Front. Hist. China 2012, 7(1): 106–135 DOI 10/3868/s020-001-012-0007-3

RESEARCH ARTICLE

Guannan Li Reviving China: Urban Reconstruction in Nanchang and the Guomindang National Revival Movement, 1932–37

Abstract This paper, the first examination of the urban reconstruction of Nanchang, headquarters of the New Life Movement during a period of “National Revival” from 1932–37, presents a fresh understanding of the Guomindang (GMD) New Life Movement. By framing the Nanchang urban reconstruction as an integral program of the New Life Movement, it challenges the established wisdom of the Movement’s mere focus on disciplining Chinese population without any agenda to materially transform Chinese life. By examining GMD engineering efforts to construct public infrastructure, this essay testifies to the Movement’s concrete impact on urban residents. In doing so, it offers a new conceptualization of the New Life Movement as a distinctive moment of Chinese modernity during a process of constructing new urban space in China’s interior cities. This paper also brings to light the ignored connection between the New Life Movement and the historical and ideological context of the GMD National Revival Movement. As the GMD leaders believed, a “new Nanchang” would regenerate a stable national culture and identity as a critique of capitalist modernization. By calling attention to the logic of overcoming modernity, the paper resituates the New Life Movement into cultural revival movements worldwide.

Keywords Nanchang, urban reconstruction, New Life Movement, National Revival, Guomindang (GMD)

Preface

In a short period of time from the establishment of Generalissimo’s Nanchang Traveling Headquarters of the Military Affairs Commission (Junshiweiyuanhui

Guannan Li ( ) Department of History, Dowling College, Oakdale, NY 11769, USA E-mail: [email protected]

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 04:55:04AM via free access Reviving China: Urban Reconstruction in Nanchang 107 weiyuanzhang zhu Nanchang xingying) in 1932 to the eruption of the full-scale Sino-Japanese war in 1937,1 the city of Nanchang, a Chinese interior city located in Jiangxi province, was made into the political and cultural center of the Guomindang (GMD) National Revival Movement.2 By prioritizing the making of a new Chinese culture as the essential vehicle to initiate China’s sweeping political, social and cultural transformation, the National Revival Movement emphasized “the restoration of national spirit” as the key to the “revival of Chinese country and nation.”3 In Chiang Kai-shek’s own words, “psychological construction,” the concept Chiang borrowed from Sun Yat-sen to refer to the revolutionary process to “first change hearts and minds,” was the precondition for China’s material development.4 Under this guiding spirit, from 1934–36, the city of Nanchang witnessed the birth and the swift development of the New Life Movement, the most influential GMD-directed cultural movement that was launched under the general umbrella of the National Revival Movement to transform Chinese life. For the GMD national and local leaders, Nanchang’s newly installed modern infrastructure and its transformed urban landscape would generate modern urbanity and public spirit among Nanchang’s populace. A revived national spirit based on “a New Nanchang” would further ensure the successful elimination of the Communist rural strongholds. These tasks required to make Nanchang the model city of the attempted nation-wide urban revival and cultural renovation. Scholars of GMD ideology have paid great attention to the GMD culturalist strategy to motivate change and have conceptualized this process as a GMD vision of “cultural revolution.”5 However, none of them discusses the ideology

1 The organization was originally formed in December 1930 with the name of Nanchang Traveling Headquarters of the Generalissimo of Army, Navy and Air Force (Luhaikongjun zongsiling zhu nanchang xingying). A major reshuffle in 1932 gave the organization this new designation. 2 For a comprehensive discussion of the GMD National Revival Movement and its material implementation in the 1930s, see Guannan Li, “Culture, Revolution, and Modernity: The Guomindang’s Ideology and Enterprise of Reviving China, 1927–1937.” 3 Chiang Kai-shek, “Geming zhexue de zhongyao,” 583. 4 Chiang, “Guofu yijiao gaiyao,” 40. 5 Arif Dirlik conceptualizes the New Life Movement as the GMD “cultural revolution” which was a modern and counterrevolutionary response to the Chinese revolution after the Communist debacle in 1927. See Arif Dirlik, “The Ideological Foundations of the New Life Movement: A Study in Counterrevolution,” 945. In response to Benjamin Schwartz’s “cultural conservatism” which projected the GMD solutions based on the national heritage, William Kirby conceives the GMD culturalist strategy as “a method of change,” which, as the GMD leaders believed, was compatible with the German ideology. See William C. Kirby, Germany and Republican China, 45–47. In her recent dissertation on the intellectual content of the GMD fascism, Margaret Clinton borrows the concept of “cultural revolution” from Dirlik and argues that this fascist notion of “cultural revolution” deployed the concept of culture as the motivating vehicle to drive China into a fascist state. See Margaret Clinton, “Fascism, Cultural Revolution, and National Sovereignty in 1930s China.”

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 04:55:04AM via free access 108 Guannan Li of “national/cultural revival” and its guiding and defining roles to motivate and direct the GMD projects of modernization. The English-language historiography of the New Life Movement, being preoccupied with the GMD Confucianist impulse, pays little attention to the fact that the New Life Movement was only one significant part of the all-encompassing National Revival Movement.6 By contextualizing the New Life Movement under the general rubric of the National Revival Movement, this paper proposes to use “national revival” (in opposition to “cultural revolution”) to reflect its contemporary usage as both historical reference (used by the various GMD agents) and conceptual analysis of the GMD culturalist vision and strategy. Due to its semantic ambiguity and flexibility, “fuxing,” which means “revival, renewal, restoration, regeneration, revitalization, or renaissance” in Chinese, not only implied the GMD “revolutionary” vision of a progressive future, but also simultaneously revealed its “reactionary” (in the sense of opposing the radical social revolution) claims over the past. In this way, the slippery ideological implications of “national revival” supplied the divided GMD political factions with different concepts of “cultural revival,” “cultural revolution,” and “cultural construction” to actively interpret a contested notion of national revival.7 By 1934, national revival had become an all-encompassing goal of the GMD government as a means of improving China’s political and cultural status.8 This essay is the first examination of Nanchang’s urban reconstruction as an integral program of the New Life Movement. It challenges the established

6 In contrast, in Chinese historiography, historian Deng Yuanzhong first discusses the inauguration of the New Life Movement as an achievement for the Society for Vigorous Action (Lixingshe). As the son of Deng Wenyi, a major leader within the Lixingshe, Deng Yuanzhong’s agenda was to demonstrate that the Lixingshe was the major force behind the National Revival Movement. See Deng Yuanzhong, “Xinshenghuo yundong de tuixing,” 313–38. Deng’s contribution is also reflected in a recent Chinese study on the New Life Movement in Nanchang. See Wen Bo, Chongjian hefaxing, Nanchangshi xinshenghuo yundong yanjiu (1934–1935). 7 Within the divided GMD, “cultural revolution” was the concept first coined and primarily used by the Whampoa military officers from the Lixingshe. For the discussion of the concept of “cultural revolution,” see Clinton, “Fascism, Cultural Revolution, and National Sovereignty in 1930s China,” chapter 1. To compete with the Lixingshe’s influence within the party, the civilian CC Clique launched the Cultural Construction Movement which was centered on the concept of “cultural construction.” Although it is generally true that both concepts quickly developed out of the contour of the specific GMD political campaigns, it is historically significant to recognize that cultural revolution only remained as one interpretive usage of the ideology of national revival. As far as I am concerned, by overlooking the ideology of national revival, the concept of “cultural revolution” fails to capture the contradictions and the multiplicity contained within the GMD contested cultural notions of transforming China. For the discussion of the GMD different conceptions of culture and the competitions between the Lixingshe and the CC Clique, see Li, “Culture, Revolution, and Modernity,” chapter 2 and 4. 8 The National Revival Movement projected a comprehensive agenda and vision to radically transform the GMD economy, politics, society, and culture. See Li, “Culture, Revolution, and Modernity,” 4–8.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 04:55:04AM via free access Reviving China: Urban Reconstruction in Nanchang 109 wisdom that the New Life Movement focused only on disciplining the Chinese population and lacked an agenda to transform Chinese life in a specifically material way. 9 By recognizing the significant impact of the Nanchang reconstruction efforts on urban life, this paper helps to reconceptualize the New Life Movement as a distinctive moment of Chinese modernity during a process of constructing new urban space in China’s interior cities. It questions Joseph Esherick’s suggestion, in regard to Chinese interior cities that “Before the war with Japan, there was never a national effort at long-term development of the interior [cities].” As long as the interior city remained “backward” before the war, “only the wartime necessity spurred an effort [of modernization].”10 I argue that Nanchang’s urban construction from 1934 to 1937 emblematized the GMD national program to realize GMD ideological and material promise for a revived nation and a new Chinese culture. As a primary material site of the Chinese National Revival Movement, the Nanchang urban reconstruction movement revealed the uniquely local experience of China’s modernity within a contemporary global process of reviving the collective community. In a global environment of economic, political, and cultural crises in the 1930s, revival movements that flourished in China, Japan, Turkey, Germany, and elsewhere deployed a similar set of political and cultural strategies to overcome the forces of capitalist modernization and its associated alienating effects within everyday modern life. This historical moment of global conjunction exhibited a logic of “overcoming,” as Harry Harootunian has called it, which aimed to recover a lost cultural unity through the deployment of a timeless past, confirmed cultural authenticity, originality, and creativity by constructing a living space free of the commodity contamination, and/or

9 For the general outline of the New Life Movement in its early years, see Samuel Chu’s early study “The New Life Movement, 1934–1937,” and Guan Zhigang, Xinshenghuo yundong de yanjiu. For its ideology, see Dirlik, “The Ideological Foundations of the New Life Movement,” 945–80; Stephen C. Averill discusses the rural reconstruction that was associated with the New Life Movement. See Stephen C. Averill, “The New Life in Action: The Nationalist Government in South Jiangxi, 1934–1937,” 594–628. Lloyd Eastman shows the fascist nature of the New Life Movement through the discussion of the Blueshirts’ activities. See Lloyad Eastman, “The Blue Shirts and Fascism.” On the German inspiration for the New Life Movement, see Kirby, Germany and Republican China, 145–85. For the Christian influence on the movement, see James Thomason’s early study of American reformers in Republican China. See James C. Thomson, Jr., “Americans and Ideological Reform: The New Life Movement,” 151–74. For the Confucian influence of the New Life Movement, see Jennifer Lee Oldstone-Moore, “The New Life Movement of Nationalist China: Confucianism, State Authority and Moral Formation.” For a more recent cultural approach to the New Life Movement, see Karl Gerth, China Made: Consumer Culture and the Creation of the Nation, 292–98. For the New Life Movement in Nanchang, Gerth discusses how the gendered discourse functioned to nationalize the consumer culture. None of the scholarship on the New Life Movement pays attention to the urban reconstruction in Nanchang. 10 Joseph W. Esherick, “Modernity and Nation in the Chinese City,” 5.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 04:55:04AM via free access 110 Guannan Li presented a stable and enduring national life as a critique of capitalist values.11 The revival movement in China and elsewhere privileged a cultural and aesthetic domain over the political economy, a process David Harvey has called “aestheticization of politics” in which the state appropriated a collective sense of the cultural unity and its associated cultural and moral values to create a stable identity of the imagined community. 12 While Harootunian focuses on the Japanese intellectual articulation of the logic of overcoming and Harvey is preoccupied with the aesthetic and artistic representations of (post)modernity, this essay argues that the Chinese National Revival Movement, which was implemented in material programs, expressed paradoxically both material changes of a local place and at the same time an overcoming of global modernity. Thus Nanchang’s urban reconstruction served the purposes of both the mundane and the sublime. Upholding the principle of matter-spirit dualism, the GMD urban planners believed in the significance of “cultural construction” to overcome “Western” modernity as a complex of material structures and processes. Guided by this culturalist belief, the recently constructed thoroughfare, vegetable markets, tap water system, underground sewer, and even new-style bathrooms were designed to create a modern kind of urban life to speak for a new culture and a new national spirit. Consequently, the construction of a state-imposed urban space served the same sets of goals as the New Life Movement striving to institute the state-disciplined urbanity. In Nanchang, the GMD government reconstructed a new urban space with a totalistic vision to shape the masses of people into a cohesive social body. The GMD urban planners and officials deployed urban reconstruction as an instrument of national consolidation through a scientific sort of rational calculation, through social engineering and rational planning, and through the institutionalization of social disciplines and regulations. As Michael Tsin notes, the “obsession with a cohesive social body or well-ordered society” became the primary feature of “the political culture of modernity that government is deemed capable of shaping, arranging, and reconfiguring, by overt force if necessary, the constitution of this aggregate body, and of subjecting it to discipline and direction.”13 The emerging discourses of “orderly” (zhengqi 整齐), “clean” (qingjie 清洁), “simple” (jiandan 简单) and “austere” (pusu 朴素) during the National Revival Movement specifically worked to eliminate disorder, dirtiness, and chaos and designated the antinomies of modernity as “barbarism” (yeman 野蛮).

11 See Harry D. Harootunian, Overcome by Modernity: History, Culture, and Community in Interwar Japan. 12 David Harvey, The Condition of Postmodernity, 108. 13 Michael Tsin, Nation, Governance, and Modernity in China: Canton, 1900–1927, 8.

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We can now supplement an existing scholarly literature on major Chinese urban centers, and thus demonstrate the diversity and multiplicity of China’s urban modernization. 14 Here, Marshall Berman’s representation of Charles Baudelaire’s modern experiences of urban reconstruction in Paris during the nineteenth century may be a useful approach for considering the remaking of urban space (in Paris, Nanchang, and elsewhere) as unique spatial and social environments as well as the contradictions of urban modernization. Not unlike the Chinese plan to completely transform Nanchang, the French modernist planners laid down a comprehensive blueprint to build boulevards, sewers, water supply, and many other new markers of urban modernization. The construction “opened up the whole of the city, for the first time in its history, to all its inhabitants…Now, after centuries of life as a cluster of isolated cells, Paris was becoming a unified physical and human space.”15 At the moment when the boulevards, the metaphor of intruding modernity for Baudelaire, extended into Paris’s old neighborhoods, the contradictions of modernity were keenly captured and experienced by the poet, who was living in poverty, illness, and obscurity in Paris: “a new boulevard, still littered with rubble… displayed its unfinished splendors.” As Marshall Berman described, “Alongside the glitter, the rubble: the ruins of a dozen inner-city neighborhoods—the city’s oldest, darkest, densest, most wretched and most frightening neighborhoods, home to tens of thousands of Parisians—razed to the ground…Baudelaire’s family in rags step out from behind the rubble and place themselves in the center of the scene.”16 In Paris, Nanchang and elsewhere, the urban reconstruction, aiming for homogeneity and regularity, in fact exposed or even illuminated its contradictory results. As the Nanchang case shows, class difference, economic disparity, and cultural unevenness, which were associated with the old urban life and culture, were not wiped out by the programs of modernization, but were forcefully brought into modernity’s contour through the contrast between old and new, eternal and fleeting, splendid and obscure, civilized and barbaric, past and present. This coexisting or coeval modernity, as Harootunian has called it, expressed certain fundamental experiences of modernity.17

14 The most noticeable cases of physical transformation of urban space were Yuan Shikai’s programs to transform Beijing in the 1910s, Sun Yat-sen’s revolutionary government’s reordering of Canton in the early 1920s, and the Nanjing government’s redesign of Nanjing in the late 1920s. For the discussion of these urban programs, see Madeleine Yue Dong, Republican Beijing, the City and Its Histories, chapter 1–3; Tsin, Nation, Governance, and Modernity in China, chapter 2; and Charles D. Musgrove, “Building a Dream: Constructing a National Capital in Nanjing, 1927–1937.” 15 Marshall Berman, All That Is Solid Melts into Air: The Experience of Modernity, 151. 16 Ibid., 152–53. 17 Harootunian, preface to Overcome by Modernity, xvi.

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Cultural Revival and Global Modernity: Nanchang and the New Life Movement

Significantly, the culturalist strategy of national revival was formulated out of the GMD leaders’ global vision and positioning of contemporary China in a world laden with crises. Before finalizing this program, Chiang Kai-shek spent extensive time with his trusted men in the government studying successful foreign experiences and seeking models of national regeneration in Asia and Europe. On December 2, 1932, Chiang mentioned in his diary that he met some GMD officials and listened to a lecture, entitled “The History of German Revival” (Deguo fuxing shi).18 Six days later, Chiang sat at another specially arranged lecture on the history of Turkey. In his dairy entry for that day, he commented:

After I listened to Li Weiguo’s lecture on the history of Turkey, I sighed about the importance of the revolutionary ideology, the leader’s character, the institutional system, and the well-chosen opportunity…The extremely bad situation in China was creating great difficulties for our revolution. What we only have are spirit and confidence. With confidence, we will be sure to revive our dying nation.19

Perceiving China through comparison with other societies, the GMD leaders envisioned their enterprise of national revival as having global consequences. Under the devastating conditions of the Great Depression, as the GMD leaders believed, the revival movement had regenerated recently defeated Germany through the aspirations of National Socialism, and had secured Turkish national independence and modern development through the ideas of Kemalism. Chiang imagined that the implementation of the revival movement in China was going to accomplish similar goals. Chiang and his cohorts hoped to challenge the hierarchical global power structure and to regain China’s lost stature. In this regard, national revival was not only to be essentially grounded in the appreciation of the Chinese nation’s special historical values and bounded by its imagined cultural territory. It also had a novel, transcendent, and ultimate civilizational character that, it was imagined, could simultaneously project a set of political and social arrangements that were believed to be more revolutionary, progressive and righteous than the current world order. This Chinese vision of national revival would establish a new global totalization for the leaders of other reviving nations to interpret the world crisis by means of local conditions.

18 Chiang Kai-shek’s Diaries, Dec. 2, 1931. 19 Ibid., Dec. 8, 1932.

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Under this call, the search for a group identity and location in the world necessitated the creation of a new set of standards to define a “perfect modernity,” 20 to borrow Agnes Heller’s concept, in order to advocate societal transformations desired by the state leaders. Stories of recently revived nations created a new model for revolutionary progressiveness, including a regenerated state-sponsored economy, popular worship of a strong leader, advocacy of the centralized state, scorn for inefficient democracy and its associated institutions, and a high tide of nationalism. These were the various elements—“ideology,” “leader,” “organization,” and “opportunity” that Chiang distilled from the lectures on the history of revived Germany and Turkey. In the early 1930s, Nanchang became a crucial hinge of the GMD national design for revival. The Generalissimo’s Nanchang Traveling Headquarters was established in order to coordinate the complex political and military operations of the Encirclement Campaigns against the Chinese Communist rural strongholds. This new office proved to be one of the major reorganizations of the Nationalist government during the Nanjing Decade. The Nanchang Traveling Headquarters was designed to assert political, military, and organizational authority over the five provinces of Jiangxi, Guangdong, Fujian, Hubei, and Hunan. 21 Yang Yongtai 杨永泰, the rising star of the Political Study Clique, was appointed by Chiang Kai-shek as the head (secretary-general) of the organization. Xiong Shihui 熊式辉, the newly appointed chairman of the GMD Jiangxi provincial government, was designated to take charge of the organization’s Affairs Bureau.22 Many members of the Society for Vigorous Action (Lixingshe 力行社), a highly secret organization controlled by Chiang’s Whampoa protégés within the GMD, took positions in this new office, demonstrating its high political authority.23 Reflecting on the failure of the previous four anti-communist military campaigns, the GMD leaders realized that relying exclusively on the army was insufficient to suppress the Communist movement.24 A new guiding principle was accordingly formulated: “Three Parts Military and Seven Parts Politics.”25 In the numerous talks given at the time, Chiang Kai-shek emphasized the urgent

20 Agnes Heller, A Theory of Modernity, 52. 21 Deng, Guomindang hexin zuzhi zhenxiang, 297. 22 The Affairs Bureau, which served as the administrative organ of the Nanchang Traveling Headquarters, contained three separate offices that oversaw military affairs, civilian affairs, and party organization. 23 For instance, He Zhonghan served as head of the Political Training Department (Zhengzhi xunlianchu) in the Nanchang Traveling Headquarters. Deng Wenyi was the head of the Investigation Department (Diaochake). See Deng, Guomindang hexin zuzhi zhenxiang, 297. 24 William Wei, Counterrevolution in China, 50. 25 Deng, Guomindang hexin zuzhi zhenxing, 297.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 04:55:04AM via free access 114 Guannan Li nature of national salvation and the importance of “spiritual warfare.”26 Because the current military campaign distinguished itself from the previous ones with the strong emphasis on propaganda, ideological consolidation, and popular mobilization, Chiang named it the “Second Stage of the Revolution.”27 Under the guidance of this new approach, in November 1933, Chiang Kai-shek established the “Party, Political, and Military Investigation and Design Council” (Dangzhengjun diaocha sheji weiyuanhui) within the Nanchang Traveling Headquarters. Created to develop new programs for China’s cultural renovation, the Council stressed the necessity of employing “modern scientific knowledge and methods to handle all the party, political and military affairs.”28 The Politics Office, one of the three offices of the Council, was designed to “transform Chinese culture.” As Chiang Kai-shek explained:

By working in the areas of education, academic learning, and cultural activities, the Party, Political, and Military Investigation and Design Council aims to radically transform national citizens’ mentality, social ethos, and even China’s national characteristics. Its ultimate goal is to save our nation from crisis and achieve national revival…. We must employ a new culture, new education, and new spirit to produce new national citizens as the foundation for building a new China.29

Under the direct authority of Yang Yongtai and Xiong Shihui, the Council became Chiang’s most important office based in Nanchang to design the state-sponsored transformation of Chinese life and culture. The result was the launching of the New Life Movement in February 1934. As the birth place of the New Life Movement and the military headquarters of the Encirclement Campaigns, Nanchang occupied a special place within the GMD national order. Chiang Kai-shek declared that Jiangxi province and the city of Nanchang were the bases from which a new nation would be regenerated. “Our nation’s survival relies on how everything works in Jiangxi. If we can annihilate [red] bandits, restore peace, and carry out construction faithfully, then Jiangxi may serve as the base to rebuild our country and revive our nation.”30 The New Life Movement would use Nanchang “as a small base [in Jiangxi] to generate a new revolutionary ethos.”31 Jiangxi, the center of the movement, would accordingly serve as a model province and facilitate the transmission of

26 Ibid., 302. 27 Ibid., 306. 28 Chiang, “Geming chengbai de qingshi he jianshe gongzuo de fangfa,” 723. 29 Ibid., 802. 30 Chiang, “Fuxing minzu zhi genben yaowu—jiao yang wei,” 60. 31 Chiang, “Xinshenghuo yundong zhi yiyi yu tuixing fangfa,” 136.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 04:55:04AM via free access Reviving China: Urban Reconstruction in Nanchang 115 the movement to the entire country. Accordingly, Gong Xuesui 龚学遂, city mayor of Nanchang, declared that because “Jiangxi has become the center of China’s New Deal,” Nanchang thus stood out as the “center of the center!”32

A New Jiangxi and a New Nanchang

A brief survey of Nanchang’s urban history in early Republican China is essential to understanding the city and its situation at the outset of the movement, to establish a baseline for viewing the new changes effected through urban reconstruction of the 1930s. Geographically, Nanchang is located slightly north of the center in Jiangxi province.33 To use Joseph Esherick’s categorization, this inland location made Nanchang neither a coastal city nor a treaty port, but an “interior city.”34 For Nanchang’s visitors, this type of “interior city” invariably appeared backward, dirty, unhealthy, conservative, and lacking in the cultural and material marks of modernity, many of which had already been brought to the coastal urban centers by colonial powers.35 In a memoir, Fu Chaowu 傅朝梧, a resident of Nanchang, described old Nanchang in the early Republican China as disorganized, unsanitary, unhealthy, and even filthy:

The streets and alleys were interlaced like a dog’s teeth. The houses were packed together like a fish’s scales. The dikes and channels were all blocked. The lakes and ponds were full of filth. The traffic was chaos.36

The creation of the Republic of China in 1912 provided a golden opportunity to bring about Nanchang’s urban transformation. While Nanchang in the early Republican era switched hands from local warlords, to Yuan Shikai’s short

32 Gong Xuesui, “Zongli ji’nianzhou gongjianzhuren weiyuan dui ge zhiyuan zhi xunci,” 12. 33 For more than one thousand years, Nanchang had served as the county or prefecture seat. The Han government (206 BCE–220 CE) first installed the county of Nanchang under the authority of Yuzhang prefecture (jun). During the Sui dynasty (581–618), Nanchang was renamed as Yuzhang county (xian) under the authority of Hongzhou prefecture. During the Tang dynasty (618–907), the city of Yuzhang moved westward to modern Nanchang. The Tang government built the city wall with a perimeter of more than 10 li. During the Song dynasty (960–1279), Nanchang was renamed as Hongzhou county. Yuzhang and Hongzhou thus became Nanchang’s ancient names. During the Ming (1368–1644) and the Qing (1644–1911) dynasty, Nanchang was transformed into Nanchang prefecture (fu). See “Nanchangshi 1934–1937 shizheng gaikuang yi.” 34 Esherick, “Modernity and Nation in the Chinese City,” 2–7. 35 Ibid., 5. 36 Fu Chaowu, “Jiu nanchang shizheng gongcheng yange,” 165. For the discussion of a similar urban environment in other Chinese interior cities, see Lee McIsaac, “The City as Nation: Creating a Wartime Capital in Chongqing.”

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 04:55:04AM via free access 116 Guannan Li regime, and finally to the GMD government, modernization programs continuously worked to transform the city’s physical landscape.37 The Nanchang Municipal Department, created by the Nanchang county government in 1925, deployed newly available social science methodologies to systematically survey the city, which led to the production of Nanchang’s first topographical map and the design of the city’s first modern road system.38 After the Northern Expedition in 1926, the GMD government expanded the former Nanchang Municipal Department into Nanchang’s first city hall, the Municipal Hall. By 1931, the Municipal Engineering Bureau, the office in charge of city planning and development, had demolished all the city walls to facilitate traffic circulation. After this, the Nanchang government launched a series of urban development projects that included building Zhongshan Road, Shengli Road, Huanhu Road, and Yanjiang Road, establishing a clock tower, and restoring the major cultural relics of Nanchang. However, these engineering efforts were seriously hampered by the shortage of funds. Except for the construction of a clock tower, the new roads projects remained largely unaccomplished. Under the pressure of lack of resources and thus want of progress, Leng Gengguang 冷耿光 resigned as head of the Engineering Bureau. When the financial situation worsened, Wu Yurui 伍毓瑞 was forced to resign as the second city mayor in 1932.39 Despite these difficulties,political developments soon gave Nanchang new prominence in national politics, leading to an intensification of Nanchang’s urban development. Xiong Shihui, the new chairman of the Jiangxi provincial government, emerged as the key figure behind Nanchang’s urban transformation. Born in Anyi 安义 county, Jiangxi province, Xiong was selected by Chiang Kai-shek to lead Jiangxi because of his native origin. After his inauguration, Xiong Shihui called for building a new Jiangxi. In his vision, Nanchang, the provincial capital, would be the model city of the entire province, which must meet “modern standards.”40 Xiong quickly instituted an administrative reform to facilitate Nanchang’s future transformation. In January 1932, Xiong abolished the Nanchang municipal government, incorporating the various municipal bureaus into its correspondent

37 After the establishment of the Republic of China in 1912, Nanchang, which served as the prefecture seat, was briefly under the control of Li Liejun, a pro-GMD military governor of Jiangxi province. Due to the failure of the Second Revolution, Nanchang fell to Yuan Shikai’s rule. Under Yuan’s administrative reform, Nanchang prefecture was abolished in 1914. Along with twenty-two other counties, Nanchang was incorporated into Yuzhang circuits (Dao). See Chen Zhangzhangand Luo Changjianged., Nanchang shizhi, 22–31. 38 Fu, “Jiu Nanchang shizheng gongcheng yange,” 165. 39 Ibid., 166–67. 40 Yao Ganlin, “Tongzhi jiangxi shinian de xiongshi hui,” 146.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 04:55:04AM via free access Reviving China: Urban Reconstruction in Nanchang 117 provincial authorities. 41 By putting Nanchang under the direct rule of the provincial government, Xiong ensured the firm incorporation of Nanchang into the national program to regenerate the nation.42 In March of 1933, in preparation for Nanchang’s systematic and large-scale urban transformation, Xiong Shihui ordered the establishment of the Municipal Commissioner’s Office (Shizheng zhuanyuan bangongshi) to take charge of urban planning and design. The office hired six engineers from the Shanghai Engineering Bureau to produce a systematic construction plan.43 Using the city of Shanghai as the obvious model, the six architects first redesigned Nanchang’s road system. Based on the map produced by the former Engineering Bureau, they then designed Nanchang’s first underground sewer system and produced Nanchang’s first sewer map.44 After this initial period of investigation and planning, in August 1933, Xiong Shihui established the Nanchang Municipal Council (Nanchang shizheng weiyuanhui). As the de facto municipal authority, the Municipal Council contained only five offices, a much closer-knit organization than the former municipal government. Within the Council, the Office of the Chief-engineer (Zonggongchengsi shi) assumed exclusive responsibilities of city planning and construction.45 By identifying a capable city mayor, Xiong Shihui took another firm step toward Nanchang’s successful urban transformation. In 1934, Xiong appointed Gong Xuesui the head of the Municipal Council.46 Gong, like Xiong, was a

41 Chen and Luo ed., Nanchang shizhi, 129. 42 Among other organizational efforts to improve the provincial administrative efficiency, Xiong Shihui also abolished the various county bureaus and reorganize them into department (ke), smaller offices that would be under the direct authority of the magistrate. After this effort to streamline the counties failed, in June 1932, Xiong established the Administrative Inspectorate System to send administrative inspectorates to the country governments. The purpose of this system was to make the county governments more responsive to the orders from the municipalities and the province. See Wei, Counterrevolution in China, 55–59. 43 Three of the six architects were educated in the United States, two in Germany; and another graduated from National Central University in Nanjing. See Fu, “Jiu Nanchang shizheng gongcheng yange,” 167. The Chinese architects, who were often technically trained abroad, played important roles in city planning in the GMD strongholds of Canton, Shanghai, and Nanjing. For other cases, see MacPherson, “Designing China’s Urban Future,” 39–62; James A. Cook, “Bridges to Modernity: Xiamen, Overseas Chinese and Southeast Coastal Modernization, 1843–1937”; Jeffrey W. Cody, Exporting American Architecture, 1870–2000. 44 Fu, “Jiu Nanchang shizheng gongcheng yange,” 167. 45 NMA, 6–3–3187, pt. 1 (Feb. 1935–Jun. 1937). 46 Before Gong Xuesui, Xiong Shihui appointed Li Dezhao, a standing member of the GMD Jiangxi Provincial Executive Committee, as the first head of the Municipal Council. However, due to the fact that many construction projects resulted in a huge deficit for the new Nanchang government, Li was forced to resign after a short four-month term. See Fu, “Jiu Nanchang shizheng gongcheng yange,” 167.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 04:55:04AM via free access 118 Guannan Li native of Jiangxi province. As an engineer educated at Tokyo Imperial University in Japan, Gong was young (in his late thirties), familiar with the local situation, and equipped with a modern education, a perfect candidate for the position. Gong’s inauguration in 1934 was particularly meaningful in terms of the simultaneous development of national politics. In February 1934, after Chiang Kai-shek officially launched the New Life Movement in Nanchang, Gong adopted the ideology of the National Revival Movement as the guiding principles for Nanchang’s urban reconstruction. Engineering plans to perfect the system of urban public hygiene, improve the urban living environment, and release population and traffic pressures were easily incorporated into the revival movement goals of achieving an “orderly,” “clean,” “simple,” and “austere” Chinese culture. Gong declared that Nanchang’s urban construction contained two aspects. On the one hand, by materially transforming urban space, urban construction should accord with the principles of “scientification” and “modernization,” and should serve the purpose of improving people’s standards of living.47 While foreign countries focused on “managing” municipal affairs via fully developed urban infrastructures, in contrast, “Nanchang’s streets are narrow. The city is dirty and disorderly.” Therefore, Nanchang’s urban construction must aim for “comprehensive rebuilding.”48 On the other hand, by possessing a spiritual and cultural purpose, urban construction went beyond material modernization. As Gong remarked:

In terms of spiritual importance, urban transformation should address social and cultural problems. We need to make our greatest efforts to rejuvenate our life, improve our customs, transform the ethos, rectify wicked customs, as well as increase production and help the poor. All these aspects should accord with the [scientific] spirit of rationalization, and follow the moral principles of “etiquette,” “justice,” “integrity,” and “shame.”49

Chiang Kai-shek’s Confucian value-inflected discourse found perfect expression in Gong’s call for Nanchang’s scientific and moral development. In articulating a synthesis between the material and the cultural goals of Nanchang’s urban development, Gong’s matter-spirit dualism asserted that material urban development should address the ultimate goal of China’s cultural renovation. After his inauguration, Gong Xuesui established his office at the symbolic site of the former Qing prefecture yamen. When renovating the office compound,

47 Gong Xuesui, “Fakan ci,” 2. 48 Gong, “Shizheng tekanhao xuyan,” 3. 49 Gong, “Fakan ci,” 2.

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Gong uncovered two stone steles, each of them inscribed with a Chinese character. Together they read “ping han” (screen and rafters 屏翰), deriving from the Book of Songs: “The powerful states are our screen, the royal clans our rafters” (Da bang wei ping, da zong wei han 大邦维屏, 大宗维翰).50 According to a historical event from the Ming dynasty, a concubine of Prince Zhu from Nanchang used the steles to encourage her husband to be loyal to the emperor. After the Prince rebelled and the rebellion was eventually defeated, the concubine committed suicide to demonstrate her loyalty to imperial rule. As the mayor of Nanchang, the newly-designated center of the GMD program to regenerate the nation, Gong Xuesui placed the steles outside his office to remind himself of the resolve and loyalty required to carry out the formidable task of national revival.51

Building Urban Thoroughfares

Among many modernization programs that aimed to build a better urban living environment, Nanchang’s road construction proved to be the most successful and influential. The major urban thoroughfares first built in the 1930s continue to serve today as the backbone of Nanchang’s transportation system. According to the new street plan designed by the Shanghai engineers,52 the engineering efforts were to follow three principles:

First, widen the narrow streets. The new-style streets should establish a sufficient width to meet the traffic needs of the city, as well as to allow air and light to enter the houses. Wider streets could also meet the needs of aerial defense.... Second, open dead ends. Most streets in Nanchang are not only narrow, but also disconnected. Opening the blocked streets will allow the newly built streets to be connected. Third, straighten the curves. The straighter the streets are, the easier transportation will be. Disconnected, some streets in Nanchang are like a bent ruler. Some streets have sharp curves that may delay traffic or even cause

50 The translation belongs to Arthur Waley. See The Book of Songs: The Ancient Chinese Classic of Poetry, trans. Arthur Waley, 260. 51 Fu, “Jiu Nanchang shizheng gongcheng yange,” 168. 52 The first design of Nanchang’s modern road system was produced in the early 1920s. However, the Engineering Bureau at that time neither incorporated the urban topography into the street map, nor fully marked out the new road route or the buildings to be demolished. This plan further proved to be insufficient due to the new needs in the 1930s for building an underground sewage system. See “Nanchangshi 1934–1937 shizheng gaikuang er.”

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hazards.53

These announced principles reflected fundamental requirements that defined a street as modern in 1930s Nanchang. In contrast to the narrow, unhealthy, disconnected, and curved old streets, in appearance and in function, the new and modern streets should be wide, hygienic, connected, straight, easy to use, and meet the growing transportation and the military needs of the time. Under these new standards, within three years from 1934 to 1937, the Municipal Council completed forty road projects, building a total of 21,650 meters of modern road.54 The most famous project was the construction of the “Eight Local Sages Streets” (Bada xiangxian lu), designated by the names of eight famous Confucian scholars from Jiangxi.55 This naming practice not only fulfilled the national mission to revive Chinese heritage, but also worked to promote local pride and honor. The street names remain in use in Nanchang today. The construction of Nanchang’s urban thoroughfares deployed state violence, oppressive regulations, and administrative, legal, or financial punishments to identify and eliminate undesirable phenomena or people that affected the “city’s looks” or “appearance,” a process Ruth Rogaski has called “hygienic modernity.”56 Taking the first step, the Municipal Council publicly announced the regulations for house demolition, reconstruction, and compensation. The municipal edict proclaimed all obstructive behavior illegal. Although the edict stated that residents would get compensation for their expropriated land or demolished houses according to current market value, the municipal files provide little information as to how this was handled in practice. Anyone who wanted to rebuild their houses on the new street was required to apply for a construction permit. In order to maintain an orderly appearance, the construction codes required that the new buildings accord with the house layouts approved by the municipal authority. After the initial public announcement, the Municipal Council sent out government agents to inform individual residents whose houses faced demolition. To clear away confusion about buildings to be destroyed, engineers hammered

53 Ibid. 54 Ibid. 55 Ibid. The eight roads were Wang Yangming Road, Wang Anshi Road, Ouyang Xiu Road, Wang Chuanshan Road, Huang Lizhou Road, Wen Tianxiang Road, Lu Xiangshan Road, and Xie Dieshan Road. The project began construction in early 1936, and completed in late 1937. Among the eight roads, Wang Yangming Road was the widest, at 40–yards wide, and Lu Xiangshan Road came next with a 20–yard width. The other six roads were 15–yards wide. All eight streets were non-paved gravel roads. 56 Ruth Rogaski, Hygienic Modernity: Meanings of Health and Disease in Treaty-Port China.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 04:55:04AM via free access Reviving China: Urban Reconstruction in Nanchang 121 wooden stakes into the streets to mark the new street routes, and just as in Chinese cities today painted the character—“Chai” (demolition 拆)—on the houses that faced immediate demolition. When the old houses were demolished, the city authorities quickly encountered many poorer residents who had lost their homes but had no financial resources to rebuild. To accommodate them, while the demolition was still underway, the Municipal Council launched the construction of “public housing for the common people” (pingmin zhuzhai). The project was not only intended to ameliorate the housing crisis within the city, but also to introduce new concepts of modern community living to transform urban space. In March 1934, the Municipal Council started to build thirty new-style three-bedroom apartments at Jigucang 积谷仓 and thirty-two on Fusi Road 福思 路. To ensure orderliness and uniformity, the construction plan called for each apartment to be identical in every detail, including color, size, and layout.57 Each residential compound would have community rooms, schools, gardens, and new-style bathrooms. In addition, in the newly built municipal compounds, the Municipal Council built small rental shops to help petty merchants who were the victims of the urban construction.58 To maximize its engineering capacity and minimize its cost, the Municipal Council invited private construction companies to bid for individual building projects. In May of that year, after bidding, several private construction companies were contracted to build the municipal dwelling complexes. The commercialization of municipal projects allowed the Municipal Council to deploy business contracts to regulate the building process.59 After construction was completed in June, the inspection found some unsatisfactory deviations from the contract specifications. The roof tiles were red rather than the specified gray; the paint the builders used was light blue rather than gray; and the contractors had used some low-quality inexpensive materials in place of the more costly materials designated in the contract.60 These deviations were apparently the

57 “Report from Private Builder Liao Hongfa,” “Jigucang fusilu pinmin zhuzhai gongcheng,” NMA, 6–4–0025 (Jun. 1934). 58 NMA, 6–3–3187, pt. 1 (Feb. 1935–Jun. 1937). 59 The contract allotted a certain number of non-rain days as the time period in which the contractors had to finish the construction. The specific length of the construction period would be determined by the individual project. For example, the Municipal Council allowed thirty non-rain days for Liao Hongfa, a private builder, to build five apartments. Any delay would generate a penalty of three yuan per day. The builder would be responsible of arranging construction laborers and preparing construction materials and tools. The Municipal Council would pay the construction cost in several installments, but bore no responsibility of other fees, such as the medical cost of unexpected labor injuries or illness. See “Building Contract with Liao Hongfa,” NMA, 6–4–0025 (Jun. 1934). 60 “Report from the House Investigator,” NMA, 6–4–0025 (Jun. 1934).

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 04:55:04AM via free access 122 Guannan Li efforts of contracted builders to make the residences more colorful and attractive for their prospective tenants, but violated the state principle of uniformity that favored the utilitarian grey. After investigation, the contractors were required by the terms of the contract to fix the problems. In July, the Municipal Council made the apartments and shops immediately available for rent. 61 The “common people” whose houses had been demolished during road construction were eligible for renting the municipal property. In addition to Jigucang and Fusi Road, the Municipal Council built another massive rental compound outside of the old city wall in the northern suburb of the city. With few buildings on site, this piece of flat land measured approximately 2,000 mu (1 mu=1/6 acre). The plan anticipated that the new living compound would reduce the population pressure in the city by relocating a significant number of residents out of the old city walls. To the north of the living compound, the Municipal Council built a large 2,000 mu public park, equal to the size of the residential area. Unlike traditionally crowded living environments, this complex was designed as a model for the more open modern residential communities.62 Unfortunately, the resettling of the population did not happen as urban planners imagined. Early in September 1928, the Nanjing municipal government had experimented with the same idea to build public housing complexes outside of the old city gate to accommodate residents forcefully relocated due to the urban construction. It quickly turned out that even the indigent hesitated to move into the new public housing even though the rent was low because of governmental subsidy. The remote location of the new public housing prevented the poor moving in because they needed to live close to places where they hired themselves out for whatever work the city could offer.63 The same situation also occurred in Shanghai when the Shanghai municipal government built a new residential zone within its new civic center in 1935. The government quickly found out that no population ever settled in this residential area because residents could not earn a livelihood in such a remote region far away from the international settlements and the Chinese city. 64 Even if the resettlement occurred, the city poor were always the ones forced to relocate to the new community. In Nanchang, the new residential complex, located outside of the old city walls, was apparently not a desirable choice for the better-off residents who had financial means to reestablish themselves within the city.

61 “Request by the Nanchang Municipal Council to the Provincial Police Office to Issue Addresses to the New Houses,” NMA, 6–4–0025 (Jun. 1934). 62 NMA, 6–3–3187, pt. 2 (Feb. 1935–Jun. 1937). 63 Zwia Lipkin, Useless to the State: “Social Problems” and Social Engineering in Nationalist Nanjing, 1927–1937, 94–98. 64 Christian Henriot, Shanghai, 1927–1937, Municipal Power, Locality, and Modernization, trans. Noel Castelino, 183.

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The municipal files do not specify the total number of urban residents who were directly affected by the urban reconstruction or how many residents moved into the municipal rental compounds. Because many of them were quite poor and therefore intended to share the living space, this type of situation made accurate statistic almost impossible. However, the construction of a relatively small number of rental apartments was insufficient to resolve the tremendous housing needs generated by the large-scale housing demolition. Facing an urgent need for housing, urban residents emerged as a public force that critiqued and challenged government policies.

Confronting Public Opinion

Public resistance to the municipal programs illustrates the tensions between the urban residents who were forced to leave their homes and familiar communities and urban reformers who had an alluring vision of an ideal urban space. As the fault lines often intersected with class and economic disparity, these confrontations illustrate the hegemonic and homogenizing nature of the urban programs. To highlight the difficulties generated by urban reconstruction, residents continuously sent letters petitioning the government in hopes of influencing the construction process. The majority of these appeal letters asked for the extension of demolition deadlines while some other letters questioned the overall construction plan. Confronting public opinion thus became a necessary component of the state-enforced process of urban reconstruction. The great number of appeal letters indicated a wide range of the affected residents who were coerced to demolish their homes and move to other places. The immediate outcome of the forced demolishment of a significant number of homes was the acute shortage of available rental housing. Surging rental prices in the city reflected the disequilibrium between supply and demand. As soon as a house went on the rental market, acquaintances would recommend prospective tenants to the owner. Particularly after three destructive conflagrations that burned down 2,000 old houses in 1936, the housing shortage grew more severe. Those who were unable to afford residence in the city were forced to temporarily relocate to the countryside.65 The shift from ownership to tenancy created many practical problems for poor residents. For instance, an old couple in their seventies who lived on Liuyanjing

65 For instance, the rental price on Guohuo Road was 2.8 yuan per square meter in the middle of 1936. Four months later, the price almost tripled to 8 yuan. See “Appeal Letter by Liangji Factory to the Nanchang Municipal Council,” “Luxiangshan lu malu beichai shangmin qingqiu jiuji,” NMA, 6–4–0030 (Dec. 1934).

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六眼井 Street, when faced with a municipal edict mandating the demolition of their home, had to cope with the forced closure of their small sewing business. Due to the serious shortage of temporary housing in the city, the couple could not even find a place to temporarily store their personal belongings, much less to relocate their sewing equipment.66 Under these circumstances, although the urban program was declared to benefit the collective community, in practice, the economic damages were particularly devastating to the petty and poor urbanities who had less financial means to cope with the difficulties. This is the political mechanism that Zwia Lipkin, in describing Nanjing, termed “targeting ‘deviants’ for ordering ‘society.’”67 The authoritarian state took a tough stand. Responding to every request in writing, the Municipal Council rejected almost every appeal. 68 Under this situation, merchants who were organized into guilds, as apposed to poorer and non-organized sectors of the urban population, had greater resources at their disposal for confronting and resisting the authorities.69 The case of the Gaoqiao White Horse Temple Shop Association (Gaoqiao baimasi shangdian lianhehui) illustrates the issues that generated public discontentment or even indignation toward the construction. The association complained that the new route, crossing the sections between Wazijiao 瓦子角 and Gaoqiao, intentionally ran through the eastern side of the street and attempted to avoid its western side. The fact was that the small shops and residential houses were densely concentrated on the street’s eastern side, while the western side housed large homes and mansions with beautiful gardens and open space. The Gaoqiao merchant guild apparently had gotten hold of the first road system plan, drafted by the former Engineering Bureau. After studying both the original and the new plans, they concluded that the new plan would harm small merchants and poor urban residents while the older street layout design avoided the busy urban districts.70 The guild inquired as to why the government had chosen a destructive plan that protected a few rich residents but sacrificed the interest of the “common people.”71

66 “Appeal Letter from Lei Yicong to the Nanchang Municipal Council,” NMA, 6–4–0030 (Feb. 1935). 67 Lipkin, Useless to the State, 7. 68 Among the municipal files I review in the Nanchang Municipal Archives, there is only one case of exception I will discuss later in this essay. 69 For the discussion of various roles played by merchant guilds in transforming urban landscape in Shanghai, see Bryna Goodman, Native Place, City, and Nation, Regional Networks and Identities in Shanghai, 1853–1937. 70 “Appeal Letter by the Gaoqiao White Horse Temple Shop Association to the Nanchang Municipal Council,” NMA, 6–4–0030 (Nov. 1934). 71 “Appeal Letter by Shop Futaihengto the Nanchang Municipal Council,” NMA, 6–4–0030 (Dec. 1934).

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The Gaoqiao merchants clearly disliked the planned width of the new roads, a major symbol of Nanchang’s attempted modernization. The fact was, the wider the new roads, the more houses would be demolished. The Gaoqiao merchants highlighted the irony that the emphasis of the New Life Movement on creating an open, clean, and orderly city required the sacrifice of property and livelihood. On the same basis, the merchants strongly opposed the construction of roundabouts and large intersections in the busy commercial neighborhoods, which brought more buildings into the scope of demolition.72 Clearly, whereas the guiding spirit of urban reconstruction in the 1920s had been to install a modern road system in a cost-efficient manner by avoiding the busiest streets, the focus of the engineering efforts in the 1930s had shifted to concerns of urban hygiene and orderliness. This new emphasis targeted areas of high population density as unsanitary and disorderly. Under these new circumstances, the oppressive state, which emphasized the single-dimensional aesthetic value of urban modernization, was actually confronting the concreteness of urban life, which was complex, manifold, and situational and thus always appeared resistant and unresponsive to the state order. The Municipal Council rejected the appeal by expressing the hope that the “patriotic merchants and residents” would cooperate with the government in building a new Nanchang. 73 The Municipal Council stressed that the construction never targeted specific groups, and the former street plan produced by the Engineering Bureau was “outdated.” In terms of the width of the road, the Municipal Council sneered at the narrowness of the merchants’ vision and pointed out that modern roads in all countries required a certain width.74 There was little space for negotiation. When the planned road-building was launched on time, tensions shifted to rebuilding homes on the new roads. The Municipal Council issued strict building codes, which required the unconditional application of a uniform house layout, façade, exterior decorations, and house color. Non-compliance would result in failure to attain a construction permit. Merchants quickly discovered that the compliance with specified aesthetic regularity would generate a high maintenance cost. Xie Baotang 谢宝棠, the owner of a small shop on Guohuo 国货 Road, discovered that the light yellow color required by the Municipal Council was not durable and it was costly to maintain identically-colored house exteriors. Xie argued that:

72 “Appeal Letter by the Gaoqiao White Horse Temple Shop Association to the Nanchang Municipal Council,” NMA, 6–4–0030 (Nov. 1934). 73 “Notice by the Nanchang Municipal Council to Shop Futaiheng,” NMA, 6–4–0030 (Nov. 1934). 74 “No. 1597 Construction Edict by the Jiangxi Provincial Government to Response the Requests from the Gaoqiao White Horse Temple Shop Association,” NMA, 6–4–0030 (Dec. 1934).

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The light yellow color cannot last long regardless of how it is applied. Under the constant wear of wind and rain, within one year, the yellow color will become either lighter or darker on different parts of the house. Timely maintenance will fix the problem, but irregular maintenance (which is often the case) will cause some parts of the house to be light and others dim…. Because the light yellow color does not last, in order to make all the houses look identical, all the shops on the street will need to repaint their walls at the same time. It will be very difficult to do that. If the government enforces the order, all the shops will have to do it at least once a year. To repaint the houses, the residents will have to apply for a construction permit annually. During the construction, the shops will need to stop business and set up scaffolding that might block traffic. All of these are inconvenient.75

Xie suggested light gray in place of light yellow for the house exterior, because it resolved the problems of color consistency and maintenance costs in a manner that sought to preserve urban orderliness and regularity. Xie’s practical suggestion convinced the Municipal Council to apply this new color to the houses on Guohuo Road. As this example shows, in some cases that challenged government policies, successful opposition actually functioned to modify and perfect the Municipal Council’s decisions. In their outcomes, the negotiations between the public and the government indeed confirmed a hegemonic state program powered by the ambitious government to transform everyday life.

Building a Hygienic, Odorless, and Orderly City

A functioning tap system and sewer system, together with modern roads were considered the most important markers of a modern city. The Municipal Council declared that it was “urgent” to have running water for “urban hygiene, fire fighting, and market prosperity.”76

75 “Appeal Letter by Xie Baotang to the Nanchang Municipal Council,” “Guohuolu gongcheng,” NMA, 6–4–13(1) (Dec. 1934). 76 NMA, 6–3–3187, pt. 2 (Feb. 1935–Jun. 1937). Early in 1926, Nanchang had a private water company called Hongji Waterworks (Hongji shuichang). When the company was about to install water pipes, the Northern Expedition erupted. As a result, the plan was aborted. See NMA, 6–3–3187, pt. 1 (Feb. 1935–Jun. 1937). In 1932, Chinese engineers from Shanghai designed a new plan to rebuild the waterworks in Nanchang. The new plan intended to use electricity to pump water from Gan River into a purification pool. Based on Nanchang’s population, the engineers designed a capacity of purifying 3 million gallon of water per day to meet the needs of Nanchang’s daily water consumption. The municipal authority followed up with a detailed budget and construction schedule. However, probably due to funding issues, the plan did not materialize.

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To overcome local deficiencies, in May 1935, the Municipal Council first contracted with the China Construction Bank Company (Zhongguo jianshe yinhang gongsi) to build new waterworks for Nanchang. In July1936, the Construction Bank Company commissioned the British Jardine Matheson Company (Chinese name: Yihe yanghang) to purchase materials and build the waterworks. The British company further contracted with two other companies in Shanghai—Shanghai Jiuji Construction Factory (Shanghai jiuji yingzaochang) and China Construction Engineers Firm (Zhongguo jianshe gongchengshi shiwusuo) to materialize the construction plan.77 In September 1936, the construction teams completed the construction of the main waterworks and the water tower, set up a pumping station on the eastern bank of the Gan River, and laid down pipes underneath the major roads that circled the city. On the small streets, the pipe connection allowed future expansion of the system. In spring 1937, filtered river water was piped for the first time through the system to city residents. The designed capability was to transmit 2.2 million gallons of water per day, sufficient to supply clean water to Nanchang’s entire population in early 1937.78 However, treated water was not accessible for everyone. Among Nanchang’s 53,000 households, only 7,000 commercial and 3,000 residential households could afford to connect the water pipes directly to their houses. In other words, only roughly 11 to 18 percent of Nanchang residents regularly used purified water.79 In order to supply flowing water to the other urban residents, the Municipal Council installed public taps at major intersections where water could be purchased.80 While most of the people in Nanchang continued to haul well-water or to purchase fresh water from water carriers, the expensive modern indoor facilities became a privilege enjoyed only by the rich. For a city to be modern above ground required the construction of an invisible urban infrastructure underground. The installation of underground pipes and drains not only rendered liquid waste invisible, but also made the city odorless. To quote Ruth Rogaski, this separation of functions in the urban space aboveground and underground created the things “seen and unseen.”81 Scientific

77 Ibid. 78 Ibid. 79 According to the city census, in 1937, Nanchang’s overall population was 272,588. If the average household contained three to five residents, 10,000 households meant that roughly 30,000–50,000 people regularly consumed treated water. 80 NMA, 6–3–3187, pt. 2 (Feb. 1935–Jun. 1937). 81 Rogaski, Hygienic Modernity, 193. The foreign settlements in treaty ports first experimented with the construction of public hygienic facilities in the late nineteenth century and the early twentieth century. For example, In Shanghai, led by groups of Anglo-American doctors and other sanitarians who recently settled in the foreign settlements, the Shanghai municipal government made active efforts to improve public health through the construction of medical and hygienic infrastructure. See Kerrie L. MacPherson, A Wilderness of Marshes: The Origins of Public Heath in Shanghai, 1843–1893.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 04:55:04AM via free access 128 Guannan Li measurement and calculation became indispensable to the proper channeling of sewage to designated areas. Beginning in July 1934, Shanghai engineers worked closely with GMD military experts to obtain Nanchang’s comprehensive topographical and geographical measurement. Based on the elevation positions from twenty level points within and outside of the city, the engineers established a measurement every one hundred meters, from which a contour line could be drawn. After surveying a total distance of 42,800 meters, the engineers produced a new contour map of Nanchang.82 Underground engineering required complex calculation of mathematic variables. To ensure a smooth flow of sewage that would neither move too slowly (leading to blockages), nor too quickly (which would erode the pipes), proper installation required careful control of flow rates, pipe diameter, slope grade, and many other factors.83 After Gong Xuesui secured funding from the sale of sewer system bonds and municipal land taxes appropriated for the project,84 between 1934 and 1937, sewers were laid underneath the new modern roads along with underground water pipes. Meanwhile, in 1935, the Municipal Council took the final step of unblocking East Lake. Due to its low elevation, in the past the East Lake received most of Nanchang’s sewage before the water waste was finally channeled out of the city. It was recorded in the municipal report in the 1930s that:

East Lake is the best-known scenic spot in Nanchang. However, during the transition from summer to autumn, the lake often turns into a cesspool because less and less fresh water flows into the lake and the water exit is blocked. This not only diminishes the scenery, but also hinders hygiene. As 70 percent of the entire sewage pours into East Lake daily, this makes it a filthy place.85

In February 1934, the East Lake Renovation Engineering Department (Donghu zhengli gongchengchu) was established. Headed by Gong Xuesui, the Department employed more than fifty staff and forty construction teams. The total personnel numbered approximately 1,650. To dredge the lake, the Engineering Department employed both modern and low-cost traditional technologies. Four diesel engines and forty human-powered waterwheels worked day and night to pump out the lake water. Because of the rainy season, completion took almost three months. Approximately 20,000 peasants were also hired to work day and night on the construction site. They

82 NMA, 6–3–3187, pt. 2 (Feb. 1935–Jun. 1937). 83 Ibid. 84 Ibid. 85 Ibid.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 04:55:04AM via free access Reviving China: Urban Reconstruction in Nanchang 129 dredged the lake bottom and moved the excavated silt to the northern part of the city, where the municipal rental compound being built there needed the silt to transform the sandy land.86 After the lake had been dredged, the Municipal Council began to rebuild the lake banks with red rocks and renovated the lake roads. The northern, eastern, and western banks, totaling 2,006 meters, were rebuilt at an average height of two meters. In May 1935, after demolishing slum dwellings along the banks, the Council renovated two bridges—Lingying Bridge 灵应桥 and Zhuangyuan Bridge 状元桥—into armored concrete bridges.87 The renovation project proved to be successful. After the lake water became clear again, residents began returning to wash their clothes in the lake. In the summer, people swam and bathed in the lake while others went fishing. To protect East Lake, the Council then set up warning boards prohibiting these human activities. When people ignored the signs, the Municipal Council purchased motorboats from Shanghai to patrol the lake and fine violators.88 For the same purpose of constructing an orderly and clean Nanchang, the Municipal Council also launched a movement to “rectify urban appearance” (Zhengli shirong). In what became an intrusive process of surveillance and discipline of public behavior, disciplinary power was used for the production of a new society that would embody the new concepts of modernity. Backed by the efforts of health inspectors, sanitary police, and various government agents to vigilantly police the city’s appearance, the new sanitary measures, which aimed to regulate markets and transportation services, and administer information boards, seemed to achieve an immediate transformation of the city appearance. Under the new orders, the farmers and small vendors were not allowed to set up mobile vegetable, food, and sundries stands on street sidewalks. They were instead forced into the newly built public markets. Inside these markets, barbers were separated from vendors in designated haircutting areas for sanitation purposes. On the streets, the newspaper reading boards were regularly cleaned to remove their tattered look. Police watched out for people who attempted to tear off a newspaper. A new municipal order now prevented rickshaw pullers from parking on the roads. Parking was restricted to street intersections or designated parking areas. Rickshaw pullers were required to follow traffic rules and not pull rickshaws into vehicle lanes, to maintain segregation from cars and trucks and ensure “a good urban appearance.” Pullers were required to dress uniformly. Summer dress was stipulated as a bamboo hat, a vest, shorts, and straw sandals. Spring, autumn, and winter dress included a

86 Ibid. 87 Ibid. 88 NMA, 6–3–3187, pt. 1 (Feb. 1935–Jun. 1937).

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 04:55:04AM via free access 130 Guannan Li cloth cap, blue clothes, and black shoes.89 By installing the underground sewer system, unblocking East Lake with its flowing channels of water, and policing “city appearance,” potentially unhygienic activities would neither be seen nor smelled. These urban transformations served to achieve a new urban visual aesthetic: linear, smooth, and ordered.

Policing the Filth

By building new-style public bathrooms, the Municipal Council also was promoting a standard of public behaviors. In 1934, the inauguration of the New Life Movement included an urgent call to transform Nanchang’s old public bathrooms:

In Nanchang, most of the public bathrooms contain only one entrance. The people who do their business, those who carry away the human waste, and those who dump their night-soil buckets all use the same door. Because mostly women do the work of dumping and cleaning the night-soil buckets, this single-entrance setup is particularly inconvenient. Within the bathroom, the drain is always blocked. Urine and waste water overflow onto the ground due to the blocked sewer. It is almost impossible to completely clean the cesspit due to its poor structure. The cesspit always remains uncovered, which makes it stinky and filthy. This not only hinders hygiene, but also nourishes disease.90

The new measure called for the immediate construction of public bathrooms to introduce the new standards of “convenience and hygiene” and to enforce the notion of gender separation and privacy. Under this mandate, new bathrooms were designed to contain male and female compartments that were separated by an area in the middle for the removal of human waste and cleaning of the night-soil buckets. For easy mobility, buckets were to be installed on mobile wooden boards on which a groove was installed to hold the buckets. On the wall separating the two areas, small doors opened to individual pits and urinals. Once a bucket was full, the bathroom keeper in the handling area could reach and remove it through these small doors whose height was designed to accommodate the easy removal of the buckets. To maintain privacy, each pit was separated like a cell with boards 4–chi high on each side

89 Ibid. 90 “Letter by the New Life Movement Promotion Committee to the Nanchang Municipal Council,” “Gaizao Yuzhang gongyuan cesuo,” NMA, 6–4–408 (Jul. 1935).

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 04:55:04AM via free access Reviving China: Urban Reconstruction in Nanchang 131 and a lower wooden board in front.91 The new measure also laid out a schedule for precise hygienic daily maintenance and management of the public bathrooms. According to the municipal order, from 5:00 to 5:30 a.m., the bathroom attendant would strike a bell to announce the dumping of night-soil, turning this formerly ungoverned family chore into a public event. From 5:30 to 6:00 a.m., the bathroom would remain closed for human waste transportation. Additional buckets might be refused and the late-comers would be warned to come earlier in the future. The newly hired regular carriers (rather than peasants) would come, empty the buckets, and transport all of the waste to the nearby countryside. In the process of shipment, all of the transport containers would have to remain covered. After that, the bathroom attendant should thoroughly clean the bathroom and lock the waste storage area.92 In order to transform the old practice that nearby peasants irregularly came to collect the night-soil for use as fertilizer and shared no cleaning responsibilities, the Municipal Council hired a private company to take charge of cleaning, collecting, and selling human waste.93 In April 1936, due to the unsatisfied performance of the company, the Municipal Council stepped in and implemented a program of “official supervision and merchant management.” However, the funding shortage quickly doomed the official intervention. After the disposal stations were forced to permanently close down, night-soil collection eventually reverted to the old practice.94 In January 1936, one of Nanchang’s first new-style public bathroom opened for public use in Yuzhang 豫章 Park.95 This public bathroom, open to both men and women, must have been a striking novelty in Nanchang since in many other urban centers the new public bathrooms were exclusively reserved for men’s use.96 However, even though extensive efforts were made to improve the public bathrooms, the municipal investigation conducted in September 1936, concluded that “the effects are not noticeable.”97 With a population of more than 250,000 in

91 Ibid. 92 Ibid. 93 For discussion of the night-soil collection practice and policing the filth in other Chinese cities, see Rogaski, Hygienic Modernity, 193–224; Yamin Xu, “Policing Civility on the Streets: Encounters with Litterbugs, ‘Nightsoil Lords,’ and Street Corner Urinators in Republican Beijing.” 94 NMA, 6–3–3187, pt. 1 (Feb. 1935–Jun. 1937). 95 “Report by the Nanchang Municipal Council to the Jiangxi Provincial Government,” NMA, 6–4–408 (Oct. 1935). 96 Xu, “Policing Civility on the Streets,” 56–57. 97 “Call for An Extended Meeting from the Jiangxi Provincial New Life Movement Promotion Association,” “Gaishan gonggong cesuo” NMA, 06–3–34 (Aug. 1936).

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Nanchang, only eighty-five public bathrooms were identified. Among them, eight-four needed to be rebuilt or required major renovation. In 1936, when the Municipal Council issued another measure to specify more cohesive regulations to rectify public bathrooms, the “irremediable mass” comfortably clung to their conventional way of life either because of the high prices of modern hygienic services or simply due to the lack of access to the new urban hygienic facilities.

Conclusion

Under the name of national revival, the state-driven modernist urban planning of Nanchang envisioned the complete destruction of the old city and its associated culture and life. Yet, what can be seen as a sort of “colonizing” process of modernization never reached its totalistic goal to completely wipe out naturally occurring forms of poverty, chaos, and irrationality. The result was an undesirable and insuperable co-existence of new and old, chaos and order, barbarism and civilization (to use contemporary rhetoric), which became a permanent feature of Nanchang’s modern life. At the heart of Chinese experiences of modernity was this moment of lived conjuncture of old and new and the clash of temporal realities. In this way, the Nanchang project demonstrated certain characteristics of a global modernity, namely, the powerful tensions within urban experience, and the tensions brought by such conflicting aspects as modernization and colonization, homogenization and differentiation, and civilizing and resisting forces. This brings to mind what Walter Benjamin observed in his “Theses on Philosophy of History” that “there is no document of civilization which is not at the same time a document of barbarism.” In the context of Nanchang’s urban reconstruction, any aspect of violence went far beyond mere physical destruction, purge of eyesores, and administrative control of residents. Its totalizing vision targeted the elimination of community, experience, memory, and culture in terms of both economic relations and symbolic representations of the city as a living space. During this process, what Marshall Berman regards as the “deepest social and psychic wounds of modernism”—poverty and sorrow never being able to be fully absorbed by a joyful and beautiful modernity—was repeatedly exposed. Nanchang’s story also recalls the famous work of urban criticism, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, in which Jane Jacobs describes the contradiction seen in two competing human orders that have shaped American urban space and life. One is the complex and rich human order represented by nineteenth-century congestion, noise, and general dissonance, which keeps contemporary urban life alive; the other is the clean and orderly material spatial order created by the modernist urban scheme that renders cities mechanical, reductive, and socially

Downloaded from Brill.com10/02/2021 04:55:04AM via free access Reviving China: Urban Reconstruction in Nanchang 133 and spiritually dead. Thus the larger contradiction of modernity itself is not only revealed in the process of (re)constructing unevenness and heterogeneity in the urban history of Nanchang, Shanghai, and other Chinese cities, but also is reflected in Benjamin’s aesthetics of history. For urban space is made into a violently twisted overlap of cultures old and new. In today’s impressive globalization and economic development in China, such contradictions grow continuously, as contemporary Chinese urban experiences are shaped by seemingly “never-ending” construction.

References

Archives Chiang Kai-shek’s Diaries, Folder 36–12, Hoover Institution, Stanford, California, USA. “Gaizao yuzhang gongyuan cesuo” (Renovating the bathroom at Yuzhang Park), 6–4–408 (Jul. 1935), Nanchang Municipal Archives (NMA), Nanchang, PRC. “Ganshan gonggong cesuo” (Renovating public bathrooms), 06–3–34 (Aug. 1936), NMA. “Guohuolu gongcheng” (Construction of National Products Road), 6–4–13(1) (Dec. 1934), NMA. “Jigucang fusilu pinmin zhuzhai gongcheng” (Construction projects of the residential compounds for the common people at Jigucang and Fusi Road), 6–4–0025 (Jun. 1934), NMA. “Luxiangshan lu malu beichai shangmin qingqiu jiuji” (Merchants and residents requested relief after Luxiangshan Road was demolished), 6–4–0030 (Dec. 1934), NMA. “Nanchangshi 1934–1937 shizheng gaikuang” (General Situation of Municipal Affairs in Nanchang, pt. 1), 6–3–3187 (Feb. 1935–Jun. 1937), NMA.

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