west.' own land. Once I leave my father's home to get Furthermore, gender mainstreaming initiatives married, I cannot go back. I have to stay with my within communities do not properly relate husband. If I leave him, where can I go? What to the perceptions and needs of the women. will happen to my children?' Outsiders, not insiders, define women's 'If my husband marries another wife, I cannot needs. Women are told what equality stop him. I don't mind sharing him because his means, without first listening to them and new wife will help with tilling the farm. At least assessing the realities and constraints of I have a home. I can't go back to my parents' their contexts. Where women are entirely home. There is no land.' reliant on men, for example for access to land 'Wlien my husband died recently, his mother and or protection for their children, talking to relatives arrived to inherit me. I chased them them about demanding rights within the away. I was so angry — my husband had barely family falls on deaf ears. Expecting women been buried, and they were doing this. What to confront social and cultural norms about AIDS? These people don't care for me or concerning divorce, child maintenance, my children. I can take care of myself and my inheritance, or violence — without under- children. Even when my husband was still alive, standing their own perception of what their I took care of this family.' needs are, and what they feel is possible — 'Many of the women are unhappy with the is unrealistic. What is appropriate about polygamous set-ups in their village. Their women's right to a livelihood or control of husbands do not help them to pay school fees for their bodies in one context does not the children. Some men only sire children while necessarily apply or work in another. Even only the women struggle with fees. They say they NGO workers, who often know these local are oppressed in marriage... "Wlwt can we do? realities and understand the language and We can't take such matters to the Local Council, cultural concepts, sometimes try to impose because the Local Councillors [an elected ideas that are alien and unhelpful. They do position equivalent to the village this in order to meet donor requirements, elders /chiefs] are themselves polygamous." rather than working with their own They can't go back to their homes, because their 78

fathers are also like that [polygamous]. There are men and women, these local NGOs have more women than men. And women own nothing.' made in-roads where government ministries The voices quoted above indicate that are still struggling. They have found a way opportunities for change are very different to tailor their approach to local needs, in diverse contexts, and so there cannot be a through listening and careful co-operation blueprint. Even among people in the same with local people. This is something that country, there are differences based on governments find hard to do, because rural /urban experiences and expectations, gender mainstreaming is centralised and generation, literacy levels, access to their messages tend to be universal and resources, and land ownership. spread across the country in a uniform way. Both women and men in local com- Forming alliances with local leaders munities, especially where poverty is rife Some local NGOs have found ways of and opportunities are constrained, felt building strong alliances with powerful bewildered and uncertain about the intro- local leaders. These may be political, duction of concepts of gender balance and religious, or traditional. This has meant it is equality by governments and local NGOs. easier to push the gender agenda forwards. Change is ongoing all around them, and Local leaders have themselves spearheaded some are seeking certainty rather than gender equality work. Because most leaders further change and challenge. Others feel are male, this approach has meant that other that the ideas as they understand them have men have become allies, and they have in no place in their communities. Those more turn communicated the importance of able to embrace the ideas tended to be those gender equality to their fellows. Traditional with more economic options, and/or meeting places, where local cases and education and access to towns. Men were matters of importance are discussed, have often hostile because they felt threatened, been appropriated as places for com- and confused women were uncertain municating the importance of gender because the concepts seemed so far removed equality and supporting such initiatives as from their daily lives and the problems they inheritance rights for widows, the writing of are grappling with. wills, and the education of girl children:

'We go through the chiefs and headmen; we From the local to the global: involve them and let them participate. They even some local NGO progress contribute goats and chicken for the occasion and in gender mainstreaming they feel part and parcel of the process. They also own it. Our workshops discuss the importance of 'Yes, you expect resistance to gender because it is human rights contained in the constitution, the like you are against norms of customary law... law of marriage and divorce, inheritance, then definitely you expect them to resist. From our gender and its link to poverty — ivhat can be experience, what matters is approach.' done, what has gone wrong. Finally we teach While the work of gender mainstreaming is them on the law of inheritance and succession still a huge challenge to many, some NGOs because it is controversial. We have gained a lot (the exceptions in the research, rather than of experience from being down there with the the norm that was presented earlier) have community. We debate issues with communities... achieved success. By beginning their If I take you to the community, men will tell you sensitisation processes through their local now they sit down with their wives and women leaders, using men to talk to other men, are also free to ask/challenge men and question women to other women, and age group to positions in society. The husbands hesitate to age group, and by clearly demonstrating beat their wives because the women say they'll the value of according equal opportunities to take them to (our NGO).' Rethinking gender mainstreaming in African NGOs and communities 79

An official from another NGO explained the respected, and by highlighting the damage complex nature of gender mainstreaming, that current gender relations do to families, and how it is perceived differently at communities, and the work to tackle international and local levels: poverty. If a gender mainstreaming process 'Talking about gender at an international is fully embedded within the communities, conference is different from engaging with rural and takes the time to start from there — communities. National NGOs want to talk about introducing new ideas and challenges in gender to communities and it is like Greek, ways and at a pace that can stimulate and because they don't understand why women excite rather then threaten and demoralise should change. You have to start from the known — then it will be able to bring about change to the unknown. It is a big leap from the past from within, rather than imposing it from into Utopia. Wlten you sit with communities, outside. The challenge for donors, govern- you must start from where they are, then talk ments, and NGOs is to find ways to support about concepts.' and encourage positive change in favour of women, rather than bringing in blueprint It is evident from the approaches discussed ideas and concepts that have no meaning for here that local NGOs can tap into issues and local actors. areas that are relevant to the local community and make progress on gender Senorina Wendoh has been involved in research issues. They avoid using frameworks that on gender and poverty at the grassroots and was can appear to be foreign, that can cause part of the Kenya Women Coalition's mentoring confusion or that risk alienating the people team during the Poverty Reduction Strategy with whom they are working. process in Western Kenya. She is currently the Transform Gender Research Co-ordinator on Conclusion 'African Perspectives on Gender'. She is based at the Transform Africa Office. Contact: Transform The research carried out by Transform Africa, 4P Leroy House, 436 Essex Road, London Africa suggests that the challenges to NI3QP, UK. [email protected] successful gender mainstreaming are multiple. They include the speed with which Tina Wallace has worked on gender issues in gender mainstreaming has been imple- development practice for many years, and has mented, its blanket approach to complex written about the challenges in various articles realities on the ground, standardised and and books. She is currently a Research Associate quick workshops intended to change at International Gender Studies, Queen attitudes and practices almost instantly, Elizabeth House, Oxford. Her current work short project timeframes, and approaches involves researching relationships within the 'aid that have little impact because they ignore chain', and supporting the Transform research the processes required to change long-held on 'African Perspectives on Gender', as well as beliefs and practices. working directly with NGOs, especially in The few success stories uncovered by the Africa. Contact: International Gender Studies, research suggest that the seeds of change lie Queen Elizabeth House, St Giles, Oxford, UK. within the communities themselves. They are able and willing to analyse and think about their situation, and confront the need Note for change if the process starts from their 1 Full country reports have been written. own analysis and understanding. It is Contact Transform Africa for details: enhanced when leaders support the process [email protected] and encourage change. This is often done by referring to times when women were more 80

Strategic gender mainstreaming in Oxfam GB Elsa Dawson

This article1 describes and assesses a strategy to mainstream gender issues in the South America region of Oxfam GB, both in its programme and in the organisation's internal systems and procedures. The experience shows that relating gender equality to strategic thinking is key to its effective incorporation into a programme. If staff do not see gender equality as a central part of what they are meant to be working on, they are unlikely to dedicate time to it. This depends both on managerial clarity and written plans.2

n 2001 / 2, Oxfam GB carried out a Gender The plan of action proposed interventions Review for the whole organisation, in four areas: programme, leadership, Iwhich I co-managed together with the learning and development, and knowledge Oxfam Gender Adviser.3 The aim of the management. Gender Review was to assess progress In 2003, I was asked by Oxfam GB's achieved in gender mainstreaming through- Regional Director for South America to out Oxfam's programme, and within the design the gender mainstreaming strategy organisation itself. Gender mainstreaming for her region. On her departure, I was asked was launched as a worldwide strategy at the to facilitate the implementation of the 1995 Beijing Conference, in which many strategy, and I undertook this work as Oxfam staff participated. For the Review, Regional Gender Adviser for the period July specialists were contracted who had 2003 to April 2004.4 expertise in gender analysis, combined with the various aspects of development in which Gender mainstreaming: Oxfam was involved, including human- itarian aid, advocacy on trade, and ensuring defining it for Oxfam GB the integration of gender issues into poverty Various definitions have been drawn up, but reduction strategies. The role of the the central idea with relevance to Oxfam is specialists was to examine these programmes that, for an organisation committed to social and draw conclusions regarding the extent to action, gender equality should not just be which working towards gender equality had the concern and responsibility of a few been successfully integrated. The recommend- specialists, but rather an essential part of the ations of the Review were translated into an work of all members of staff, as well as an organisational plan of action, and into integrated part of all organisational systems regional gender mainstreaming strategies. and procedures. It is therefore important Strategic gender mainstreaming in Oxfam GB 81 that staff have a sense of ownership over the approach. He contrasts this with WID way gender concerns are integrated into approaches which focus on satisfying women's their work. practical needs without challenging gender Writing in an Oxfam publication (1999, power relations. 10), March et al. define gender main- Hilary Standing (2004) takes a different streaming as: 'To integrate gender concerns view, observing that work which might be into every aspect of an organisation's classed as WID in nature should be included priorities and procedures... Making gender in the way that gender mainstreaming is concerns the responsibility of all in an conceptualised. Although development and organisation, and ensuring they are humanitarian programmes will effect more integrated into all structures and all work'. sustainable change if they do aim to correct Oxfam defined gender mainstreaming in a power imbalances between women and set of guidelines for its staff as follows: men, an activity aimed at helping women in 'A process of ensuring that all its work, and a practical way may well support them to the way it is done, contributes to gender redress power imbalances. An example is equality by transforming the balance of supporting women to earn more income, power between women and men' (internal which meets both the practical need for document November 2002, no page more resources, and potentially enables number). them to meet their strategic need for greater The phrase 'and the way it is done' refers power within the household. Including to internal procedures and systems. Oxfam work which does not explicitly address (ibid.) states that this process involves: gender power imbalances in the concept of • recognising the links between gender gender mainstreaming enables staff to inequality and poverty; perceive the links between the improvement of women's daily lives and changes to • assessing the different implications for gender power relations. women and men of its development, humanitarian, and advocacy work; Oxfam's South America • devising strategies and systems to region ensure that the different concerns, experiences, and capacities of women The South America programme is based in and men fundamentally shape the way Lima, Peru. It implements development, in which all programme and advocacy humanitarian, and advocacy activities in work is planned, implemented, and Peru, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Ecuador, evaluated; and Chile, operating mainly via local non- government organisations. The programme • ensuring that Oxfam's internal practices concentrates on improving poor people's are consistent with the above. livelihoods, via direct interventions and This definition does not clarify whether lobbying on trade issues, urban poverty, gender mainstreaming for Oxfam means assistance for indigenous groups, and humani- a 'gender and development' (GAD) or tarian aid for victims of violent conflict. 'women in development (WID) approach Gender inequality remains a key factor in and associated activities. This important relation to poverty in the region, despite issue was left to staff in the regions to decide. important gains by women in recent years, Pialek (2004) suggests that gender main- such as their increased role in community streaming is essentially about internalising a leadership. Women are still vastly out- commitment to challenging inequality numbered by men in local government, between women and men — a GAD suffer higher rates of unemployment, and 82

tend to be clustered in low-paid low-skilled by key regional staff, especially the managers sectors. Between 20 and 30 per cent of low- of the five country programmes, and which income households are headed by women. would inspire them and their staff to take This number is rising in urban areas, and the action. Interviews were held with a selection incidence of poverty in women-headed of programme staff, including all country households is greater than in those headed managers, to find out their opinions as to by men. The poorest women are located in what progress had been achieved, what the rural areas, where they are largely challenges remained, and what major steps responsible for subsistence agriculture, were required to improve gender main- which has been seriously affected by trade streaming. Most importantly, they were liberalisation. In urban areas, women asked to express their visions of a gender- outnumber men in the low-paid informal mainstreamed society. What would this look sector, and generally suffer from worse like, from their perspective? working conditions and lower remun- With regard to progress already achieved eration than men. Many women work as in mainstreaming gender, it was clear that household domestics, receiving inadequate the majority of staff had good levels of pay and social protection. In all these areas, understanding and capacity in relation to women have to balance their unpaid gender analysis, and that regional leader- domestic responsibilities with income-earning ship was clear that addressing the gender activities, as South American men still power imbalance was a priority for the largely refuse to do their fair share of region's poverty reduction effort. There domestic tasks, for fear of being branded were also many examples of effective gender unmanly. Even in the Lima Oxfam office, it mainstreaming in the programme. However, was rare to see men serving refreshments at these tended to follow a WID approach; not meetings; this was a task usually carried out specifically directed at addressing gender by administrative-grade women. inequality, although in practice they may An urgent issue throughout the region is have done, as observed above. Programme violence against women, especially in objectives rarely included mention of contexts of conflict, where rape and sexual working towards gender equality, and abuse are systemic. Domestic violence gender analysis was largely absent from against women is also widespread, and contextual poverty analyses. ingrained in both women's and men's The overall vision from regional staff for images of what it is to be masculine. a gender-mainstreamed region was that it should represent a strategic contribution to A gender mainstreaming the achievement of more equal relationships between men and women in South America. strategy for South America The major challenge was how to ensure that It was the Oxfam Regional Director's gender equality emerged from the realms of awareness of this situation, coupled with the rhetoric and was translated into real changes organisation's gender mainstreaming action in women's lives. They hoped the region plan, which led her to contract me to develop would provide Oxfam with a South American a gender mainstreaming strategy for the perspective on gender equality, taking into region. Having worked in South America for account the multicultural, social, and ethnic ten years and for Oxfam's Programme context of the continent, and that regional Learning Team for another ten, I had a budgets would reflect Oxfam's seriousness useful background for providing ideas regarding gender equality in the distribution about how this could be done. of resources. In the workplace, they aspired An important consideration was how to to a place where each person felt'empowered', develop a strategy which would be owned respected, and appreciated for their Strategic gender mainstreaming in Oxfam GB 83 professional capacities, with a reasonable aimed at improving working conditions. balance between male and female staff Once such aspects have been analysed, the numbers at each level. programme can prioritise them, recognising the central role that reducing gender Integrating gender equality into inequality plays in poverty reduction in the programme activities planning stage. Activities proposed had to be feasible within Minimum standards were designed for the schedules of busy programme staff, and the integration of gender analysis into make sense in terms of the contexts in which programme proposals. Oxfam uses an elec- they were working. The gender main- tronic programme-management system and streaming strategy designed to achieve this database, with facilities for monitoring vision focused on strategic 'acupuncture indicators and impact. For each section of points'. These were key areas where intro- this format, indications for the inclusion of ducing specific changes in the way the gender considerations were drawn up and regional programme was managed would agreed on by each country programme really make a difference in terms of the manager, to be used by staff as they designed organisation's ultimate impact on gender their programme proposals. The compliance inequality. It was therefore proposed to: of staff with these standards was to be the • develop gender and power analysis to subject of a review in June 2005, led by support the regional programme; regional management. As Oxfam largely relies on partners to • use the conclusions to develop carry out analysis at the programme level, corresponding objectives which some changes in the portfolio of partner expressed Oxfam's intentions related to organisations were necessary, so that Oxfam gender equality; would be working with more organisations • support this with an effective staff capable of providing effective gender training programme in gender analysis. It proved difficult to select new sensitivity. partners, especially where long-term relation- ships had been built up with specific The importance of integrating gender partners. In some areas, there was a more sensitivity at all stages of the programme restricted choice of partners. For example in management cycle was emphasised, i.e. the Andes fewer agencies existed, especially throughout situational analysis, design, those with high level capacity for gender implementation, monitoring, and evaluation. analysis. I suggested some alternative organi- It was observed that there was not much sations for country managers to consider, point adding in gender concerns at the and one of these suggestions was taken up. implementation or monitoring stages if it was not there in the analysis and design. Internal organisational procedures How poverty relates to gender inequality In terms of internal organisational pro- needed to be explored from the start, cedures, a key action was to include in the otherwise it was unlikely to be addressed by personal performance objectives of all the programme's objectives or activities, and programme staff the aim of ensuring that a key interventions likely to address poverty gender perspective was built into the would be lost. For example, in livelihoods programme. It was hoped that this would programmes, women may become over- lead to every manager monitoring the burdened with more work, rather than performance of every staff member, in terms having their workload alleviated; or areas of gender mainstreaming, during every where low-income women's employment is performance review. The capacity to carry clustered may be missed in a programme out gender analysis was also to be made a 84

key criterion for the selection of all new staff, • gender and indigenous/mestizo culture; although in practice staff were still taken on • gender and humanitarian work; without this capacity. Induction packs included information on the importance of • gender and violence; gender equality for Oxfam, and how the organisation incorporates a concern for it • gender and participation; into its work. Job descriptions made clear the • gender and urban issues. responsibilities of the post regarding main- streaming gender. All new regional managers Learning exchanges were to be organised were to demonstrate passion, enthusiasm, between beneficiaries, partners, and Oxfam and understanding regarding gender equality staff. These would use external specialists in and its relationship to poverty issues in the each area to facilitate learning, as a way of region. The new Regional Director recruited supporting all these groups to develop their at the end of my contract certainly appeared understanding in a mutual fashion, without to fulfil this criterion. A gender lead was also Oxfam making claims to be the expert and to be appointed with sufficient time and pushing a particular agenda. An electronic resources to implement the gender main- distance-learning programme was also streaming strategy, with the support of gender proposed on the above six themes, using focal points in each country office. My role as the Internet and electronic discussion Gender Adviser encompassed that of gender forums to bring together specialists and staff lead for the ten months of my contract, but as located around the world. This would be I was not replaced and it was decided not to related to and complemented by distance- appoint the country focal points in each office, learning programmes. It was intended the implementation of the strategy suffered. that staff should dedicate seven hours a Administrative staff were made aware of week to these programmes, which would Oxfam's position on gender equality and include: women's rights, and the relationship of this • CDs of learning materials; to the organisation's ways of working. A workshop for all regional and Peru office • electronic essay exchanges; administrative staff was held. During this • series of one-day seminars; workshop, examples of the links between women's inequality and poverty, such as the • electronic debates and discussions. high percentages of women-headed house- Other proposed means of learning were: holds among low-income groups in the region, were explained. This convinced • a register of local sources of gender many initially doubtful staff members of the training; importance of introducing a gender analysis • support for staff to attend training into the programme's conceptualisation. courses; Male participants were given the job of serving the refreshments! • leaflets with key information about how to mainstream gender; Learning and development • sharing a list of useful Internet links and A gender learning and development plan bibliographies; was designed, focusing on key areas that staff identified, given their importance for • exchanges with academic staff; the development of the regional programme • collaboration with doctoral students in the context of South America: who wish to implement participative • gender and the macro-economic research and document Oxfam situation; experience. Strategic gender mainstreaming in Oxfam GB 85

Box 1: Novib's 'traffic lights' criteria

These criteria are divided into three phases, which are likely to represent the progressive development of an organisation in terms of capacity for implementing gender-sensitive development programmes.

Phase 1 • Gender-disaggregated baseline monitoring, evaluation, and impact information is collected, analysed, and used to inform programme development. • Female and male beneficiaries participate equally in decision making in planning, implementation, and evaluation of projects, and their voices are reflected in the way programme decisions are made. • Staff and volunteers have a sufficient level of understanding and skill to enable a basic gender analysis and gender-aware approach to be carried out.

Phase 2 • A rights-based gender analysis that demonstrates the links between poverty, discrimination against women, and gender inequality is developed, and this analysis is reflected in the organisation's policy and programme. • There is a balance of women and men in senior and middle management, or the organisation is actively seeking to redress an imbalance in order to reflect more equitably its beneficiary population. • Women and men understand the need for gender-balanced decision making and are able to ensure that decisions taken reflect their different interests.

Phase 3 • A significant number of male staff members and beneficiaries are actively engaged in work to strengthen gender equality. • The organisation actively exchanges knowledge and information, collaborates with others to extend and share its learning on gender issues, and uses this learning to shape its programme. • The organisation challenges gender-stereotyped beliefs and discriminatory attitudes towards women, both in its internal practices and externally.

Source: Oxfam 2002

The planned model for learning and Working with partners on gender development, based on mutual learning mainstreaming activities, was envisaged as a model that the A monitoring and support tool was region could use to support learning in other developed for staff to work with partner areas. It was developed in line with plans for organisations on gender mainstreaming, global learning being promoted by Oxfam's based around the programme management Programme Learning Team. However, these cycle. The 'traffic lights' criteria for plans were not carried through into the monitoring gender integration in partner region, which had no general learning and organisations, developed by Novib Oxfam development strategy in place at the time. Netherlands (see Box 1), were used as a way The interim regional management team of identifying partners who had weak found the gender knowledge development capacity related to gender analysis and plan too ambitious, and decided it should gender-sensitive programming. This was not be implemented. tried out in Ecuador, where partners were 86

asked to identify the tasks they carry out, or of how trade liberalisation had benefited felt they should carry out, in relation to women by providing them with new employ- gender equality at each stage of their ment opportunities, the trade advocacy was programme management cycle. The agreed focused on lobbying against free trade per se, actions were to be monitored in future visits rather than looking for ways to modify its by Oxfam programme officers. A workshop effects on women and men. was held with Intermon (Oxfam in Spain, If this gender analysis had been part of who took over the Ecuador programme the original analytical exercise on liveli- from Oxfam GB), and other Oxfam hoods, the contradiction which arose between International5 members, to agree overall the gender analysis and the programme gender mainstreaming strategies and ways analysis would have been resolved as part of of working to ensure this work continued. the process of arriving at conclusions. If Oxfam's poverty analyses generally took Knowledge management into account gender concerns, and the In order to improve knowledge manage- interests of poor women, they might come to ment in relation to gender, it was proposed different conclusions which would lead to that each office should appoint a gender better interventions from the perspective of focal point who would be responsible for disadvantaged women. However, the speed receiving and distributing information with which programmes have to be designed regarding gender, and supporting staff to in Oxfam usually means that social analysis use it. Annual impact reports would be used (and within that, gender analysis) is not for identifying gender mainstreaming success sufficiently deep. stories, and how achievements were made. These would then be transmitted to staff via This experience taught us that it is the South America Intranet site or the insufficient just to provide staff with analyses electronic bulletins being planned. The — they need to develop these themselves in gender focal points would also promote the order to take them on board in their gender learning and development plan. planning and programme management. It However, this was not carried through; again begs the question of how this can be done it was considered too ambitious and there effectively, given the shortage of time. My were concerns that country offices lacked experience suggests that it can be done in the capacity to appoint the focal points. three ways: • selecting staff already possessing appropriate gender analytical Major issues arising from knowledge regarding the contexts in the strategy which they will be working; or Ownership and the need for 'rooted' • providing staff with learning and gender analysis development opportunities on the job; Nicholas Pialek and I wrote gender analyses or for staff on key regional themes: livelihoods, conflict, and urban issues. However, despite • ensuring that programmes are imple- condensing these into succinct three-page mented only with partners who have summaries, they were not widely used. the appropriate knowledge and skills. Pialek (2004) observed that the livelihoods gender analysis came to conclusions which Competing priorities for implementation conflicted with the analysis generally held staff by regional programme staff, and was A major problem in implementing the therefore not accepted by them. For example, strategy was that staff at all levels felt they whereas the gender analysis cited evidence did not have time to participate in it. Pialek Strategic gender mainstreaming in Oxfam GB 87

(2004) points out that the confusion around concepts of gender difference and relations. the degree of priority given to gender In this region there are indigenous societies equality results from Oxfam's dual strategic where women are relatively equal to men, approach. On the one hand this states the such as the Shipibos of the Peruvian need to mainstream gender throughout the Amazonian rainforest (Heath 2005). Staff organisation's five strategic objectives; and were unable to communicate Oxfam's on the other hand makes gender equality an concern that even where gender equality objective on its own, and the last one at that. might traditionally be less of a problem, an This dual approach allows staff to see gender awareness of gender difference was still as an add-on, leading them to say it is not important. In overall terms in the South their priority, rather than seeing gender America region, unequal gender relations sensitivity as an integral part of the unduly affect women rather than men. This management of a high-quality programme. is particularly so as the encroachment of For example, I was asked not to approach Western socio-economic processes have one significant programme in the region, so tended to make women more unequal. as not to 'overburden' the manager. Instead, For example, Andean women speak less my intervention could have been seen as Spanish than men, which makes it more potentially helpful to her. difficult for them to access markets as the It was therefore key that gender equality markets are becoming increasingly Spanish- be explicitly part of agreed programme speaking. objectives, as stated in the programme The gender mainstreaming process proposal minimum standards, so that staff needed more information regarding the and partner organisations would see this as different forms of gender relations among part of their work, rather than as an add-on. indigenous Peruvians, in order to judge whether the approach to gender equality Who does the gender analysis? being promoted by Oxfam needed modifying. Carrying out regional-level analyses was a A seminar on gender and ethnicity was lengthy activity, demonstrating that this is planned to explore these issues and reach not an easy task, but requires resources and conclusions regarding what a South American analytical capacity. The gender analyses concept of gender mainstreaming should developed by Pialek were appreciated by look like. Some staff, for example, expressed regional management, but some of his key concern that Western gender analysis fails to conclusions were not accepted by staff. The give value to the relations of comple- problem with using external help is that staff mentarity and reciprocity, which are so do not develop ownership of the ideas. This much part of the Andean people's survival means that Oxfam either has to recruit staff strategies. Woodford Berger (2004) also who have the analysis skills in the first place, finds that 'the assumed oppositional or give them the opportunity to develop the positions of women and men in the social, skills themselves. economic, political and ritual order' (69), Partner organisations are best placed to which is the basis of gender analytical carry out a local gender analysis, given their frameworks, did not match the reality of first-hand contact with beneficiaries. But, people of Dormaa in Ghana. We failed to unless their primary focus is women's find a way in Oxfam's South America issues, they have little time and capacity to programme of communicating the possibility carry out the analysis that a programme that gender could be about complementary requires. Ownership of gender analysis is relationships, possibly because of this key, however. Many Andean-based organi- essentially oppositional nature of the concept sations rejected Oxfam's policy on gender which Woodford Berger notes. However, in equality, describing it as based on Western a strategic planning session for women 88

involved in a Peruvian women's movement, leaders in El Alto, Bolivia, or those involved I successfully used the metaphor of a in the Lima community soup-kitchens Peruvian dance to encourage participants to movement, could be built upon to seek their visualise their ideal of gender relations, in greater representation at local political terms of positive and complementary levels, currently still a gap in South America. relations between the sexes. Another key lesson from this experience is that it is crucial that staff and partners carry out their own gender analysis, so that Conclusion they own this and incorporate it into their The Regional Director was insistent on the way of thinking about the reality they intend importance of addressing gender inequality to address with their programmes. If this is throughout the Oxfam programme through not done, staff will either reject the analysis, a gender mainstreaming strategy. However, or merely pay it lip service without thinking the implementation of the strategy suffered through the implications for the details of as a result of her subsequent relocation to their programmes. Their capacity to carry another region. Much less was achieved out gender analysis depends on the than was hoped for, demonstrating how successful implementation of learning and crucial leadership is for successful gender development work related to gender. mainstreaming. Gender mainstreaming therefore needs The way that gender equality relates to to happen at the highest strategic decision- strategic planning is key to its effective making levels in the organisation. Only then incorporation into a programme. If staff do will staff be clear that working towards not see gender equality as a central part of gender equality is an essential part of what what they are working towards, they will Oxfam expects of them, and only then will not dedicate time to it. This depends both on they feel able to incorporate it into their busy managerial clarity and written plans. No work schedules. amount of advisers, gender mainstreaming strategies, and gender training workshops Elsa Dawson lias worked for twenty years in UK can convince staff to mainstream gender if development agencies, both in South America achieving gender equality is not a clear goal and based at their UK head offices. She is a set out in their strategic plan. If this is then specialist in gender mainstreaming, and reflected in their personal performance programme management, particularly strategic objectives, and seen by them as an essential planning and evaluation, and currently works as part of what they are expected to achieve — an independent consultant in these fields. constantly reiterated by managers as Contact: [email protected] important — the rhetoric may be translated into the reality of the programme and the lives of those it is intended to benefit. Gender equality should also be rooted in the context of the programme. Research on positive achievements in mainstreaming gender shows that success is more likely where contextual preconditions exist (Beall and Todes 2004). Regional pro- gramme strategies could, for example, identify positive trends in relation to gender equality into which Oxfam can insert its efforts. The successes of women community Strategic gender mainstreaming in Oxfam GB 89

Notes References 1 An earlier version of this article in Beall, J. and A. Todes (2004) 'Headlines and Spanish was accepted for publication by head-space: challenging gender planning the review Debates en Sociologia produced orthodoxy in area-based by the Peruvian Catholic University of urban development', in 'Repositioning Lima. Feminisms in Development', IDS Bulletin 2 Oxfam has worked on gender issues as a 35(4): 43-50, Brighton: Institute of concern in their own right since the Development Studies founding of a specialist Gender and Heath, C. (2005) 'Looking Inwards: What Development Unit in 1984 (see Porter, F., Can We Learn from an Analysis of the I. Smyth, and C. Sweetman (1999) Gender Traditional Designs of Shipibo Works: Oxfam Experience in Policy and Women?', MA dissertation, Oxford Practice, Oxford: Oxfam). March, C, I. Smyth, and M. 3 I am grateful to Judith Flick for Mukhopadhyay (1999) A Guide to commissioning the design of the Oxfam Gender-Analysis Frameworks, Oxford: South America gender mainstreaming Oxfam GB strategy. Oxfam (2002) 'Gender Mainstreaming 4 I was assisted in this task by Nicholas Tools', Oxford: Oxfam GB Pialek, a Master's student from the Pialek, N. (2004) 'Gender Mainstreaming in Oxford University Department of Oxfam: Policy, Practice, and Institutional Development Studies. Change', Thesis presented at the 5 Oxfam International is a family of University of Oxford agencies with similar aims, located in a Standing, H. (2004) 'Gender, myth and number of developed countries fable: the perils of mainstreaming in throughout the world. sector bureaucracies', in 'Repositioning Feminisms in Development', IDS Bulletin 35(4): 82-8, Brighton: Institute of Development Studies Woodford Berger, P. (2004) 'Gender mainstreaming: what is it (about) and should we continue doing it?', in 'Repositioning Feminisms in Develop- ment', IDS Bulletin 35(4): 65-72, Brighton: Institute of Development Studies 90

NGOs, gender mainstreaming, and urban poor communities in Mumbai Vandana Desai

This article focuses on gender mainstreaming in small grassroots NGOs in the Indian city of Mumbai. It identifies some of the gaps in activities and challenges that these organisations face, and explores the links between gender mainstreaming and women's empowerment. NGOs working at community level can play an important role in supporting women to challenge customs, ideas, and beliefs which perpetuate unequal gender relations. This role of NGOs becomes particularly challenging in a context of rapid social and cultural change, such as Mumbai. The article argues tltat despite commitments to gender mainstreaming, NGOs have insufficient understanding tliat they can facilitate the process of empowerment of women in such a context.

rban NGOs can strengthen the supporting women's empowerment1 and capabilities of women in slums, and transformation of their social roles? What Ucan play a role in encouraging or implications does the commitment of NGOs inhibiting empowerment processes. Because to work on gender have for feminist of this, it is important to explore how NGOs agendas? can support women through rapid and The first survey for this research was dramatic economic, social, and political carried out in 1995-6. In 2003, 40 of the change. The article is based on information NGOs were revisited, to see how their style which was collected for a study of 67 of operation was evolving in response to grassroots urban NGOs and their operations economic and political changes. This follow- (funded by the British government's up was funded by the British Academy.2 Department for International Develop- ment). The NGOs on which the research focused are involved in a broad spectrum of The context service-delivery activities with a high profile NGOs in Mumbai are working in an and a strong tendency towards policy advocacy. environment of rapid economic and cultural Beyond this they exhibit potentially illumin- change. The Indian government's economic ating contrasts in emphasis and packaging, as liberalisation policies have led to the well as in client group and organisational privatisation of health, education, and other style (Desai and Preston 2000; Desai 2002). services to urban populations in low-income This article draws on information from areas. In a context like Mumbai, public the research to explore several questions. services have always been inadequate, but How is a concern for gender inequality economic liberalisation has worsened the addressed by different urban NGOs? situation in many ways. Which activities have been successful in NGOs, gender mainstreaming, and urban poor communities in Mumbai 91

Poor women's aspirations have been Sudha, a young woman to whom I spoke in a dramatically affected by the impact of global slum in Chembur: economic change on urban life in Mumbai, 7 go to work and bring money into our house, especially after economic liberalisation in so that we can buy various things for our house. 1991 (Desai 2002). Many women have found I can decide with my husband how we can spend opportunities in different industries that our money within the household budget, while have developed since that date: for example, my sister-in-law stays at home and looks after export-oriented manufacture of garments, the house and cooks our meals'. jewellery, embroidery, and leather goods; but also service-oriented industries such All NGOs in the sample reported an increase as catering, beauty parlours, call centres, in social problems, as a result of the new and computer /IT-related industries. These employment possibilities for women.3 industries all demand a young, female Young women's changing opportunities workforce, whose attributes include a high and attitudes are perceived negatively by level of skills — and in particular manual older generations as resulting in feelings of dexterity — eagerness to learn, a high level superiority, which undermine existing of commitment to securing and keeping social relations between the sexes and the employment, and a willingness to work long generations. hours for low wages. Other young women from compara- NGOs in the research reported that the tively worse-off backgrounds are unable to young women in the urban slums of take up new employment opportunities. Mumbai who have greater opportunities for They may lack an education, since house- employment tend to be from comparatively hold economic crises (often created by men's better-off families, and have relatively high loss of employment) can result in children levels of education. In my conversations being taken out of school. School drop-outs with young women in slums, they told me of have to search very hard for a means of their career plans, which were markedly making a living. One key survival strategy different from those of older generations of for women in the absence of alternative women. Many of them were choosing not to livelihood opportunities is to sell sex. A work as domestic help in middle-class homes, growing number of young women are which was the only option formerly available. working in the ever-increasing number of bars in the deprived areas of Mumbai. Many The social impact of this entry into of these are sex workers, in the guise of employment is interesting. Young women waitresses. Some families depend on are expected to share their income with their women migrating to other areas to work as families. Yet, despite taking up employment sex workers. Away from home, nobody and making financial contributions to knows them. Associated with these trends household livelihoods, young women are are increased trafficking of women and still expected to work in their traditional children into sexual slavery, and increased roles within the home. NGOs reported that rates of HIV infection. many women face conflict with relatives, because of the need to juggle their role in the Many NGOs report growing evidence new economy with their responsibilities to that the degradation of living conditions in the family. But despite the extra workload, poorer households, and the day-to-day earning an income has led many young frustrations, have translated into an increase women to feel that they have greater in levels of domestic and sexual violence, in freedom in movement and leisure activities, which women are the first victims. and an enhanced participation in household decision making. This was revealed by 92

Renegotiation of identities The response of NGOs It can be seen from the account above that NGOs have an important role to play in traditional views of what women do in the supporting women, men, and households so family are being undermined, and this is that they cope with these rapid changes in leading to radical and rapid change in poor their lives and expectations. NGOs are women's lives. New ways of living are increasingly being required to meet the evolving, as gendered patterns of work welfare needs of women, men, and children change in both the formal and informal living in poverty in the slums of Mumbai. sectors of the urban economy. As these The government is keen to enter partner- economic changes take place, women in the ships with NGOs in projects to reduce urban Mumbai slums are being exposed to fresh poverty. In addition, it hopes that such ideas and values, which oblige them to re- partnerships will help to strengthen evaluate social identities and roles. Changes community organisations, in line with its in the labour market and crises in urban aim of good governance and decentral- livelihoods associated with economic isation. Decision making on many issues globalisation are making poor urban women affecting low-income urban dwellers has reassess their sense of who they are, and now been devolved to the Mumbai what they can do. Municipal Corporation, which is respon- sible for local government in Mumbai. The When I asked one woman about how Corporation has reduced funding for gender equity could be achieved, she delivery of health and education services, emphasised the need to redistribute roles and NGOs working in partnership with it and responsibilities, to allow women to have moved away from their former role in work for a decent wage outside the home. service delivery to women. This would require men to share more equally in the domestic, parenting, and Counselling and support services caring activities within their household. This Many NGOs are providing counselling and practical arrangement, she stressed, would support services for married couples, save women time and hence increase their (including spouses from different religions), earning power. Ultimately it would increase parents, young people, and children. They household well-being. Another interview offer a range of different kinds of coun- with young women in the slums of Mumbai selling and support, including guidance on illustrated their resistance to parental marriage and divorce; anger management, expectations relating to marriage, contra- especially for young people; working to dicting traditional expectations about relieve stress; counselling on sex and arranged marriage. For example, one girl sexuality issues; career guidance; and said, counselling for single-parent families and 7 will choose my own husband, try and know carers of elderly people. the person well before I get married, I don't care what other people think or my parents think, Awareness raising and advocacy Since service provision to urban commun- I have to live with him, if things go wrong ities has been cut back, households and nobody will help me, there is no point crying communities have been encouraged to meet later' (Desai 2002, 221). their own needs. Hundreds of thousands of This reassessment of women's and men's urban dwellers in Mumbai have yet to see roles and identities is, for many women, the large-scale slum improvements under the first step towards challenging gender Slum Redevelopment Authority in Mumbai. inequality. Mumbai generates approximately 6,000 metric tons of garbage every day. NGOs, gender mainstreaming, and urban poor communities in Mumbai 93

NGOs report that more funding is human concern, to develop the capacity to available for awareness raising and reflect on their situation and to question this, information provision to enable individuals, and to take action. households, and communities to address To do this, NGOs in Mumbai have been their immediate needs, than for direct using non-formal means of education service provision. Some mass-awareness through various media, including songs, programmes on health, hygiene, and clean role playing, street dramas and skits, environment target women, since they have informal meetings, and group discussions. particular responsibilities for these concerns Multidisciplinary forums are engaged in within the existing gender division of producing plays and films on current labour. Educational awareness programmes concerns, and television plays an important are undertaken by NGOs like Stree Mukti role in disseminating information. Rag Sangthana to encourage recycling, separating pickers are targeted by Stree Mukti wet and dry waste, and the introduction of Sangthana, which provides them with some the concept of zero garbage. direct services (such as creche facilities), and SPARC (The Society for the Promotion of some information on important gender- Area Resource Centres) offers an example of related issues, such as reproductive health. how women's immediate practical needs Drama has been developed, such as Mulgi can be met alongside more transformative Zali Ho (A Girl is Born), a drama which work to raise women's awareness of gender highlights the inequality and discrimination inequality. Sheela Patel, the director of a girl faces from birth to old age. Another is SPARC, told me that that SPARC'S strategy Hunda Nako Ga Bai (Say No to Dowry), which of providing women with skills, support, highlights social problems associated with and resources to participate in a more the system of dowry. It is entertaining and formalised intervention to provide low-cost often humorous, and attracts large housing has increased women's self- audiences, including men. confidence. From the mid-1980s, women The aim of such work is to raise women's have worked together to stop evictions, and and men's awareness about gender inequality, to build and strengthen slum organisations. and to support women to learn to exercise The aim is to demonstrate to governments their rights as citizens. This involves and international agencies that women and promoting their ability to speak up for men living in urban poverty can design, themselves, and to protest if they are build, and manage projects to improve their unfairly treated. It also involves women housing, and to improve infrastructure and gaining understanding of their relationships services. with their wider communities, and An aim of many NGOs providing health challenging inequality. and sanitation education is to transform women's awareness of gender inequality. Legal aid Instead of focusing on service delivery or the The provision of legal aid by NGOs has delivery of technical information only, increased, particularly by gender-oriented NGOs with a commitment to social trans- NGOs through forming a 'legal cell' which formation are now raising awareness among gives advice and guidance on various poor people about equality, social justice, matters such as domestic violence, child gender sensitivity, secularism, communal abuse, matrimonial disputes, inheritance harmony, and human rights. They aim to rights, Muslim women's rights, and the support people to influence policies and legal options which are open to resolve encourage political and social reform. The disputes. NGOs including Majlis (meaning hope is to enable people to achieve a sense of Association), and the Forum Against entitlement to equal treatment in matters of Oppression of Women, have initiated 94

campaigns for legal reform, to help women NGOs, their activities, and gain access to the legal system, and to the empowerment of counter the existing norms of gender bias within court structures.4 They are also women: 1994-2003 working to make women aware of their legal From the samples of NGOs surveyed in rights. These NGOs are lobbying policy- fieldwork, (67 in 1994 and 40 resurveyed in making bodies (through public meetings, 2003), about a third were picked out and seminars, media advocacy, and networking identified as either weakly or strongly among activist groups, judiciary, gender-oriented. These categories focused government officials, and members of on the types of activities undertaken by the legislative bodies) to make the legal organisations, with strongly gender-oriented machinery more accessible to dis- NGOs undertaking the more transformative advantaged poor people, and more sensitive types of work. to the needs of women. Their activities The data collected covered, among other include conducting gender-sensitisation things, staffing, funding, and activities. The programmes for members of the judiciary, gender-oriented NGOs were found to be court functionaries, and the police. larger and growing faster than others, particularly those regarded as 'weakly' Microfinance rather than 'strongly' gender-oriented. In recent years, NGOs have played a key role This was true with regard to growth in in the provision of microfinance, targeting numbers of paid staff. Nineteen NGOs had women in particular. This has, in many recorded staffing information in both years. cases, contributed to women's economic Of these, in 2003, gender-oriented NGOs had independence from the household. More an average of 58.5 staff, compared with 28.4 broadly, it has been asserted by some to lead in other NGOs. However, most of the to an increase in women's self-confidence, growth was accounted for by para- and their social standing. However, one professional staff (that is, community study of the Grameen Bank and BRAC (the members trained and employed to work for Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee) the NGOs in the community). In the gender- highlights the fact that challenging gender oriented NGOs, 42.5 out of the average 58.5 relations potentially places women at risk, at staff were paraprofessionals, while in the least in the short term. One man in the study others, 16.4 out of the average 28.4 staff were explained that 'our wives would not be paraprofessional. In the women-oriented beaten so much if they were obedient and NGOs, the number of staff had grown since followed our orders, but women do not 1994, by an average 22.4 staff (of which 21.7 listen to us and so they get beaten often' were paraprofessionals), whereas in the (Schuler et al. 1998, 151). Where a woman others the average growth was only 2.4 staff faces increased violence in the home, it is (of which 1.4 were paraprofessionals). Thus, human nature to use avoidance strategies, the gender-oriented NGOs had grown in such as docility and compliance, to solve the terms of staffing far more over the ten years problem, rather than confront it and than other NGOs, but most of these were not aggravate further violence. Consequently, professional staff. an adverse reaction to changing identities A similar growth pattern was evident in has inhibiting impacts on empowerment terms of funding. In 1994, numbers of processes. Such issues highlight the funders were similar between gender- importance of maintaining a deliberate and oriented NGOs and others. All had around strategic control over subtle and public 3.5 funders each. But by 2003, gender- displays of resistance. oriented NGOs had acquired the support of a further 2.8 funders each on average. NGOs, gender mainstreaming, and urban poor communities in Mumbai 95

Interestingly, most of this growth was discrimination in the distribution of power concentrated on the more weakly gender- and resources. oriented of the women's NGOs. Other These changes in policy focus seem to NGOs which were not focused on gender have had little effect on the lives of women had attracted only an average of one funder living in urban poverty. The success of each. projects and interventions in Mumbai in addressing gender inequality was usually Translating social relations perspectives evaluated merely by counting numbers of into effective action women participants, rather than identifying Alongside this growth in size of all NGOs changes or outcomes that have had a there was also a broadening of scope, with positive impact on gender relations, or gender-oriented NGOs expanding the reviewing unexpected results. number of activities undertaken more rapidly than others. By 2004, a particular focus on gender and social awareness The challenges for NGOs programmes and legal-aid provision could Many NGOs and government agencies be seen. today agree that it is important to invest in NGOs in Mumbai have been quick to women since they are critical for economic absorb the new discourse and language of growth and poverty reduction. Some of empowerment, participation, and gover- these understand that gender inequality nance, and the language of women's needs to be challenged to enable women to empowerment and gender equality. Most participate equally with men. However, NGOs had replaced the word 'women' with redistributing power in social relations and the word 'gender' by the time of my second challenging male privileges in economic, field trip in 2003-4. Some NGOs argued that social, and cultural life is a long, difficult, this was a way of resisting any focus on and uneven process. It is commonly assumed gender inequalities. This is interesting since that NGOs are aware of problems generated it was obviously far from the intention of the by cultural transition and social transform- first proponents of gender and develop- ation, and are capable of responding to ment, who argued that this actually led to a these. Yet a number of challenges confronted much more political focus than had been NGOs participating in my study. The possible in women in development work general impression from the research was (Moser 1993). For these NGOs, the word that many NGOs had adopted a commit- 'gender' meant integrating women into ment to gender mainstreaming without development activities along with men. knowledge and understanding of power Feminist agendas were unaddressed, despite relations or a commitment to combating the fact that the NGO staff interviewed gender inequality. I found that they were emphasised that their organisation and mainly dealing on a reactive basis with social individuals now have a greater recognition problems that were emerging, and of the importance of social relations and providing services to vulnerable women. power, and reform of policy processes and institutions. They are clear that they have The popularity of gender issues as a moved on from an earlier focus on indiv- donor-led agenda iduals (women, people in poverty) and I feel that the sudden interest in 'gender' development activity at the local level only. from NGOs is not in response to demands However, their analysis of gendered power made by women in slum low-income com- relations does not appear to lead them to munities, but is donor-driven. As more conclude, as many feminist analysts do, that funding is available for provision of credit the core issue is to challenge gender-based programmes which have become successful 96

and popular, NGOs have increasingly staff in bigger NGOs have had gender focused on credit programmes targeted at training, this should not be seen as a magical women. This is also in response to the Indian strategy for bringing about change. Instead, government's wish to be seen to be doing conscious effort must be made to change something on the Beijing Platform for NGO structures and practices. Action. The research suggests that NGOs in Differences among women Mumbai have little conceptual under- Staff of some NGOs said they had found that standing of how their interventions facilitate gender analysis tends to homogenise women's empowerment in the context of women's experience. However, differences rapid economic, social, and cultural change. exist between women in poor urban areas This change is constantly taking place in and these differences require a nuanced communities and neighbourhoods in which response. Time and again, NGOs emphasised these NGOs work, and its processes have their difficulties in addressing gender-based their own momentum. Both wider changes, inequalities as these are affected by class, and the planned development interventions religion, ethnicity, age, location, and other which cut across them, are fragmented and particularities in different neighbourhoods ad hoc. Evaluation of impact is a challenge in of Mumbai. It is the heterogeneity of women, such contexts. My experience of working and their multiplicity of identities, that make with NGOs suggests that they rarely it difficult to unite urban poor women as a evaluate their interventions in the context of political constituency. Most NGO staff and the wider economic, social, and cultural practitioners referred to women and men as changes to which they respond (Desai 2002). homogeneous interest groups. This over- simplifies complex realities (see Murthy Challenges of organisational change 2004). Even when there is recognition of Working on gender issues, both within different interests in communities, there is a NGOs and with individuals, households, tendency to underestimate the complexities and communities, is a resource-intensive of conflicts and negotiation at this level. process that takes up time, energy, commit- The question of difference between ment, and financial resources. A particular women is particularly important in the challenge to organisations is that changing context of widespread use of participatory attitudes and norms is a very slow process. planning methodologies, which have been My research suggests that even the most adopted extensively in many gender- comprehensive approaches to institution- oriented NGOs. Many NGOs involved in alising gender do not adequately emphasise my research asked me how participatory the importance of organisational change, development initiatives could address the particularly organisational norms and complexities of urban poor communities culture. Providing incentives and account- and their differences based on age, wealth, ability systems for mainstreaming gender is occupation, religion, caste, ethnicity, and very difficult, as cost and efficiency gender. There is a widespread assumption considerations override concerns for more on the part of many involved in develop- gender-aware, participatory practice. The ment that urban poor communities in latter is time-consuming, as it involves Mumbai live in harmony. However, this is changing culture (discussed above), and as not the case. Local powerful elites dominate, such, demands courage and innovation and the more powerful groups can simply (see Goetz 1997). ignore inconvenient views. Participatory Gender-sensitive development work is planning in this context is favouring the very dependent on particular NGO staff as opinions and priorities of those with more individual agents of change. While most power and ability to voice their views NGOs, gender mainstreaming, and urban poor communities in Mumbai 97 publicly. The complexity of this problem is a commitment to challenging gender further increased by many urban poor slum inequality is institutionalised within NGOs. dwellers' pursuit of contradictory interests Currently, it seems that many efforts to at different times. In my view, people's change policies, practices, and procedures motivation to be involved in externally continue to be frustrated by the wider social initiated participatory development processes and economic dynamics that reproduce has not been given enough attention (see inequitable relationships between men and Desai 1995). women. The first step is to understand women's local, informal, and qualitative Challenges of scaling up' grassroots work day-to-day experiences of economic global- Supporting vulnerable, excluded women isation and its social and cultural impact. and allowing their experiences, priorities, How global processes are affecting parti- and needs to drive mainstreaming processes cular communities, especially women and is not easy. NGOs require a high degree of their role within transitional societies; which honesty, courage, and commitment in aspects of the culture and social institutions forging alliances with other NGOs, donors, are changing; and what these changes mean and social movements at various levels, for women: these are all important issues to from local to global. Yet there is a problem understand. with scaling up effective work with women There is also a need to develop new in poverty. Most participatory initiatives in techniques to monitor and evaluate these my study were limited to localised, small- processes, especially as there has been little scale activities, and attempts to co-ordinate impact from anti-poverty interventions in such successful participatory actions into many urban cities in developing countries. larger more powerful movements had not These analyses could feed into NGO action been successful. on women's experience of globalisation — both the considerable losses and the Conclusion undeniable gains — to ensure that inter- national laws and regulations work for Development interventions need to be women in poverty rather than against them. founded in an understanding of the social How exactly can NGOs strengthen the and cultural impact of globalisation and capabilities of urban poor women, seeking economic change in India, and how they are self-empowerment? NGOs need to evolve a changing the nature of women's roles and support system which does not just participation in civil society. How is concentrate on individual struggles and women's role and status changing with strategies to achieve empowerment, but also the passage from a traditional, religious focuses on collective gender concerns. society to a modernised, globalised society? NGOs should in future build relationships How are women's expectations and with feminist movements and be open to aspirations changing? What 'subtle strategies' change in their own organisational culture, (Scheyvens 1998) are they employing to structure, systems, and procedures at the respond to the challenges they currently grassroots level. face? Within this context we need to gain a true understanding of processes of change, and improve our understanding of the Vandana Desai is Senior Lecturer at the linkages between livelihoods and various Department of Geography, Royal Holloway, formal and informal institutions at the University of London, Egham TW20 OEX. grassroots. Email: [email protected] A much broader and more compre- hensive approach is needed, to ensure that 98

Acknowledgement References I am grateful to all the NGOs who gave their Desai, V. (1995) Community Participation and valuable time during this research, to the Slum Housing: A Study of Bombay, Department for International Development New Delhi/London/Thousand Oaks, and British Academy for funding the California: Sage Publications research, and to Caroline Sweetman for Desai, V. (2002) 'Informal politics, developing this article. grassroots NGOs and women's empowerment in the slums of Bombay', Notes in Parpart et al. (eds.) (2002) Desai, V. and I. Preston (2000) 'Urban 1 Here I mean empowerment as a fluid grassroots non-governmental organi- and often unpredictable process, which sation in Bombay: a suggested leads to fundamental social trans- typology', Environment and Planning C: formation of society that enables Government and Policy 18: 453-468 individual women and marginalised Goetz, A.M. (1997) Getting Institutions Right groups to make decisions that allow for Women, London: Zed Books them control over their lives (see Kabeer N. (1994) Reversed Realities: Gender Scheyvens 1998; Parpart et al. 2002). Hierarchies in Development Thought, 2 The aim of the study was to evaluate the London: Verso transition in the style of NGO operation Kelly, P.F. (2000) Landscapes of Globalization: in the context of liberalisation and Human Geographies of Economic Change in globalisation; to evaluate if NGOs are the Philippines, London: Routledge effective agents of civil society; and to Murthy, R. (2004) 'Organisational strategy assess how their role is developed in the in India and diverse identities of context of the good governance, women: bridging the gap', Gender and decentralisation, and democratisation Development 12(1): 10-18 agendas set by international donors and Parpart, J.L., S.M. Rai, and K. Staudt (eds.) the World Bank. (2002) Rethinking Empowerment: Gender 3 This is also highlighted in Kelly's (2000) and Development in Global/Local World, research in Manila, Philippines. London: Routledge 4 Along with matrimonial disputes and Scheyvens, R. (1998) 'Subtle strategies for penal remedies in situations of domestic women's empowerment: planning for violence and child abuse, in recent years effective grassroots development' Third courts have focused increasingly on World Planning Review 20(3): 235-53 more challenging areas of economic Schuler, S.R., S.M. Hashemi, and S.H. Badal rights, property settlements, the right of (1998) 'Men's violence against women in residence in the matrimonial home, and rural Bangladesh: undermined or civil injunctions which would protect exacerbated by microcredit women against violence and abuse. programmes?', Development in Practice, The aim is to re-negotiate the spaces 8(2): 148-57 within the justice delivery system on women's terms, demystify statutes and procedures, and spread legal literacy. 99

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Publications | "j efforts at gender mainstreaming. Finally, Part Three presents challenges faced by Repositioning Feminisms in Development international feminist engagement with (2004) Andrea Cornwall, Elizabeth development today i.e. how to position Harrison, and Ann Whitehead (eds.), IDS 'older debates on a new political canvas'. Bulletin, 35(4), Publications Office, Institute of Develop- Gender Equality and Men: Learning from ment Studies, University of Sussex, Brighton Practice (2004) Sandy Ruxton (ed.) BN1 9RE, UK. Tel: +44 (0) 1273 678269; Oxfam GB, Oxfam House, John Smith fax: +44 (0) 1273 621202 Drive, Cowley, Oxford, OX4 2JY,UK [email protected] www.oxfam.org.uk / publications www.ids.ac.uk / ids / bookshop / index.html This collection of articles draws on the This book emerged out of a workshop experience and knowledge of organisations organised at the Institute of Development like Oxfam GB. It focuses on the issue of Studies in 2003 entitled 'Gender Myths and working with men on gender equality to Feminist Fables: Repositioning Gender in explore how this can be used to promote Development Policy and Practice'. It broader gender equality and poverty provides a multi-authored perspective on reduction strategies. The focus on men the current challenges of feminist engage- reflects the increasing recognition that it is ment with development as a transformative, crucial to involve men in any examination political project. Authors return repeatedly of their privilege and power in order to to the question of how and why gender is change gender relations that disadvantage such a depoliticised aspect of development women. The articles discuss experiences of today and what ideas about gender have working with men in diverse areas such as become rooted within mainstream develop- gender-based violence, sustainable liveli- ment organisations. Part One examines the hoods, and sexual and reproductive health. ways of thinking about gender (gender They include case studies from all over the myths and fables) that have come to be world including Mexico, Yemen, the embedded within gender and development Caribbean region, and East Timor. advocacy and programme work. Part Two looks at development organisations and their changing constructions of gender, and policies and frameworks to deal with inequality, and articles evaluate the different 100

Gender, Development and Diversity (2004) marginal women and men are provided Caroline Sweetman (ed.) with the space to be heard. The author Oxfam GB, Oxfam House, John Smith stresses that the presence of women is Drive, Cowley, Oxford, OX4 2JY,UK important, but hearing the voices of www.oxfam.org.uk/publications particular women does not mean that all This collection of articles looks at the women's interests are represented. A implications of diversity and differences crucial question she raises is: what happens (in, for instance, gender, race, class, and when the needs that women prioritise are age) for development organisations and considered by the development organi- their goals of poverty alleviation and sation to be detrimental to their 'empower- human rights. Articles discuss the ment'? The author concludes that it is importance of multiple identities — based important to move beyond the on class, age, and ethnicity, that intersect assumptions that all women identify with with gender — to determine the degree to gender issues, and that the process of which individual women identify with bringing about change is a zero-sum game other women. The articles look at in which women-in-general are pitted implications of this for development against men-in-general. organisations which aim to mainstream gender, promote collective ways of 'Institutions, organisations and gender working among women, and support equality in an era of globalisation', women to challenge gender inequality. Aruna Rao and David Kelleher in Women Case studies come from India, Zimbabwe, Reinventing Globalisation (2003) Caroline Uganda, Latin America, and the UK. Sweetman and Joanna Kerr (eds.) Oxfam GB, Oxfam House, John Smith 'Whose voices? Whose choices? Reflections Drive, Cowley, Oxford, OX4 2JY,UK in gender and participatory development' www.oxfam.org.uk/publications (2003) Andrea Cornwall, World Development,This article builds on Rao and Kelleher's (31)8:1325-42 previous work on gender equity and www.elsevier.com organisational change, to offer a new This article raises issues that are central to approach entitled 'institutional change for gender and development concerns. It gender equality'. The authors argue that discusses the extent to which 'gender- organisations must address and change aware' participatory development institutional rules, i.e. societal norms and initiatives really are participatory. It also values that determine the distribution of questions the ability of such methods to power, resources, and responsibilities, in represent the many cross-cutting and order to make progress on achieving conflicting interests within communities. gender equality. Rao and Kelleher acknow- Cornwall argues against homogeneous ledge the importance of a 'gender infra- categories of 'women' and 'men', and the structure' (e.g. an organisational gender current slippage between 'gender issues' policy), and organisational change (organisa- and 'women's needs'. She emphasises that tional learning and development to achieve in order to be truly participatory, gender equality internally). However, they development interventions have to be stress that significant and sustainable sensitive to categories of difference held by advances towards gender justice will occur the communities themselves, rather than only if organisations challenge and change imposing external and stereotypical social institutions and rules that determine categories of gender. Interventions also the distribution of power and resources need to ensure that the voices of both between women and men. Resources 101

Mind the Gap: Mainstreaming Gender and Men's Involvement in Gender and Participation in Development (2003) Nazneen Development Policy and Practice: Beyond Kanji, International Institute for Environ- Rhetoric (2001) Caroline Sweetman (ed.) ment and Development (IIED) and IDS. Oxfam GB, Oxfam House, John Smith IIED, 3 Endsleigh Street, London WC1H Drive, Cowley, Oxford, OX4 2JY,UK ODD, UK. Tel: +44 (0) 20 73882117. www.oxfam.org.uk / publications [email protected] This book draws on a seminar of the same www.iied.org name convened in 2000 by Oxfam GB with This paper provides an overview of the the Centre for Cross-Cultural Research on shifts from Women in Development (WID) Women. The contributors respond to two to Gender and Development (GAD), and key questions: In what sectors and contexts from participation to governance. The should gender and development work author argues that shifts in one field are involve men as beneficiaries? What issues mirrored by the other, in the focus on social face men who work in activities which relations, policy processes, and institutions. have a commitment to gender equality The paper provides a brief discussion of the and/or a feminist perspective? Authors similarities and tensions between the two draw on experiences from Nicaragua, India, fields, as well as a few thoughts on the the UK, Egypt, Nepal, and Lesotho to argue means of bridging the gap between the that gender and development theory, in two, through efforts such as renewed practice, means not only working with alliances with emerging movements. women, but also working with — and for — men. Gender Mainstreaming: An Overview (2002) United Nations Publications, 2 United 'Questions of power: women's movements, Nations Plaza, Room DC2-853, New York, feminist theory and development aid' NY 10017, USA. Tel: +1 212 963 8302; (2001) Signe Arnfred, in Discussing Women's +1 800 253 9646; fax: +1 212 963 3489 Empowerment: Theory and Practice, Sida [email protected] Studies no.3 This brief UN booklet aims to tackle the www.sida.se/Sida/articles/10200- lack of understanding about how gender 10299 /10273 / studies3_.pdf perspectives can be identified and Arnfred critiques gender and development addressed. It starts with an explanation of and gender mainstreaming, arguing that a what gender mainstreaming means, and major constraint is that feminist scholarship stresses that the ultimate aim of the has become integrated into government and strategy is to achieve gender equality. It development institutions and has lost its lists some basic issues and questions that political edge. According to the author, can provide a starting point for thinking WID and GAD discourses obscure the fact about differences between women and that tranformative feminist trends do exist men. The final section discusses how in the North, and not all have been gender can be mainstreamed into different engulfed by what she calls 'development contexts such the policy analysis, research, feminism'. She argues that a big challenge technical assistance and data collection, for women's movements is the need for analysis, and dissemination. 'reversals of learning', with feminists from the North listening to and learning from feminists from the South. 102

Institutionalizing Gender Equality: Commitment,alone do not have to shoulder the Policy and Practice. A Global Source Book responsibility of transforming gender (2000) Henk van Dam, Angela Khadar and relations. In addition they stress the greater Minke Valk (eds.) potential for sustainable change when men Royal Tropical Institute, KIT Press, PO Box are 'men-streamed' in gender and develop- 95001, 1090 HA Amsterdam, The ment planning, policies, and programmes. Netherlands. Tel: +31 (20) 5688272; fax: +31 (20) 5688286, and Oxfam GB. Feminists Doing Development: A Practical [email protected] Critique (1999) Marilyn Porter and Ellen www.kit.nl Judd (eds.) Case studies in this book are drawn from Zed Books, 7 Cynthia Street, London Nl Latin America, South Asia, and Africa to 9JF, UK. highlight different strategies used by www.zedbooks.co.uk development agencies and NGOs to Women from the North and the South mainstream gender into their organi- engaged in development projects and sational policies, planning, programmes, critiques of development bring to light the and structures. The diverse techniques challenges facing those with a feminist discussed include the establishing of agenda in development. Section One specialist gender teams, creating gender- explores the official structures that sensitive work environments, building staff constrain feminists doing development, capacity, creating support for gender while Section Two lists the efforts of sensitive programmes and policies at all feminists to make projects more feminist. levels of staff and management, and gender Sections Three and Four provide a more training. The book also includes a global perspective on feminist action and bibliography and web resources section on alliances, as well as the global forces that the gender policies and programmes of impact on feminist agendas in development. different organisations and agencies. Gender Works (1999) Fenella Porter, Ines Mainstreaming Men into Gender and Smyth, and Caroline Sweetman (eds) Development: Debates, Reflections and Oxfam GB, Oxfam House, John Smith Experiences (2000) Sylvia Chant and Drive, Cowley, Oxford, OX4 2JY,UK Matthew Gutmann www.oxfam.org.uk / publications Oxfam GB, Oxfam House, John Smith This book brings together 36 contributors Drive, Cowley, Oxford, OX4 2JY,UK to look at the efforts of, and challenges for, www.oxfam.org.uk/publications Oxfam, in putting its gender policy into This report provides a good overview of practice. The authors draw on their own the arguments for why it is important to experiences as past or present staff of include men in any attempts to mainstream Oxfam in different regions of the world to gender, redefine gender relations, and provide insights into the implementation of achieve equality between men and women Oxfam's gender policy. They discuss through development interventions. The aspects that have worked and those that authors emphasise that a focus on men have been less successful in the context of should not result in a diversion of gender-aware programme and advocacy resources from women (a central concern work, organisational culture, and pro- for opponents to men's inclusion). cedures. Case studies draw on experiences However, they also highlight the benefits from Bosnia, Ethiopia, El Salvador, UK, of breaking the inaccurate association of Uganda, Burkina Faso, Pakistan, Cambodia, gender with women, ensuring that women and the Middle East, among others. Resources 103

'The evaporation of gender policies in the on in-depth case studies from development patriarchal cooking pot' (1999) Sarah organisations such as Bangladesh Rural Hlupelike Longwe in Development with Advancement Committee and commercial Women: Selected Essays from Development in corporations such as the Body Shop, this Practice. A Development in Practice Reader, book presents strategies for transforming Deborah Eade (ed.) organisations in order to work towards Oxfam GB, Oxfam House, John Smith gender equality both internally and Drive, Cowley, Oxford, OX4 2JY,UK externally. www.oxfam.org.uk / publications The author examines why gender policies, Feminist Visions of Development: Gender, so enthusiastically embraced by develop- Analysis and Policy (1998) Cecile Jackson ment organisations in policy statements, and Ruth Pearson (eds.) vanish by the time they reach the Routledge, Taylor and Francis, 2 Park implementation stage. She analyses how Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxford, bureaucracies responsible for development OX14 4RN, UK. Tel: +44 (0) 20 7017 6000; (both Northern agencies and Southern fax: +44 (0) 20 7017 6699. governments) can play a major role in the www.routledge.com perpetuation of patriarchy. Likening This collection of academic essays re- development agencies to 'patriarchal examines development through a gender cooking pots', Longwe explains how lens and challenges unquestioned gender gender policies 'evaporate' from the policy assumptions and concepts in development. articulation to implementation stage, The relationship between women and through the use of a diverse range of tactics poverty, education and status change; including policy dilution, lip service, gender interests and interests stemming tokenism, and subversion. from other forms of social identities (e.g. class and race) are all scrutinised. Other Gender at Work: Organizational Change for concepts under consideration include Equality (1999) Aruna Rao, Rieky Stuart, macro-economic policy, the household, and David Kelleher (eds.) industry, reproductive rights, feminism/s Kumarian Press, 1294 Blue Hills Avenue, (including ecofeminism), and gender itself. Bloomfield, CT. 06002 USA. Tel: +1 (860) 243 2098; orders tel: +1 (800) 289 2664; Missionaries and Mandarins: Feminist fax: +1 (860) 243 2867. Engagements with Development Institutions [email protected] (1998) Carol Miller and Shahra Razavi www.kumarianpress.com (eds.) The fundamental premise of this work is Intermediate Technology Publications, the interconnectedness of gender inequality, Intermediate Technology Development organisational culture, and organisational Group, 103/105 Southampton Row, London, impact. The authors argue that gender WC1B 4HH, UK. inequality is rooted in the 'deep structure' [email protected] — i.e. the unquestioned values, history, www.developmentbookshop.com culture, and practices of an organisation — The articles in this book describe the imple- which governs its work and impact in the mentation of gender-equitable practices wider world. Therefore, an understanding within development institutions, including of, and a commitment to, gender equity state bureaucracies, multilateral organi- must be entrenched within the culture of an sations, and non-government organisations. organisation if it is to be attained in its Authors look at the strategies of, and external engagement and work. Drawing challenges for, feminists working within 104

these organisations in transforming them Policy, Politics and Gender: Women Gaining into gender-equitable institutions. The Ground (1998) Kathleen Staudt different feminist strategies of engagement Kumarian Press, 1294 Blue Hills Avenue, or disengagement, and co-operation or Bloomfield, CT. 06002 USA. Tel: +1 (860) confrontation are examined, vis-a-vis 243 2098; orders tel: +1 (800) 289 2664; development institutions. Case studies fax: +1 (860) 243 2867. from New Zealand, Australia, Canada, [email protected] Vietnam, Uganda, Chile, and Morocco are www.kumarianpress.com presented. The importance of the In this book, Staudt analyses development relationship between 'insiders' (i.e. institutions and their policies in relation to feminists working within development their impact on women and stresses the organisations) and 'outsiders' (i.e. organised importance of 'bringing politics back in'. In women's movements) in attaining gender part one, the author provides an overview equitability within these organisations is a of the history of development thinking and central theme of many of the articles. women in development, and offers a framework to conceptualise different kinds Gender Training: The Source Book (1998) of feminisms. In addition she examines the Sarah Cummings, Henk van Dam, and obstacles and strategies faced by gender Minke Valk (eds.) advocates in national and international Royal Tropical Institute, KIT Press, PO bureaucratic development institutions. In Box 95001, 1090 HA Amsterdam, The part two, mainstream policies related to Netherlands. Tel: +31 (20) 5688272; fax: +31 education, work, reproductive health, and (20) 5688286, and Oxfam GB. violence against women are examined [email protected] through a gender lens. In the final section www.kit.nl of the book, Staudt makes links between With an emphasis on gender training as a development institutions, the political transformative project, this book presents contexts they are located within, and their the experiences of Southern practitioners gender mainstreaming policies. from South Asia, the Middle East, Eastern and Southern Africa, and South Africa Gender in Development Organisations (1997) involved in gender education and training. Caroline Sweetman (ed.) Gender training is presented as a tool to Oxfam GB, Oxfam House, John Smith develop an understanding of gender power Drive, Cowley, Oxford, OX4 2JY,UK relations within organisations, and as a www.oxfam.org.uk / publications means to devise strategies for action and This book examines some of the challenges, change within organisations. The authors pitfalls, and rewards for development emphasise the importance of a total organisations that adopt, or are founded organisational strategy for equitable with, a 'gender agenda'. The experiences change within which gender training can of national and international NGOs in serve as one important component. The Bangladesh, Lebanon, Lesotho, Zimbabwe, book also contains a bibliography of South Africa, and Uganda reveal the resources relevant to gender training crucial significance of the organisation's (including workshop publications, manuals own policies, procedures, structures, and and methodologies, and case studies). culture, and of the wider cultural context within which the organisation operates, in determining the degree of success in its gender equity goals. Resources 105

Getting Institutions Right for Women in within institutions in order to achieve Development (1997) Anne Marie Goetz (ed.) gender-sensitive policy planning, imple- Zed Books, 7 Cynthia Street, London Nl mentation, monitoring, and evaluation. 9JF, UK. www.zedbooks.co.uk From WID to GAD: Conceptual Shifts in the This book looks at the relationship between Women and Development Discourse (1995) gendered aspects of development Shahrashoub Razavi and Carol Miller, organisations (ranging from NGOs to state UNRISD Occasional Paper. bureaucracies) and the gendered outcomes Available online from: www.unrisd.org in the development process that continue to This paper provides an introduction to constrain or disadvantage women. The WID by tracing the main trends in the way articles in the book look at the oppor- women's issues have been conceptualised tunities for development organisations to in the development context. Part I of the challenge institutional gender inequity. paper explains the emergence of WID in Some of the articles challenge the the early 1970s. Part II looks at the assumption that NGOs are inherently more analytical and intellectual underpinnings of gender-sensitive organisations, while the shift from WID to GAD. others highlight the importance of individual agents in promoting gender Gender Mainstreaming: A Study of Efforts by equity within resistant organisations. There the UNDP, the World Bank and the ILO to are also examples of women's organi- Institutionalise Gender Issues (1995) sations and the problems they face in Shahrashoub Razavi and Carol Miller, challenging the norms of the wider cultural UNRISD Occasional Paper. context within which they are located. Available online from: www.unrisd.org This paper assesses the attempts of the Institutions, Relations and Outcomes: three institutions to mainstream gender, Framework and Tools for Gender-Aware and evaluates their achievements in the Planning (1996) Naila Kabeer and Ramya light of a) the external pressures and Subrahmanian, IDS Discussion Paper 357, influences they are subject to; b) the Institute of Development Studies, University organisational mandate and ideology; and of Sussex, Brighton BN1 9RE, UK. Tel: +44 c) the actual organisational procedures in (0) 1273 678269; fax: +44 (0) 1273 621202 place for mainstreaming gender. While [email protected] some progress is noted, several problems www.ids.ac.uk/ids/bookshop/index.html and issues are raised, including inadequate This paper details a framework that enables resource allocation and ownership, and both a gender-aware analysis of institutions marginalisation of gender issues by the as well as the formulation of gender-aware organisations. policy. The authors use clear case studies to highlight the differences between gender- The Elusive Agenda: Mainstreaming Women blind and gender-aware approaches to in Development (1995) Rounaq Jahan, policy design and implementation. They Zed Books, 7 Cynthia Street, London Nl discuss the difference between attempts to 9JF, UK. 'add-on' women in development policies www.zedbooks.co.uk and genuine mainstreaming that is This book is now well known for its inherently a transformatory project. The description of gender mainstreaming as an paper provides a step-by-step approach on 'agenda-setting' exercise, rather than an how to examine the rules, activities, integrationist approach. Based on her study resources, people, and power located of the gender mainstreaming efforts of four 106

international donor agencies, Jahan asks Gender Planning and Development: Theory, why progress towards transforming gender Practice and Training (1993) Caroline Moser relations has been so slow. Her conclusions Routledge, Taylor and Francis, 2 Park include the resistance by organisations to Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxford, redistribute power and privileges that OX14 4RN, UK. Tel: +44 (0) 20 7017 6000; threaten entrenched male advantage, and fax: +44 (0) 20 7017 6699. their reluctance to commit to the goals of www.routledge.com gender equality and women's empowerment. This book argues for the importance of gender planning in development, the goal 'From Feminist Knowledge to Data for of which is the empowerment of women. Development: The Bureaucratic Manage- Part one provides the rationale for gender ment of Information on Women and planning and includes a discussion of the Development' (1994) Anne-Marie Goetz, distinction between practical and strategic IDS Bulletin, 25(2): 27-35. gender needs. It also includes Moser's The author discusses how feminist widely recognised framework knowledge generated about women's roles, summarising policy approaches to women needs, and interests is de-politicised by the in development (i.e. welfare, equity, anti- bureaucratic processes and rigid categories poverty, efficiency, and empowerment). used within the development organisations Part two outlines the methodological tools, that consume this knowledge. The result is procedures, and components that make up that this knowledge may help in bringing gender planning, such as gender training. women into development, but their diverse political needs are disregarded and do not 'The making of a field' (1990) Irene Tinker, feed into development organisations' in Persistent Inequalities: Women and World policies and programmes. Goetz points to Development, Irene Tinker (ed.), the nature of the categories used by Oxford University Press, Oxford University development organisations as the root of Press Bookshop, 116 High Street, Oxford, the problem. OX1 4BZ. Tel: +44 (0) 1865 242913; fax: +44 (0)1865 241701. Reversed Realities (1994) Naila Kabeer, [email protected] Verso. www.oup.com www.versobooks.com Writing at the start of the 1990s, Tinker, a Kabeer traces the emergence of 'women' as pioneer in the field of women in develop- a category in development, revealing the ment, provides an overview of how inherent, unexamined biases in mainstream 'women in development' came into force. development, with its emphasis on market- The author discusses the role and based economic growth, that further challenges faced by the three major players disadvantage poor women. The author in the field: advocates, practitioners, and argues for a bottom-up development scholars. She looks at new developments perspective that starts with the interests of beyond the dominant frameworks of time- poor women. She analyses, among other welfare and efficiency, such as the things, the construction of power relations importance of women's empowerment within the household, and strategies for the (through organising), a critique of women's empowerment of women that emphasise demands for equality with men on the both the importance of collective action grounds of sameness, and the gendered by women and the central role that grass- analysis of political institutions. roots NGOs can play in facilitating empowerment. Resources 107

Development, Crises and Alternative Visions: Women Watch Third World Women's Perspectives (1987) Gita www.un.org / womenwatch Sen and Caren Grown, WomenWatch is a central gateway to Earthscan, 8-12 Camden High Street, information and resources on the pro- London, NW1 OJH, UK. Tel: +44 (0)20 7387 motion of gender equality and the 8558; fax: +44 (0)20 7387 8998. empowerment of women throughout the [email protected] United Nations system, including the www.earthscan.co.uk United Nations Secretariat, regional This book is by two members of DAWN commissions, funds, programmes, special- (Development Alternatives with Women ised agencies, and academic and research for a New Era), a network of largely institutions. It is a joint United Nations Southern activists and researchers. It is one project created in March 1997 to provide of the earliest works denouncing the Internet space for global gender equality adverse impact of the gender-blindness of issues and to support implementation of development policies on the lives of the 1995 Beijing Platform for Action. The women in the economic South. The website now also provides information on economic growth policies espoused by the outcomes of, as well as efforts to agencies like the World Bank, in the name incorporate gender perspectives into of development, come under severe follow-up to global conferences. criticism, and the authors emphasise the importance of women's roles and voices in The Men's Bibliography overcoming the devastating effects of these http://mensbiblio.xyonline.net policies. The book also looks at the The Men's Bibliography is a comprehensive strategies and methods for women to move and up-to-date bibliography of writing on towards gender equality. men, masculinities, gender, and sexualities. The Men's Bibliography lists over 15,000 [Websites books and articles, sorted into over 30 major subject areas. Siyanda www.siyanda.org Oxfam GB's website pages on its gender work Siyanda is an online database of gender www.oxfam.org.uk / what_we_do / issues / and development materials, with new gender / index.htm material on gender equality and main- Oxfam GB's website pages on gender equality streaming being regularly added. It also and men enables gender practitioners to share ideas, www.oxfam.org.uk/what_we_do/issues/ experiences, and resources with each other. gender / gem / index .htm These pages include information on why BRIDGE Oxfam works with men on gender equality, www.bridge.ids.ac.uk workshop material on working with men, BRIDGE supports gender advocacy and and links to other websites and resources mainstreaming efforts by bridging the gaps on gender equality and men. between theory, policy, and practice with accessible and diverse gender information ActionAid UK's website pages on its gender in print and online. The site has been set up work as a 'virtual bookcase' where copies of all www.actionaid.org.uk/index.asp?page_id BRIDGE publications can be downloaded. =417 Themes include Country Profiles, Economics, Governance, and Poverty. 108 Electronic resources Gender Mainstreaming: Can it Work for Women's Rights? (2004) AWID. Gender and Diversity Resources Kit (2005) www.awid.org / publications / OccasionalPa Gender and Development (GAD) Network, pers/spotlight3_en.pdf London, UK. Four AWID members engaged with gender For more information on the CD-ROM mainstreaming draw on their experiences email: [email protected] to discuss what has gone wrong with This CD-ROM is the outcome of a two- gender mainstreaming, and why it has phase GAD Network research project failed to make any progress in delivering carried out between January 2004 and equality to women. Common strands of March 2005. The project was aimed at arguments include the fact that gender learning more about the emphasis mainstreaming has been reduced from a on 'diversity' across UK development transformative project to a technical fix, organisations and its possible implications and that confusion over what it actually for gender mainstreaming. The CD-ROM means has rendered women's rights and contains an overview of the project and its gender equality invisible. main findings; a 'think piece' on gender and diversity; case studies that explore in 'Approaches to institutionalising gender' greater detail the practical approaches and (1997) Development and Gender In Brief, methodologies being developed for Issue 5, BRIDGE. working on diversity issues in rights-based www.bridge.ids.ac.uk / Dgb5.html programming; an overview summarising some of the approaches being used to This issue reviews approaches to insti- address issues of diversity. There is also a tutionalising gender issues in both resources section for further information on government and non-government organi- the issues covered. sations and looks at what happens to feminist concepts, such as empowerment, when they enter the mainstream. Gender Myths (2004) BRIDGE. www.bridge.ids.ac.uk/docs / in%20brief_m yths.pdf Oxfam's Policy on Gender Equality (2003). www.oxfam.org.uk/what_we_do/issues/ Drawing together highlights from a gender / downloads / gender_policy2003.pd conference held at the Institute of f Development Studies, UK in 2003, the This provides the rationale for Oxfam's discussions in 'Gender Myths' focus on organisational commitment to gender how to move beyond the gender equality. stereotypes that feminists have created to counter pre-existing gender stereotypes in development. These stereotypes have taken ActionAid's Gender Policy (2000). www.actionaid.org.uk/wps / content / docu on the quality of myths and are treated as ments / genderpolicy.doc sacrosanct. The discussion centres on how to promote gender equality better by This details ActionAid's organisation-wide moving beyond these simplistic stereotypes. strategies to mainstream gender equality and women's empowerment. Resources 109

Gender is Everyone's Business: Programming The Role of National Mechanisms in Promoting with Men to Achieve Gender Equality (2002) Gender Equality and the Empowerment of James Lang. Women: Report of the Expert Group Meeting www.oxfam.org.uk /what_we_do/ issues/ (2004) United Nations Division for the gender / gem / downloads / GEM wkshprep. Advancement of Women. pdf www.un.org / womenwatch / daw / egm / This is a workshop report from Oxfam GB's nationalm2004/docs/EGM%20final%20 'Gender Equality and Men' (GEM) project report.26-jan-05.pdf that details the workshop process and This report emerged out of an Expert participants, conceptual framework, good Group Meeting arranged by the UN practices and lessons learned from working Division for the Advancement of Women with men and boys, and recommendations (DAW) to contribute to the review and for next steps. appraisal of the implementation of the Beijing Platform for Action (BPfA). The Reflections on Experiences of Evaluating focus was on the BPfA commitment to Gender Equality (2003) Ted Freeman, Britha strengthen national mechanisms for the Mikkelsen et al. advancement of women. The meeting www.sida.se / content /1 / c6 / 01 / 88 / 28 /447 considered the changing contexts as well as 17%20UTV%20Studies%2003-01 .pdf the achievements of different types of This report reflects on Sida's (Swedish institutional mechanisms for the International Development Co-operation advancement of women, in formulation, Agency) evaluation of its gender equality implementation, and monitoring of work in Nicaragua, South Africa, and national strategies for gender equality and Bangladesh, with the aim of contributing to empowerment of women, and in current debates on gender mainstreaming. facilitating gender mainstreaming in all The report discusses the challenges of national policy areas. It further identified evaluating concepts like gender equality, good practices and continuing challenges gender mainstreaming, and empowerment faced by national mechanisms. when donor agencies and partner countries debate their very meaning. It discusses the Gender Equality and Mainstreaming in the implications of conducting such evalu- Policy and Practice of the UK Department for ations when the definitions of what is being International Development (2003) A briefing measured are provided by the evaluation from the UK Gender and Development team rather than primary stakeholders. The (GAD) Network. report also identifies challenges in gender www.siyanda.org / docs / gadn_dfidgender mainstreaming such as 'who owns gender policy.pdf mainstreaming if it is not working' and the This report analyses DFID's progress in gap between stated policy and practices. gender mainstreaming and the imple- mentation of its commitments under the Convention for Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), the Beijing Platform for Action and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). It is based on a review of DFID documents, interviews with DFID staff, and surveys of GAD Network members' experiences with DFID. The findings were that DFID's rights-based approach is one of its greatest 110

strengths. However, policy commitments The Commonwealth Secretariat Gender to gender equality have been implemented Mainstreaming Series on Development Issues unevenly. The way gender inequality is www.thecommonwealth.org/gender (click addressed is inconsistent, vacillating on 'Publications' in the left hand column, between a rights-based approach and one then on 'Gender mainstreaming series on based on efficiency. Recommendations development issues') include: producing clearer information on This links to a number of books, gender equality spending; strengthening pamphlets, and papers published by the DFID institutional capacity for gender Commonwealth Secretariat on gender mainstreaming, with new structures, mainstreaming aimed at governments, monitoring, training, and better dis- policy makers, development professionals, semination and knowledge management of and others. Titles include gender high quality work on gender. mainstreaming in poverty eradication, the health sector, HIV/AIDS, and budgets, and United Nations Development Programme an integrated approach to combating Gender Mainstreaming tools gender-based violence. www.undp.org / gender / tools.htm This website provides an array of Gender Manual: A Practical Guide for documents created and utilised by UNDP Development Policy Makers and Practitioners and other UN agencies in their efforts to (2002) Helen Derbyshire. mainstream gender. Available documents www.dfid.gov.uk/pubs/files/gender on the site include gender briefing and manual.pdf training tools, a guide on how to develop a Designed for use by development gender mainstreaming strategy, a gender practitioners who are not specialists in mainstreaming manual, as well as infor- gender, the aim of this manual is to help in mation on where gender training courses organisational efforts to mainstream are available. gender. The manual is divided into three main sections. Section one deals with the The Commonwealth Secretariat Gender background ideas and concepts of gender Management Systems Series mainstreaming and explains the impor- www.thecommonwealth.org / gender (click tance of mainstreaming gender. Section on 'Publications' in the left hand column two provides a summary of the key steps then 'Gender Management Systems series') in gender mainstreaming. Section three This website provides free access to a series contains practical tools and guidelines on of practical, training-oriented resources by how to mainstream gender (such as the use the Commonwealth Secretariat on gender of gender-disaggregated data and gender- mainstreaming. These include: an Action sensitive analysis, organisational capacity Guide and Trainer's Guide on gender building, and change). mainstreaming approaches and gender training; the Gender Management System Toolkit; Handbook; Using Gender- Sensitive Indicators; and guides on how to mainstream gender in education, development planning, finance, trade and industry, public services, etc. Resources 111

Organisations Womankind Worldwide 32-37, 2nd Floor, Development House, Gender at Work 56-64 Leonard Street, London EC2A 4JX, www.genderatwork.org UK. Tel: +44 (0)20 7549 0360; fax: +44 (0) The Gender at Work initiative is a 20 7549 0361. knowledge and capacity building network [email protected] focused on gender and institutional change. www.womankind.org.uk The network works with development and Womankind Worldwide is a UK-based human rights practitioners, researchers, charity dedicated to women's development and policy makers. It aims to develop new and women's human rights globally. theory and practice on how organisations Womankind has developed programmes in can change gender-biased institutional partnership with local community groups, rules (the distribution of power, privileges, to tackle women's inequality in many of the and rights), values (norms and attitudes), world's poorest places. These programmes and practices. In addition to information on are called the Four Literacies — Word the network and a discussion forum, the Literacy, Money Literacy, Body Literacy, network's website offers access to the and Civil Literacy — and they work to network's current analyses and resources. unlock women's potential and maximise their ability to make decisions in their own The Association for Women's Rights in lives, the lives of their family, as well as in Development (AWID) the future of their community and country. Toronto Secretariat: 215 Spadina Ave., Suite Womankind works with 70 partner 150, Toronto, Ontario, M5T 2C7, Canada. organisations in 20 countries, spanning Tel: +1 416 594 3773; fax: +1 416 594 0330. Africa, South Asia, Central and South [email protected] America, and Europe. www.awid.org AWID is an international membership Women In Development Europe (WIDE) organisation connecting, informing, and rue de la Science 10, 1000 Brussels, mobilising people and organisations Belgium. Tel: +32 2 5459070; fax: +32 2 committed to achieving gender equality, 5127342. sustainable development* and women's [email protected] human rights. Their goal is to cause policy, www.eurosur.org /wide / home.htm institutional, and individual change that WIDE is a European network of develop- will improve the lives of women and girls ment NGOs, gender specialists, and human everywhere. They aim to do this by rights activists. It monitors and influences facilitating ongoing debates on funda- international economic and development mental and provocative issues as well as by policy and practice from a feminist building the individual and organisational perspective. WIDE's work is grounded on capacities of those working for women's women's rights as the basis for the empowerment and social justice. development of a more just and democratic world order. WIDE strives for a world based on gender equality and social justice that ensures equal rights for all, as well as equal access to resources and opportunities in all spheres of political, social, and economic life.