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Historical United Nations Security Council (HSC) London International Model United Nations 17th Session | 2016
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Table of Content
Introduction to Historical United Nations Security Council 3 Topic A: The Situation in Bosnia 5 Introduction 5 Parties to the conflict 6 Bloc Positions 9 Timeline 10 Questions a Resolution Must Answer 12 Sources 13 Conference Information 14 Position Papers 15 Contact Details 16
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Introduction to the Historical United
Nations Security Council
The UN Security Council hardly requires an introduction. The UNSC is one of the primary organs of the United Nations. It is tasked with preserving international peace and security. It is composed of 15 members, of which 5 have a permanent seat: China, France, the Russian Federation (which, at the time of our session, has only recently succeeded the USSR as a permanent member), the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the United States of America. The other 10 members are elected from the geographical division groups of the United Nations through an election process via the United Nations General Assembly, for two year terms. Due to the gravity of the decisions of the Security Council, it uses a system of a qualified majority when it comes to substantive matters, which cannot pass if a Permanent Member votes against, i.e. vetoes the matter. Any decision requires an affirmative vote of at least 9 affirmative votes out of the 15 members.
Originally, all permanent members had to cast an affirmative vote in order to pass a resolution. Over time however, it was accepted that an abstention by a P5-member does not constitute a veto. Procedural matters require simple majority votes.
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The resolutions of the Security Council can take the form of recommendations, if adopted under Chapter VI of the Charter, or of binding measures, if adopted under Chapter VII. It is therefore hard to underestimate the power of the UNSC, both when it comes to the scope of topics it can discuss, and the impact of its decisions regarding these topics.
The historical aspect of the committee distinguishes it significantly from the other committees at LIMUN 2016. We will set our time machine to travel to a specific date on which our Security Council session will be held. In order to re-live the conflict in its specific setting in time, we would like to ask you, the delegates, to keep this in mind while conducting your research.
Any references to events in the ‘future’ are not allowed. This might seem restrictive, however we feel it offers you the freedom to re-write history rather than re-enact it. It is up to the whole committee to come up with a comprehensive resolution that covers all of the key issues of the crisis. In doing so, the Security Council has all the powers of Chapter VI and VII of the UN Charter at its disposal. Of course, you will still be bound by the political reality of the time and policies of the respective country you represent.
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Topic: The Situation in Bosnia
Introduction
For this year’s Historic Security Council at LIMUN, we jump back 23 years in time, to January 10th 1993. This means you will have to act, speak and even think from that particular time perspective. Bill Clinton has beaten George Bush Sr. in the American presidential elections, and negotiations between the South African Apartheid government and Nelson Mandela’s ANC are underway. In Europe, Czechoslovakia peacefully splits up, and the first ever text message is sent in the United Kingdom.
While these events are not directly linked to the topic we will be discussing, they might help set the stage for our Security Council session, and transmit that specific 1993 atmosphere.
You will not only have to travel in time, but also in space, to that south-eastern corner of Europe called the Balkan Peninsula. Here, in this ethnic patchwork of different cultures, languages and religions, the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand sparked the First World War and the defeat of Austria paved the way for the creation of a pan-Slavic state in the Balkans, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. After being occupied by Axis forces during the Second World War, the Yugoslav Partisans liberated the country and established the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, under the leadership of Marshall Josip Broz Tito.
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Moving forward to 1989, the revolution in political affairs on a global playground leads to great dissatisfaction with communism as a political establishment. Many of the communist states go through political revolutions. Yugoslavia is no exception, and one by one the Yugoslav republics start declaring independence. Slovenia and Croatia secede in June 1991, Macedonia follows in September of the same year. These actions lead to high tensions in Bosnia, where the desire for independence is strongly opposed by the Serbian and Croatian minorities. This leads to the creation of independent republics of Serbs and Croats within Bosnia, the Serbian Republic of Bosnia and the Croatian Republic of Herzeg-Bosnia respectively. Despite a boycott by the Bosnian Serbs, a referendum on Bosnian independence is held. The Serbian- dominated Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) sides with the Serbian Republic of Bosnia and violent clashes erupt all over Bosnia and Herzegovina. Reports of ethnic cleansing are widespread. The UN Protection Force (UNPROFOR) is sent in to prevent an escalation of the violence.
Parties to the conflict
Figure 1: Republics within the SFRY; ICTY, What is the former Yugoslavia?
The first republic to declare its independence from Yugoslavia in June 1991, Slovenia had to win its sovereignty in a short military conflict with the JNA, known as the Weekend War. In the months leading up to the declaration of independence, Slovenia resists the Yugoslavian efforts for a reorganisation of the JNA, to a more centrally lead Defence Force. This would take away much of the control Slovenia has over JNA forces stationed within its borders. Slovenia sets up a parallel military structure
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to counter the attempts of the JNA to take control of the Slovenian Territorial Defence Force (TO). After the Declaration of Independence, the JNA does move into Slovenia to try and bring it back under Yugoslavian control. However, since Slovenia does not have a substantial Serbian minority, the Serbian-led Yugoslav federal presidency is reluctant to commit fully to the conflict, especially since the simultaneous Croatian Declaration of Independence is much more important to the Serbs. The intensity of the fighting, and subsequently the amount of casualties, are low. The conflict officially ends with the signing of the Brijuni Agreement (see below).
1.2. Croatia and the SAO Krajina
Unlike Slovenia, Croatia is home to a large Serbian minority (580,000 or 12,2% of this total population, according to the pre-war census of 1991). Croatian president Franjo Tudman actively strives for Croatian independence from Yugoslavia, much to the discontent of this Serbian minority. Serbian-dominated areas of Croatia pre-emptively counter this desire by declaring independence from Croatia and forming the Serbian Autonomous Oblast Krajina (SAO Krajina). Within the SAO Krajina, JNA Forces led by Ratko Mladic and Milan Babic begin to forcibly remove ethnic Croatians from their territory1. These actions are considered to be the first organised efforts at ethnic cleansing during the Yugoslavian break-up, most notably the Vukovar massacre2. Shortly after the Croatian Declaration of Independence, the European Community negotiates with Slovenia, Croatia and the Yugoslavian government, and the Brijuni Agreement is signed. This enforces the independence of Slovenia, while placing a three-month moratorium on the Croatian independence3. The moratorium does not stop the fighting, which lasts until the Sarajevo Agreement of January 2nd 1992. SAO Krajina, supported by the JNA, still occupies almost a third of all Croatian territory. The JNA itself retreats to Bosnia, where the Yugoslavian presidency anticipates further hostilities.
1.3. Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH)
Bosnia and Herzegovina is a pre-dominantly Muslim republic within Yugoslavia. Just as his Slovenian and Croatian counterparts, Bosnian president Alija Izetbegovic aspires to independence for his country. BiH however has large Serbian (Orthodox, 1 350 000 strong, 31% of the total Bosnia population) and Croat (Catholic, 760 000, 17%) minorities within its borders. Especially the Serbs are staunchly opposed to Bosnian independence, and favour staying part of the Serbian-dominated Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY). Izetbegovic nonetheless persists, and organises a referendum. The
1 Milan Babic’s plea before the ICTY;
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Serbian minority boycotts it, and later claims the result did not provide Izetbegovic with a sufficient majority to declare independence. Izetbegovic does so anyway in October 1991. In a move resembling the formation of the SAO Krajina in Croatia, the Bosnian Serbs secede, forming the Serbian Nation of BiH, also known as the Republika Srpska. The Croatian minority soon follows suit with the creation of Herzeg-Bosnia.
Figure 2: Ethnic diversity in Bosnia & Herzegovina in 1992; Office of the High Representative in BiH;
1.4. Republika Srpska
Formed in response to the Bosnian Declaration of Independence, to defend the rights of the Serbian minority within BiH. It quickly establishes its own military, the Army of the Republika Srpska (VRS). It receives political and, more importantly, military support from the FRY and the JNA. The Republika Srpska not only claims the parts of Bosnia where Serbs formed the majority of the population, but also those where they would have been the majority if not for the ethnic cleansing by Croatian Ustashe forces during the Second World War. This means that in part of the territory they control, Serbs are not currently the ethnic majority4. To remedy this situation, President Radovan Karadzic and VRS commander Ratko Mladic begin to employ the tactic of ethnic cleansing. Imprisonment, rape and murder of Bosniaks by the VRS are widespread. The ultimate goal is to join its territory with Serbia in a unitary Serbian state.
4 ICJ Serbian memorial; Case concerning the application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Croatia v. Serbia);
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1.5. Herzeg-Bosnia
Following the example set by the Serbian minority in BiH, the Croatian dominated regions secede from Bosnia & Herzegovina as well. Just as the Republika Srpska, they claim to protect the rights of the Croatians within Bosnia. However, it is soon clear that the actual purpose is to claim as much territory as possible before joining the independent state of Croatia5, thus contributing to the idea of a ‘greater Croatia’ envisioned by Croatian president Franjo Tudman. Their armed forces, the Croatian Defence Council (HVO) employ the same tactics of ethnic cleansing as their Serbian counterparts, although on a smaller scale.
1.6. The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia
The SFRY consists of the two remaining Yugoslavian republics: Serbia and Montenegro. Its president, Slobodan Milosevic, opposes the dissolution of Yugoslavia. He fears the prospect of the Serbs being scattered across four different states: Croatia, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Montenegro and Serbia. The former Yugoslavian People’s Army (JNA) is now exclusively under Serbian control, and Milosevic uses it to provide support to the Figure 3: The President of the SFRY, Slobodan Milosevic;
Bloc Positions
The West heavily relied on finding a solution through an international organization. The United States through President Bush urged that the issue ne a regional issue and be solved through a regional organization, aiming at the European Union. The lack of a response on behalf of the United States became an issue in the 1992 presidential election. On another hand, Western Europe remained relatively passive to the conflict, predominantly relying on economic sanctions and urges and pleas throughout different forums.
5 ICTY Judgement: Kordic and Cerkez; IT-95-14/2;
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After the election of President Clinton, the economic sanctions and the embargo were lifted. The position of the West was predominantly aggressive and airstrikes were the means of sanctioning. The United Nations became more prominently involved, having Madeleine Albright as the leader of a new movement for a more prominent solution of the conflict.
The East on another hand did not appreciate the urges for a more aggressive solution on the matter. Russia’s Yeltsin resorted primarily to condemnation and urges for peaceful settlements via international channels. China on another hand waged its economic interests and predominantly took moves which ensured that there would not be any detriments as to the economic cooperation between the former Yugoslav Republics and themselves.
As the situation developed, Middle Eastern states, predominantly Iran and Saudi Arabia began to express their support for the Bosnian Muslim community.
An independent solution was predominantly sought by the parties with neither particularly positive nor negative relationship with Yugoslavia or its Republics.
Timeline of the conflict
4 May 1980 – Josip Broz Tito, President of Yugoslavia dies at the age of 87. A collective presidency of the SFRY is adopted, with the position of head of state to be rotated between the member republics. Without a unifying head of state, nationalist sentiments rise in all Yugoslav republics.
20 to 22 January 1989 – The 14th Extraordinary Congress of the League of Socialists of Yugoslavia results in political crisis. Calls for democratic reforms and a looser federation by the Slovenian and Croatian delegates are blocked by the Serbs. Tensions rise to the point of Slovenia and, at a later time, Croatia, Macedonia and Bosnia & Herzegovina leaving the congress. The control of the communist party over Yugoslavia is broken, and nationalist parties rise in all republics 20 December 1990 – After the first free Bosnian elections, Alija Izetbegovic is sworn in as president of Bosnia & Herzegovina. The votes are distinctly split among ethnic lines.
22 December 1990 – Croatian president Franjo Tudman presents the new Croatian constitution. At this point, it is clear that this is a preparatory measure for Croatian independence. The Serbian community in Croatia vocally protest the weakening of the protection of minorities in the new constitution.
25 March 1991 – Croatian president Franjo Tudman and Serbian president Slobodan Milosevic meet in Karadjordjevo, Serbia. They reach an agreement to partition Bosnia
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& Herzegovina among ethnic lines, each annexing the respective Croatian or Serbian areas.
25 June 1991 – Both Slovenia and Croatia issue a Declaration of Independence. This sparks hostilities with the JNA, especially in Croatia.
7 July 1991 – Slovenia, Croatia and Yugoslavia sign the Brijuni Agreement. This deal, facilitated by the European community, ends hostilities in Slovenia and places a three- month moratorium on the Croatian independence.
25 September 1991 – In its first resolution regarding the Yugoslavian crisis, the UN Security Council imposes an arms embargo on the SFRY. This was later regarded as a major advantage for the Serbian forces, since they controlled the JNA, and the newly created republics could not properly build up a military. The US will later try to withdraw, and eventually circumvent the embargo, along with many Muslim nations supporting Bosnia.
15 October 1991 – The Bosnian government issues a memorandum on independence, promising to organise a referendum to secede from the SFRY and form a sovereign nation. In the following weeks, both Serbian and Croatian minorities within Bosnia respond by forming separate political entities: the Republika Srpska for the Serbs, and Herzeg-Bosnia for the Croats.
21 February 1992 – The UN Security Council approves Resolution 743, establishing a UN peacekeeping operation known as the UN Protection Force (UNPROFOR). It establishes ‘safe zones’ throughout Croatia and Bosnia & Herzegovina, and focuses on the protection of civilians and humanitarian aid.
29 February to 1 March 1992 – The Bosnian referendum on independence takes place. A 2/3 majority is needed to secede from the SFRY. The Serbian minority boycotts the referendum. 92,7% of the voters vote in favour of independence, but voter turn-out is only at 63,7%. Confusion arises on the question what the 2/3 majority really means and if the result justifies a declaration of independence. The Bosnian government decides it does, and declares independence, much to the anger of the Serbian and Croatian minorities.
18 March 1992 – Serbian, Croatian and Bosnian delegates sign the Lisbon Agreement. This EC-backed peace plan, also known as the Carrington-Cutileiro plan, calls for the classification of districts based on ethnic majorities, and the devolution of the central government to a local level. The Bosnian president Izetbegovic however, withdraws his signature 10 days later. From that point on, Izetbegovic opposes any plan dividing Bosnia along ethnic lines. It is rumoured that the American ambassador guaranteed support for Bosnia in defending its territory. The US later denies providing such a guarantee.
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7 April 1992 – Protesting the Bosnian declaration of independence, the Republika Srpska officially secedes from Bosnia & Herzegovina. Their armed forces (VRS), with the support of the JNA, lay siege to Sarajevo.
6 May 1992 – Delegates from Herzeg-Bosnia and the Republika Srpska meet in Graz, Austria. They claim to make a peace deal, but the contents of the agreement result in the partition of Bosnian territory among themselves, and a cease-fire between Serbs and Croats. No Bosnian representative was invited, and the Bosnians see this as the confirmation of the Karadordevo plan of March 1991. The plan eventually breaks down, and hostilities between Serbs and Croats continue.
22 May 1992 – After receiving wide international recognition as a sovereign state, the Republic Bosnia & Herzegovina joins the United Nations.
Summer 1992 – Throughout Bosnia, the Serbian VRS captures towns and commits atrocities among the Bosniaks. Most notable events of ethnic cleansing are the massacres of Visegrad, Prijedor, Doboj, Bijeljina and Ahatovici.
9 August 1992 – Blaz Kraljevic, a moderate Bosnian Croat serving as staff member of the Bosnian Army, is assassinated by HVO under control of Herzeg-Bosnia. The assassination is a heavy blow to the camp of moderate Croats resisting the expansionist ideas of President Franjo Tudman, and blocks any attempts for peace between Croats and Bosniaks.
December 1992 – After a sustained effort, the Croatian HVO forces gain full control of the Lasva Valley. They systematically attack Bosnian villages, indiscriminately raping and killing the civilian population.
8 January 1993 – Bosnian Deputy Prime Minister, Hakija Turajlic is assassinated near Sarajevo airport7. After overseeing the arrival of an aid shipment from Turkey, his convoy is stopped by Serbian VRS forces. Although he is escorted by French UNPROFOR troops, the Serbs manage to fire multiple shots at Turajlic, killing him instantly.
Questions a Resolution must address - The murder of Deputy PM Turajlic painfully shows the shortcomings of the UNPROFOR mandate. Is a different approach to the peacekeeping effort needed to prevent events like these in the future? - The Bosnian people are in dire need of humanitarian aid. So far, help has often resulted from the efforts of single countries. A more coordinated approach seems desirable. What can the UNSC do?
7 Bosnian Muslims criticize UN over Official’s Killing, NY Times, January 10th 1993; http://www.nytimes.com/1993/01/10/world/bosnian-muslims-criticize-un-over-official-s- killing.html?pagewanted=all>, accessed December 1st 2015
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- The arms embargo from UNSC Resolution 713 has proven to be ineffective in halting the violence. Are there any alternatives to stop hostilities against unarmed civilians? - How can the multi-ethnic character of the Bosnian state be preserved? Is this compatible with a sovereign Bosnian state, or is the involvement of the minorities’ “parent states” preferable? - The reports of ethnic cleansing and genocide are widespread. Is there any way the international community investigate these crimes against humanity, and prosecute the perpetrators?
Bibliography
- Cathie Carmichael, Ethnic Cleansing in the Balkans: Nationalism and the destruction of tradition (Routledge, London 2002) - Kenneth Manusama, The United Nations Security Council in the Post-Cold War Era: Applying the Principle of Legality (Martinus Nijhoff, Leiden 2006) - Michael J. Matheson, Council Unbound: The Growth of UN Decision Making on Conflict and Post-conflict Issues after the Cold War (US Institute of Peace Press, Washington DC 2006)
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Conference Information
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Agenda & Rules of Procedure
The agenda for the 2016 conference is available online at www.limun.org.uk/agenda
Since its 16th session last year, LIMUN has introduced changes to its Rules of Procedure. The revised Rules can be accessed here: http://limun.org.uk/rules
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Position Papers
What is a position paper?
A position paper is a statement of policy, which is intended to communicate an overall position of a country on a particular topic debated in the committee. Position papers should be brief and outline the general policies rather than specific measures.
Each delegate should submit one position paper per topic to be debated by the committee (note: most of the committees have two proposed topics). Each paper should be approximately one page per topic.
LIMUN offers a short guide on how to write a position paper. It is available on our website: http://limun.org.uk/FCKfiles/File/PP_Guide.pdf
Deadlines
The deadline for the submission of delegates’ position papers is 20 February 2016. Failure to submit by this deadline will render delegates ineligible for Diplomacy Awards.
Positions Papers will have to be submitted in a publicly-accessible Dropbox, to be provided by committee directors. At their discretion, directors may provide feedback in individuals cases if so requested.
The most worthy work submitted in a committee will earn the delegate a Best Position Paper Award. The length of any one paper should not exceed 500 words.
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Contact Details
For any enquiries relating to your committee proceedings or if you want to get in touch with your committee’s Directors, or for submission of position papers:
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