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Organization of American States Electoral Observation Mission Municipal Elections Nicaragua
ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES ELECTORAL OBSERVATION MISSION MUNICIPAL ELECTIONS NICARAGUA November 5, 2017 FINAL REPORT TABLE OF CONTENTS I. FINAL REPORT TO THE PERMANENT COUNCIL ...............................................................................1 1. BACKGROUND .................................................................................................................................. 1 2. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................ 1 3. PRE-ELECTORAL STAGE .................................................................................................................... 2 4. ELECTION DAY .................................................................................................................................. 4 5. POST-ELECTORAL STAGE .................................................................................................................. 6 6. RECOMMENDATIONS ...................................................................................................................... 7 6.1. Electoral Organization and Technology ................................................................................. 7 6.2. Voter Registry ......................................................................................................................... 9 6.3. The Electoral Branch ............................................................................................................ 11 6.4. Election dispute resolution -
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IMD Partner in Democracy A NNUAL R EPORT 2005 The IMD – an institute of political parties for political parties The Institute for Multiparty Democracy (IMD) is an institute of political parties for political parties. Its mandate is to encourage the process of democratisation in young democracies by providing support to political parties as the core pillars of multi- party democracy. IMD works in a strictly non-partisan and inclusive manner. Through this approach, the Institute endeavours to contribute to properly functioning, sustainable pluralistic political party systems. It also supports the activities of civil society groups which play a healthy role in multi-party democracies, even though they are not part of any formal party structure. IMD was set up by seven Dutch political parties in 2000 in response to requests for support from around the world. The IMD’s founding members are the Dutch Labour Party (PvdA), Liberal Party (VVD), Christian Democratic Party (CDA), Democratic Party (D66), Green Party (GroenLinks), Christian Union (ChristenUnie) and Reformed Party (SGP). Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy Korte Vijverberg 2 2513 AB The Hague The Netherlands Address per September 1, 2006: Passage 31 2511 AB The Hague The Netherlands T: +31 (0)70 311 5464 F: +31 (0)70 311 5465 E: [email protected] www.nimd.org IMD Partner in Democracy A NNUAL R EPORT 2005 Partners in Democracy Preface Without properly functioning political parties, resulted in a study for the European Parliament entitled democracies do not work well – a fact that is not yet No lasting Peace and Prosperity without Democracy & fully recognised within the international development Human Rights. -
Sandinistas Dominate Local Elections in Nicaragua Benjamin Witte-Lebhar
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiCen Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 11-30-2017 Sandinistas Dominate Local Elections in Nicaragua Benjamin Witte-Lebhar Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/noticen Recommended Citation Witte-Lebhar, Benjamin. "Sandinistas Dominate Local Elections in Nicaragua." (2017). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/noticen/ 10481 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiCen by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 80464 ISSN: 1089-1560 Sandinistas Dominate Local Elections in Nicaragua by Benjamin Witte-Lebhar Category/Department: Nicaragua Published: 2017-11-30 Nicaraguan leader Daniel Ortega and the governing Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) added to their more than decade-long winning streak with a near-sweep in nationwide municipal elections. The contests––held Nov. 5 and tepidly approved by observers from the Organization of American States (OAS)––tightened the Ortega regime’s already meaty grip on the country (NotiCen, Feb. 16, 2017, June 29, 2017, and Oct. 19, 2017) but also prompted a handful of confrontations that left several people dead. Overall, the Sandinistas won 135 of the nation’s 153 municipalities, including all 15 departmental capitals plus Bilwi (Puerto Cabezas) and Bluefields, the main cities in the Región Autónoma de la Costa Caribe Norte (North Caribbean Coast Autonomous Region, RACCN) and the Región Autónoma de la Costa Caribe Sur, (South Caribbean Coast Autonomous Region, RACCS) respectively, according to the Consejo Supremo Electoral (CSE), Nicaragua’s electoral authority. -
Nicaragua: United States Assistance to the Nicaraguan Human Rights Association and the Nicaraguan Resistance
Columbia Law School Scholarship Archive Faculty Scholarship Faculty Publications 1988 Nicaragua: United States Assistance to the Nicaraguan Human Rights Association and the Nicaraguan Resistance Suzanne B. Goldberg Columbia Law School, [email protected] Lee Crawford Kevin Reed John Tennant Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Human Rights Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Suzanne B. Goldberg, Lee Crawford, Kevin Reed & John Tennant, Nicaragua: United States Assistance to the Nicaraguan Human Rights Association and the Nicaraguan Resistance, 1 HARV. HUM. RTS. YB. 260 (1988). Available at: https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/faculty_scholarship/1109 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications at Scholarship Archive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Scholarship Archive. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Human Rights Yearbook / Vol. 1 NICARAGUA: United States Assistance to the Nicaraguan Human Rights Association and the Nicaraguan Resistance The question of providing aid to the Nicaraguan Resistance has been significant to United States human rights policy throughout the Rea- gan Administration. Although events have changed repeatedly during the winter of 1988, including a truce between the Nicaraguan Gov- ernment and the Resistance and a Congressional decision not to provide military aid to the Resistance, the underlying policy issues remain constant. The Harvard Human Rights Yearbook presents two notes, infra, discussing the Military Construction Appropriations Act of 1987, which granted $100 million in aid to the Nicaraguan Resis- tance. The first note discusses the Nicaraguan Human Rights Asso- ciation (Asociacidn Nicaraguense Pro-Derechos Humanos "ANPDH"), a human rights organization sponsored and funded by the United States. -
Overview Print Page Close Window
World Directory of Minorities Americas MRG Directory –> Nicaragua –> Nicaragua Overview Print Page Close Window Nicaragua Overview Updated on 3 June 2008 Environment Peoples History Governance Current state of minorities and indigenous peoples Environment Nicaragua is bordered on the north by Honduras and on the south by Costa Rica. Over 90 per cent of its people, and the centres of government and the economy are located on the narrow Pacific Plains. The majority of Nicaragua's minorities live in the very sparsely populated tropical Atlantic lowlands, which comprise over 56% of the national territory. Peoples Main languages: Spanish, English Creole, Miskitu, Sumu, Rama Main religions: Christianity (Roman Catholic, Evangelical, Moravian, Episcopal) Main minority groups: Miskitu, Creoles (9%, CIA 2007), Mayangna (Sumu), Garífuna, Rama Nicaragua's indigenous minorities (5%, CIA 2007) comprise five different groups speaking six different languages. Their communities are located mainly in the rainforests and lagoons of the Atlantic Coast Region. It contains the nation's richest reserves of natural resources and the second largest tropical jungle in the Americas after the Amazon in Brazil. Nicaragua also has substantial minorities of Middle East and East Asian origin. History Nicaragua is unique in Latin American colonial history. It was colonized simultaneously on the western Pacific side by Spain and on the eastern Atlantic coast by Britain. Under Spanish rule the indigenous Central and Pacific coast populations were almost annihilated. Many were enslaved and shipped to South America to work in Spanish colonial precious metal mines. Over time the remaining indigenous groups mixed with the Spanish colonizers, out of which evolved the dominant Spanish-speaking, Catholic mestizo culture of today. -
The Right of Indigenous Peoples to Political Participation and the Case of Yatama V
THE RIGHT OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLES TO POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND THE CASE OF YATAMA V. NICARAGUA Maia Sophia Campbell* “[T]he right of self-determination may be satisfied where a people enjoys an effective voice, through its own representatives, in the governing of a democratic State, and suffers no disadvantage or discrimination.”1 I. INTRODUCTION Violence and protests erupted on the streets of Puerto Cabezas after Nicaragua denied a major indigenous political party, YATAMA, participation in the November 2000 municipal elections.2 Due to the exclusion of the YATAMA party, between 85% and 95% of voters in the region abstained from voting in the elections; in some areas less than ten votes were cast.3 Failing to reach any redress in Nicaraguan domestic courts, the YATAMA party sought relief from the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. The ruling of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights in the case of YATAMA v. Nicaragua is a landmark legal precedent for guaranteeing indigenous peoples the right to political participation. The case marks the first time an international tribunal has found that a state violated political rights and equal * J.D., University of Arizona, James E. Rogers College of Law, 2007; B.A., Pomona College, 2001. Thank you to Jim Anaya for his valuable comments on earlier drafts of this Note, and to the editors at the Arizona Journal of International and Comparative Law for their helpful editing assistance. 1. U.N. Econ. & Soc. Council [ECOSOC], Sub-Comm’n on Prevention of Discrimination & Prot. of Minorities, Working Group on Indigenous Populations, Working Paper: Standard-Setting Activities: Evolution of Standards Concerning the Rights of Indigenous People, ¶ 19, U.N. -
Background- Nicaragua1 Nicaragua Is a Small Central American
Background- Nicaragua1 Nicaragua is a small Central American country (pop. 6 million, 2017 est.) that has experienced repeated U.S. military intervention and the decades-long dictatorship of the Somoza family. In 1980, leftist Sandinista guerillas overthrew the Somozas and the U.S. responded by funding the violent Contra guerilla counter-insurgency. Despite the violence, Nicaragua successfully transitioned to democracy but continues to struggle with sporadic government violence, lack of respect for indigenous political and land rights, and authoritarianism. Its current president, Sandinista Daniel Ortega, has retained power for over a decade through increasingly dubious elections. Nicaragua’s early years were marked by internal conflict and external intervention. Before the arrival of the Spanish, Nicaragua was inhabited by diverse communities of farmers and hunter- gatherers, whose total population may have been as much as a million. After the arrival of the Spanish in the 1500s, European diseases and enslavement decimated the population, reducing it to tens of thousands. Nicaragua became a neglected backwater of the Spanish empire and the British allied with the Miskito people to gain control of much of Nicaragua’s Caribbean coast. In the early 1800s, Nicaragua joined other Central American countries in achieving independence. However, independence inflamed centuries-old rivalries between Nicaragua’s two principal cities: the middle class and Liberal León and the aristocratic and Conservative Granada. The two sides sought foreign backing in their fight for control, with the Conservatives generally obtaining support from Britain and the Liberals generally obtaining support from the United States. In 1855, the Liberals invited American adventurer William Walker to assist them in defeating the Conservatives. -
Details of Nicaraguan Election Returns (S/ S) Deborah Tyroler
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiCen Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 3-28-1990 More Details Of Nicaraguan Election Returns (s/ s) Deborah Tyroler Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/noticen Recommended Citation Tyroler, Deborah. "More Details Of Nicaraguan Election Returns (s/s)." (1990). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/noticen/3862 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiCen by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 070926 ISSN: 1089-1560 More Details Of Nicaraguan Election Returns (s/s) by Deborah Tyroler Category/Department: General Published: Wednesday, March 28, 1990 [From Barricada Internacional, issue 311, in 03/06/90 report by Barricada USA, P.O. Box 410150, San Francisco, CA 94141.] Parties UNO: National Opposition Union PSOC: Social Conservative Party PLIUN: National Unity Liberal Party PRT: Workers Revolutionary Party FSLN: Sandinista National Liberation Front MAP-ML: Marxist-Leninist Party PSC: Social Christian Party PUCA: Central American Unionist Party PCDN: Democratic Conservative Party of Nicaragua MUR: Revolutionary Unity Movement Yatama: Children of the Motherland Mojume: Multi-ethnic Youth Movement NATIONAL Registered voters: 1,753,912 Votes for president and vice president: 1,510,838 (86.1% of registered voters) Total valid votes: 1,420,544 UNO: 777,557 (54.7%) PSOC: 5,793 PLIUN: 3,151 PRT: 8,590 FSLN: 579,886 (40.8%) MAP-ML: 8,115 PSC: 11,136 PUCA: 5,065 PCDN: 4,500 MUR: 16,751 (1.2%) National Assembly seats UNO: 51 FSLN: 39 PSC (Yatama): 1 MUR: 1 REGION I (Esteli, Madriz, Nueva Segovia) National Assembly UNO 66,241 (47.5%) 4 seats FSLN 67,035 (48.1%) 5 seats Municipal councils UNO: (1)* El Jicaro, Somoto. -
Revolutionary Nicaragua: the Evolution of Governmental Institutions
Thomas Walker, ed., Revolution and Counterrevolution in Nicaragua (Westview 1991), Chapter 2, 15-47 The Evolution of Governmental Institutions By Andrew Reding Following two years of popular insurrection, the revolutionary triumph of July 19, 1979, was absolute. Dictator Anastasio Somoza Debayle fled first to Miami and then to Paraguay, where he was later assassinated by Argentine extremists. His praetorian National Guard disintegrated. While officers were rescued by a U.S. government DC-8 disguised with Red Cross markings, soldiers fled for the borders.1 Thousands were captured and imprisoned by a population outraged by the slaughter of tens of thousands of their fellow citizens. Many of the government institutions that did not collapse outright were so thoroughly discredited by their collaboration with the dictatorship that they were abolished after the triumph. Such was the case with local government, the courts, and the congress, all of which had been little more than sinecures for the dictator’s family, friends, and supporters.2 So strong was the popular revulsion that even the buildings in which these institutions had been housed—most notably the National Palace— had to be converted to other uses. Only the portions of the legal codes that did not conflict with the new revolutionary decrees were allowed to stand, pending preparation of new laws. Most government institutions had to be created anew, beginning with those essential to restoring order: a provisional executive authority, a new army and police force, and new courts. These initially constituted the aptly named Government of National Reconstruction. By spring 1980 the revolutionary government was able to install a rudimentary legislative body, the Council of State, which by the following year had begun the complex task of translating the revolution’s commitment to political pluralism into a Law of Political Parties. -
Decolonization, Indigenous Internationalism, and the World Council of Indigenous Peoples
Decolonization, Indigenous Internationalism, and the World Council of Indigenous Peoples by Jonathan Crossen A thesis presented to the University of Waterloo in fulfillment of the thesis requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History Waterloo, Ontario, Canada, 2014 ©Jonathan Crossen 2014 AUTHOR'S DECLARATION I hereby declare that I am the sole author of this thesis. This is a true copy of the thesis, including any required final revisions, as accepted by my examiners. I understand that my thesis may be made electronically available to the public. ii Abstract This dissertation investigates the history of the World Council of Indigenous Peoples (WCIP) and the broader movement of Indigenous internationalism. It argues that Indigenous internationalists were inspired by the process of decolonization, and used its logic to establish a new political identity. The foundation of the WCIP helped create a network of Indigenous peoples that expressed international solidarity between historically unconnected communities. The international efforts of Indigenous activists were encouraged both by personal experiences of international travel and post-secondary education, and by the general growth of international non-governmental organizations during the late twentieth century. The growing importance of international non-governmental organizations helped the WCIP secure funding from international developmental aid agencies, a factor which pushed the organization to increase its focus on apolitical economic development relative to the anti-colonial objectives which inspired its foundation. This dissertation examines how Indigenous international organizations became embroiled in the Cold War conflict in Latin America, and the difficulties this situation posed for both the WCIP and the International Indian Treaty Council. -
Racism and Ethnic Discrimination in Nicaragua
RACISM AND ETHNIC DISCRIMINATION IN NICARAGUA Myrna Cunningham Kain With the collaboration of: Ariel Jacobson, Sofía Manzanares, Eileen Mairena, Eilen Gómez, Jefferson Sinclair Bush November 2006 Centro para la Autonomía y Desarrollo de los Pueblos Indígenas Center for Indigenous Peoples’ Autonomy and Development Racism and Ethnic Discrimination in Nicaragua November 2006 Contents 1. Introduction 4 2. Structure of the study 7 2.1 Scope and methodology 7 3. Racism and individual and collective human rights 9 3.1 A note on cultural and ethnic identity 11 4. Racism: colonial inheritance 13 4.1 Nicaragua: multiethnic and pluricultural state 14 4.2 The historic roots of differences, discrimination, and racism 14 4.2.1 Spanish Conquest and its repercussions in Indigenous cultures of the Pacific, Central and North 16 4.2.2 English colonization in the Caribbean Coast region 16 4.2.3 The Liberal policy in the Caribbean Coast: internal colonization 18 4.2.4 Afro-descendent communities in Nicaragua 22 4.2.5 Colonization through development models on Indigenous land 22 4.2.6 The autonomy process in the Caribbean Coast 23 4.2.6.1 Development of a normative juridical framework 25 4.2.6.2 Advances in the establishment of public policies and structural transformations of the State 26 4.2.6.3 Construction of intercultural citizenship 28 4.2.7 The agricultural frontier: a new form of internal colonization 29 4.2.8 Current expressions of external colonization 31 5 The Current Situation: Manifestations of ethnic discrimination against Indigenous Peoples -
From Conflict to Autonomy in Nicaragua: Lessons Learnt
micro From Conflict to Autonomy in Nicaragua: Lessons Learnt By Sandra Brunnegger It is now 20 years since the granting of autonomy to the Atlantic Coast region of Nicaragua. This study aims to characterize the political and social processes that led to autonomy, and to assess its results, both positive – in the sense of putting a stop to the civil war between the government and the coastal areas – and more mixed, in terms of the practical benefits that autonomy has thus far delivered. This raises the question of what may be learnt from the self-government won by the region – both its content and the process by which it was established. Background The Central American state of Nicaragua came to international attention in the 1980s through an insurrection waged by the left-wing Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) against the Somoza family’s dictatorial regime (1937–79). The Sandinista revolution styled itself ‘a popular, democratic, anti-imperialist national liberation struggle’, envisaging that the social integration it promised on coming to power would benefit all Nicaraguans.1 Though its development policies were heavily centralized, the Sandinista government also anticipated driving regional development on the hitherto-neglected Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua.2 The FSLN’s well-intentioned plans included an educational policy of teaching basic literacy skills in Spanish, together with explicit efforts to open up the Atlantic seaboard to the rest of the country and to exploit its natural resources for the national good.3 The Sandinistas, though, were hamfisted in working through these changes, Miskitu Nicaraguans returning home in 1988, after five years in proceeding in ignorance of the particular culture and Honduran camps.