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Aboriginal Subsistence Whaling in Greenland: the Case of Qeqertarsuaq Municipality in West Greenland RICHARD A

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Aboriginal Subsistence Whaling in Greenland: the Case of Qeqertarsuaq Municipality in West Greenland RICHARD A ARCTIC VOL, NO. 2 (JUNE 1993) P. 144-1558 Aboriginal Subsistence Whaling in Greenland: The Case of Qeqertarsuaq Municipality in West Greenland RICHARD A. CAULFIELD’ (Received 10 December 1991; accepted in revised form 3 November 1992) ABSTRACT. Policy debates in the International Whaling Commission (IWC) about aboriginal subsistence whalingon focus the changing significance of whaling in the mixed economies of contemporaryInuit communities. In Greenland, Inuit hunters have taken whales for over 4OOO years as part of a multispecies pattern of marine harvesting. However, ecological dynamics, Euroamerican exploitation of the North Atlantic bowhead whale (Buhem mysticem),Danish colonial policies, and growing linkages to the world economy have drastically altered whaling practices. Instead of using the umiuq and hand-thrown harpoons, Greenlandic hunters today use harpoon cannons mountedon fishing vessels and fiberglass skiffs with powerful outboard motors. Products from minke whales (Bahenopteru ucutorostrutu)and fin whales (Bulaenopteru physulus) provide both food for local consumption and limited amountsof cash, obtained throughthe sale of whale products for food to others. Greenlanders view this practice as a form of sustainable development, where local renewable resources are used to support livelihoods that would otherwise be dependent upon imported goods. Export of whale products from Greenland is prohibited by law. However, limited trade in whale products within the country is consistent with longstandmg Inuit practices of distribution and exchange. Nevertheless, within thecritics IWC argue that evenlimited commoditization of whale products could lead to overexploitation should hunters seek to pursue profit-maximization strategies. Debates continue about the appro- priateness of cash and commoditization in subsistence whaling and about the ability of indigenous management regimes to ensure the protection of whalestocks. This case study describescontempomy whaling inQeqertarsuaq Municipality inWest Greenland, demonstrating that despite significant changes, whaliig is an integral part of Greenland’s mixed economy and a vital component of Greenlandic Inuit cultural identity. The social organization of whalingcontinues to be kinship-based, andGreenlandic foods, including whaleproducts, are prominent in localdiets and in cultural celebrations. The research reveals that Greenlanders participatein whaling not to maximize profits but inorder to sustain cultural traditions and to reduce dependency on tenuous links to the world economy. Key words: Greenland, Qeqertarsuaq Municipality, aboriginal subsistence whaling, Inuit whaling,eumomy, mixed minke whale,fin whale, International Whaling Commission RJbUMk. Les d6bats sur les politiques concernantla chasse de subsistance B la baleine, au sein de la Commission baleinibreinternationale (CBI), tournent autour du changement de sisnificationde la chasse dansI’hnomie mixte des communautbs inuit conteqraines. Au Groenland, les chasseurs inuit capturentdes baleines depuis plusde 4OOO ans, dans le cadre d’un pr6lbvement polyvalentd’espbxs marines. Cependant, la dynamique &logique, l’exploitation euro-amkricainede la baleine bonkle (Bahem mysticem)dans l’Atlantique Nord, les politiques colonialesdu Danemark, et les liens de plus en plus forts avec l’konomie mondiale ontChang6 radicalement les pratiques de chasse B la baleine. Au lieu d’utiliser l’oumiak et les harpons lanc6s B la main, les chasseurs groenlandais d’aujourd’hui utilisent des canons lance-harpon montbs sur des bateaux de *he, et des embarcations 16geres en fibre de verre Quiph de puissants moteurs hors-bord.Les produits du petit rorqual (Bahenopteru ucutorostrutu)et du rorqual commun (Bahenopteru physulus) fournissent B la fois de la nourriture pour la consommation locale et un peu d’argent liquide, provenant de la vente de ces produits pourla consommation alimentaireB l’extbrieur dela communautb. Les Groenlandais voientcette pratique comme uneforme de d6veloppement durable, ob des ressources renouvelables locales sont employ&pour entretenir un style de vie qui dependrait autrementde biens import&. L’exportation de produits baleiniers est interdite par la loi au Groenland, mais le commerce limit6de produits baleiniers B I’intbrieur du paysest en accord avec la longue tradition inuit de distribution et d’khange. Des critiques au sein de la CBI soutiennent cependant que la commercialisationdes produits baleiniers, meme B faible khelle, pourrait amener une surexploitation si les chasseurs cherchaient B poursuivre des stratbgies de maximisation des Mn6fices. Les d6bats continuent pour savoir si l’argent liquide et la transformation des produits baleiniers en marchandises sont appropri6s dans le cadre de la chasse de subsistance, et si les r6gimes de gestion indigenes sontcapables d’assurer la protection des stocks de baleines. Cette 6tude de cas etla chasse contemporaineB la baleine dans la municipalit6 Qeqertarsuaq de dans le Gmenland occidental, et montre qu’enwit de changements significatifs, la chasse h la baleine faitpartie intbgrante del’konomie mixte du Groenland et qu’elle est une composante vitale de l’identit6culturelle inlait du Groenland. L’organisation sociale de la chasse B la baleine continue d’etre fond& sur les liens de parentb, et la nourriture groenlandaise, y compris les produits baleiniers, a une place de choix dans l’alimentation et les @tesculturelles locales. La recherche r6vble que les Groenlandais participent B la chasse non pour maximiser leurs M&fices, mais pour maintenir des traditions culturelles et reduire leur dkpendance B 1’6gard des liens dnus qui les relient B l’konomie mondiale. Mots cl6s: Groenland, municipalit6 de Qeqertarsuaq, chasse aborigene de subsistance B la baleine, chasse inuit B la baleine, hnomie mixte, petit rorqual, rorqual commun, Commission baleiniere internationale Traduit pour le journal par N6sida Loyer. INTRODUCTION Discussionssubsistenceaboutcash and in rural economies TheInternational Whaling Commission’s (IWC) aboriginal are certainly not new, norare they limited to whaling. Research subsistence whaling regime has come under increasing scrutinythroughout the North has revealed that mixed subsistence- following implementation in 1986 of a moratorium on com- market economies providerural communities and regions with mercialwhaling. As theIWC struggles to implementnew a reliable economic base, even when linkages to largerthe world management procedures for commercial whaling, some suggest economy are tenuous and uncertain (Wenzel,1991 ; Wolfe and that management procedures for aboriginal subsistence whaling Walker, 1987; Asch, 1983; Feit, 1983; Usher, 1981). In these should also be revised (Gambell, 1993). A central issue inthis mixed economies,cash and commercial-wage sectors are discussion is the definition of the terms “subsistence” and mutually supportive, and money generated from wage employ- “commercial” andthe distinctions these imply between ment or sales of local productsis used to capitalize subsistence aboriginal subsistence and othertypes of whaling, suchas small- harvestactivities. In Greenland,research by Dahl (1987, type coastal whaling (Freeman, 1993, 1990). 1989, 1990), Nuttall (1992), and Mfller and Dybbroe (1981) ~~~ ‘Department of Rural Development, University of Alaska Fairbanks, Fairbanks, Alaska 99775 U.S.A. @The Arctic Institute of North America GREENLAND ABORIGINAL SUBSISTENCE WHALING / 145 demonstrates the close interrelationships between subsistence concerns and illustrate the complex and dynamic relationship and commercial-wage sectorsin local communities and regions. between subsistence and cash in contemporary Greenlandic In fact, Dahl (1989) arguesthat differentiation between whaling.These questions highlight tensions that exist in commercial and non-commercial harvektingof wild resources Greenland between continuity and change in procurement, the in Greenland is meaninglessbecause the two pursuits are distribution, and exchangeof whale products.Furthermore, they inextricably linked. underscore the difficultiesfacing indigenous societies in Aboriginal subsistence whaling in Greenland is an integral pursuing sustainable development in the Arctic because of part of these local and regional economies (Caulfield, 1991; conflicting perspectives in Inuit and Euroamerican societies Josefsen, 1990; Larsen and Hansen, 1990; Greenland Home about appropriate human-environment relationships. Rule Government, 1989; Helms et al., 1984; Kapel and Petersen, 1984; Donovan, 1982; Petersen et al., 1981). Greenlanders STUDY AREA catch minke whales(Balaenoptera acutorostrata) and fin whales (Balaenoptera physalus), both of which are subject to IWC The focus of this research is on Qeqertarsuaq Municipality in the DiskoBay region of West Greenland. The municipality jurisdiction. The IWC first adopted quotas for Greenlanders' encompasses all of Disko Island and a small island group in catch of humpback whales (Megaptera novaeangliae)in 1961 the bay itself. Qeqertarsuaq, the largest of two communitiesin and in 1975 placed quotas on catches of minke and fin whales the municipality, is located at 69" north latitude, 53'33' west (Gambell, 1993). In 1985, theIWC reduced Greenlanders' longitude (Fig. 1). The region hasa marine climate, influenced minke whale quotaby more than half and eliminated humpbackby the adjacent DiskoBay and DavisStrait. The average yearly catches entirely, ostensibly due to concern about whale stocks temperature is -2.5 " Celsius. Temperatures range
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