THE SECRET WAR: THE FORGOTTEN HMONG HEROES

by Pa Nhia Xiong B.A. ( State University, Fresno) 2013 M.A. (California State University, Fresno) 2015

A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Doctorate in Education

Doctoral Program in Educational Leadership at Fresno State Kremen School of Education and Human Development

California State University, Fresno May 2020 ii Pa Nhia Xiong May 2020 Educational Leadership

THE SECRET WAR: THE FORGOTTEN HMONG HEROES

Abstract

Many K-12 and higher educational establishments in the Central Valley of California are Hmong-serving institutions. The Central Valley has been the new home to thousands of Hmong who arrived in the (U.S.) after the Secret War. However, the ’s history and war-torn experiences remain invisible in the educational system and a mystery to society at large. Therefore, it is essential for our nation to honor the Hmong boys and men who fought fiercely alongside the U.S. soldiers, many of whom lost their lives. The U.S. Central Intelligence Agency recruited the Hmong men and boys to fight alongside the Americans and against the communists in from 1961 to 1975. This war was known as the Secret War, America’s deadliest war. The Hmong people have endured and overcome great challenges throughout their history of migration before resettling in the U.S. and around the world. This qualitative study used narrative inquiry to highlight the lived experiences of 10 Hmong soldiers who served in the Secret War. This study highlighted the contributions of Hmong soldiers in the Secret War and provided a better understanding of how their war- torn experiences have influenced their educational aspirations. Four themes emerged from the interviews: (1) life experiences of Hmong soldiers during the Secret War were difficult and often perilous; (2) family, religion, and culture were vitally important; (3) the Hmong soldiers’ transitions from Laos to a new life in America were challenging and full of obstacles; and (4) the effort was worth the sacrifice. iii

Copyright by Pa Nhia Xiong

May 2020 iv

California State University, Fresno Kremen School of Education and Human Development Doctoral Program in Educational Leadership

This dissertation was presented by

Pa Nhia Xiong

It was defended on April 30, 2020 and approved by:

Christina V. Luna, Chair Educational Leadership

Susan Tracz Educational Leadership

Soua Xiong Student Affairs and College Counseling v

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost, I would like to thank my husband, Yang Lee, for his love, support, and patience throughout my educational endeavor. “Thank you for loving me and standing by my side through all of these years. Thank you for always encouraging me to pursue my educational dream. No words can describe my love and appreciation for you.” A special thanks to my four children: Soly, Lovely, Nouchia, and Chali. “Thank you for giving me a purpose in life. Thank you for being the rainbow in my sky and giving me strength during raining days.” To my beautiful family, “You are my world.” I would like to thank my father- and mother-in-law, brothers-in-law, and sisters-in-law for their unconditional support. “Thank you supporting me and motivating me. I am extremely blessed to have all of you in my life. Please remember that I love and care about each and every one of you. I would not have achieved my educational goals without all of you.” To my wonderful in-laws, “Thank you for raising me and loving me as your own. I truly value your endless love and support throughout my educational journey. I love you dearly.” I would like to thank my father and mother for bringing me into this world and inspiring me to never give up. “Thank you for showering me with your love and protecting me against all odds. I could never repay you for your unconditional love and support.” To my father who thought that obtaining a doctorate degree was only a dream, “Daddy, this degree is for you. There is no degree in this world that would amount to your kind-heart. For all that you have endured throughout your lifetime, you deserve nothing but the highest honor. Thank you for raising five strong, smart, and beautiful daughters.” To my five “superwomen” sisters, “Thank you for taking care of our parents so I could focus on school. I am vi thankful that our parents raised us to be strong and loving individuals. May we continue to love one another through thick and thin until the end.” To my mother and brother in heaven, “My heart aches knowing that you could not physically be here to celebrate this special moment with me, but I know you are always with me. I know that both of you are so proud of me. I miss you more than you will ever know. Someday, we will meet again…” I would like to thank my wonderful dissertation committee: Chair, Dr. Christina V. Luna, and my committee members, Dr. Susan Tracz and Dr. Soua Xiong for their guidance, support, and motivation. “Thank you for believing in me and inspiring me to become a scholar. Thank you for your devotion to my dissertation. I am honored to have you as my mentors. This is the beginning of many more publications.” I would like to thank Dr. Chia Youyee Vang for allowing me to utilize her interview protocol to guide my research study. “Thank you for your kindness and willingness to share your knowledge, expertise, and passion. Thank you for being a role model for Hmong scholars and women. You are an inspiration.” I would like to thank Misty Her and Lar Yang from the Hmong Story 40 Project for their support and contribution to my research study. “Thank you for sharing your priceless photo collections, books, and historical information with me. Thank you for your commitment in showcasing the history and experiences of the Hmong people. Your work is incredibly important and will continue to inspire and empower the next generations of Hmong children.” Last but not least, I wish to honor my participants and all of the Hmong soldiers who fought fiercely or died during and after the Secret War. This research study is dedicated to all of the brave Hmong soldiers and young boys who were deprived of educational opportunities. “My research study is dedicated to you for vii your heroic contribution during the Secret War. Your blood, tears, and sacrifices will not be forgotten. Now, you have a place in American history. You are not only my heroes, but heroes to the Hmong and American people throughout the world.”

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Page

LIST OF TABLES ...... x

LIST OF FIGURES ...... xi

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ...... 1

Positionality Perspective ...... 2

Purpose...... 7

Resilience and Asian Critical Theory Conceptual Framework ...... 9

Definition of Terms ...... 11

CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ...... 12

Who Are the Hmong People? ...... 12

The Americans’ Promise to Hmong People ...... 14

Hmong People Fled from Laos to for Refuge ...... 16

Hmong Resettlement in the United States ...... 19

Financial and Educational Assistance for Refugees ...... 21 Mental Health and Sudden Unexpected Nocturnal Death Syndrome

(SUNDS) Among Hmong Men in the United States...... 22

Hmong People Value Education in the United States ...... 24 Hmong Parents’ Encouragement and Influence on Their Children’s

Education ...... 25

Stressors that Impact Hmong Students’ Educational Triumph ...... 28

Hmong People Are Resilient ...... 29

Summary ...... 30

CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY ...... 32

Data Collection ...... 32

Hmong Story 40 Project Contribution ...... 34 ix

Individual Interviews ...... 35

Data Analysis ...... 36

Compensation of Participants ...... 36

Mental Health Resources ...... 37

Significance of the Study ...... 37

CHAPTER 4: RESULTS/OUTCOMES ...... 39

Demographics ...... 40

The Life Experiences of Hmong Soldiers During the Secret War ...... 40

The Importance of Family, Religion, and Culture ...... 54 Hmong Soldiers’ Transition from Laos and Thailand to a New Life in

America ...... 59

It Was Worth the Sacrifice ...... 69

Summary ...... 72

CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION/CONCLUSION/IMPLICATIONS FOR FUTURE

RESEARCH ...... 74

Recommendations for Future Study ...... 75

Calling Out Hmong Professionals and Scholars...... 77

Role/Importance of Shaman/ism ...... 77

Role of Women During the Secret War ...... 78

REFERENCES ...... 80

APPENDIX A: PERMISSION TO USE INTERVIEW PROTOCOL ...... 84

APPENDIX B: INTERVIEW PROTOCOL ...... 85

APPENDIX C: RECRUITMENT FLYER ...... 87 APPENDIX D: PERMISSION TO USE HMONG STORY 40 PROJECT

PHOTOS ...... 88

x

LIST OF TABLES

Page

Table 1 Name and Age of Recruitment ...... 41

xi

LIST OF FIGURES Page

Figure 1. Pa Nhia Xiong in the in Thailand (1985)...... 4 Figure 2. General . From Unforgettable Laos, by Vang, Geu, 2011- 2012...... 14 Figure 3. A Hmong woman mourns after her daughter and husband died during the U.S. Secret War...... 17

Figure 4. Hmong people in a refugee camp in Thailand...... 18 Figure 5. At a water distribution tank in Ban Vinai Refugee Camp, Thailand, 1984...... 18

Figure 6. Families being separated...... 20

Figure 7. Hmong soldiers during the secret war...... 34

Figure 8. Young children recruited to join the military (n.d.)...... 42

Figure 9. CIA Military distributing food and supplies to refugees (n.d.)...... 43

Figure 10. Hmong soldiers were paid monthly salaries by the CIA (n.d.)...... 47

Figure 11. Wounded Hmong soldiers (n.d.)...... 53 Figure 12. Hmong Shaman “Txiv Neeb” performing shamanism in his military uniform (n.d.)...... 57 Figure 13. Fiv Yeem, from Hmoob Tshav Ntuj by Hmoob Ntuj Qub Qab, 2014...... 58

Figure 14. Hmong people waiting to be airlifted to Thailand (n.d.)...... 60 Figure 15. Hmong people fleeing Laos by foot with only items they could carried (n.d.)...... 63

Figure 16. New arrival of the Hmong people in Thailand (1979)...... 66 Figure 17. Hmong families being separated to different parts of the world as refugees (n.d.)...... 67

Figure 18. Hmong soldiers and their children. (n.d.)...... 70 Figure 19. Young Hmong soldiers mourning the death of their teammate (n.d.)...... 71

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CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

The purpose of this study was to educate society, fill the cultural gaps, and contribute to a deeper understanding of the Hmong soldiers’ history and sacrifices for all Americans during and after the Secret War. The study serves the purpose of providing an understanding of who the Hmong people are and why they are an important part of U.S. history. This study provides original, first-hand information on the Hmong people that educators can include in historical discussions, U.S. international relations, and when discussing refugees, non-English speakers, and people of color in educational settings. Many of the Central Valley of California’s school districts and post- secondary educational entities are Hmong-serving institutions. The Central Valley has been the new home to thousands of Hmong refugees who arrived in the U.S. after the Secret War. However, the Hmong people’s history and war-torn experiences remain invisible in the educational system and a mystery to society at large. Therefore, it is vital that Hmong people’s untold stories become visible in the U.S. educational system. The American War in , also known as the , occurred from 1954 to 1975 (Yang, 2003). During the Vietnam War, the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) recruited and trained the Hmong people, who lived in the jungles of Laos, to fight alongside the U.S. and against the Communist regime in Southeast Asian countries like Laos, Vietnam, and Cambodia (Vang, T. & Flores, J., 1999). The involvement of the Hmong people became the U.S.’s best- kept secret, one withheld even from the American public (Vang, C.Y., 2019). The participation of the Hmong in the Vietnam war became known as the Secret War, which took place in Laos from 1961 to 1975 (Yang, 2003). When the U.S.

2 2 accepted defeat in the Vietnam War, they withdrew and abandoned the Hmong people (Vang, T. & Flores, J., 1999). The Hmong people were left behind to fend for themselves and escaped through the jungles of Laos by foot to Thailand for refuge (Faderman & Xiong, 1998). The Secret War ended in 1975 when the Communist Party of Laos took control of its country (Yang, 2017). Because the Party suspected that Hmong people were spies for the U.S., many Hmong were captured then persecuted, tortured, and killed (Vang, T. & Flores, J., 1999). The Secret War marked the Hmong genocide and deadliest war in American history; more than 58,000 U.S. military died, between 30,000 to 40,000 Hmong boys and men died, and approximately 50,000 Hmong civilians were killed or wounded (Minnesota Historical Society, n.d.). In fact, there were more bombs dropped during the Secret War in Laos than the number of bombs dropped on all countries during the entirety of World War II. Today, of the total bombs dropped, 80 million still remain active and explosive if triggered in the mountains of Laos (Budanovic, 2018). These bombs continue to threaten the people of the region.

Positionality Perspective This research study is an effort to educate the many , and the American society as a whole, about the Hmong people’s historical contributions in the US military as soldiers of the Secret War. Furthermore, this project will draw attention to how the Hmong soldiers fought bravely and helped the Americans understand the countryside, jungles, and psyche of the Southeast Asian population. The Secret War has left many Hmong soldiers, such as my father, crippled emotionally, physically, and mentally. The lifetime of trauma will forever be imprinted on the souls of Hmong soldiers as they are the forgotten heroes,

3 3 invisible allies, and the walking dead the U.S. has deemed unworthy of veterans’ benefits. The Secret War has torn apart the lives of many Hmong veterans and their families. Therefore, I was determined to conduct this study on Hmong soldiers in order to contribute to American history, to honor the Hmong soldiers, and to become the voice of many people who have sacrificed their lives to protect my community and our nation. As an educator, I vow to promote the Hmong people’s place in American history and to encourage other educators to do the same. Following the Secret War, my parents escaped Laos to Thailand seeking asylum. I am the fourth of sixth children. I was born in a Thai refugee camp and lived there for 6 years (see Figure 1) before my family resettled in the U.S. in the late 1980s. While growing up in the refugee camp, I lived, experienced, and witnessed the heartbreaking moments of social injustice, unfair services, and unequal treatment Hmong families were subjected to daily at the hands of Thai officials. Many refugees were severely beaten, starved, and tortured, some nearly to death. We, as refugees, were treated as though we were not human beings. The camp was a prison with barbed-wire fences, which prohibited refugees from leaving to seek additional sources of food and water. The only resource we received was minimal food provided by the High Commissioner for Refugees through the Thai government. Due to the overcrowded and unsanitary environment of the camp, many children became sick and died in the arms of their parents. I often feared that I would not survive my childhood. Many people assume that refugee camps are a safe haven for people escaping war; however, refugee camps signify prisons full of silent pain and suffering. In reality, people living in Thai refugee camps encountered unimaginable problems related to “poor sanitation, malnutrition, food shortage,

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Figure 1. Pa Nhia Xiong in the Ban Vinai Refugee Camp in Thailand (1985). and lack of medical services” (Vang, T. & Flores, J., 1999, p. 10). While growing up, I frequently wondered if I would ever be released from this prison. The refugee camp was a dark and painful experience for Hmong people. Despite the horrific experience, our culture, language, religion, and spirituality kept us together through sickness and wretched conditions. The shamans (spiritual healers) played significant roles in keeping us alive. I consider myself blessed because my father is a shaman, an individual chosen by ancestral spirits to naturally and spiritually heal the sick (Tapp, 1989). Shamans perform spiritual rituals such as blessing ceremonies to uplift people’s spirits so they can live a healthy and prosperous life. Shamanism (“Ua Neeb” in Hmong) is the traditional

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Hmong religion that has been passed on for generations; its basic premise is that the world is embedded with natural, ancestral, and supernatural spirits (Tapp, 1989). The good spirits occupy the Hmong house to protect its members from sickness and hardship. Shamans are the only gifted ones who can venture into the spiritual world and return safely (Tapp, 1989), and they were the main source of faith and hope in our refugee camp. As a child, I took comfort in knowing that my father was a shaman (“Txiv Neeb” in Hmong). I felt safe because he protected and healed me from sickness through spiritual rituals so I could have the energy to thrive. Fortunately, my family was able to leave the refugee camp and we migrated to the U.S. where we shared an apartment with relatives. We were grateful to have escaped the hardships and difficult life in the camp by coming to the U.S. I trusted that my family would be free from oppression and the stress of living in poverty once we reached U.S. soil. However, my family was introduced to a new kind of poverty, oppression, and social injustice in America. Since my parents were aged, illiterate, and unable to drive, employment was unattainable. My family relied solely on public assistance to survive. My parents became cheap farm laborers for local farmers, working 12-hour (and sometimes longer) shifts, picking seasonal fruits and vegetables to earn enough money to meet our family’s basic needs. My siblings and I also worked in the fields during the weekends and summers to help our parents. Regardless of our family’s financial hardship, my parents saved enough money to rent a two-bedroom, one-bath house. This house became “my first home” in America, and it is a constant reminder for me to never forget where I came from. It was an old pink and brown house with no heater and air conditioner, frigid during the winter and extremely humid and hot in the summer. The roof was

6 6 in disrepair so when it rained, water leaked inside. My parents scattered white buckets around the house on rainy days. Due to my parents’ lack of English skills and their fear of being evicted, we never said a word to our landlord. My parents considered this home much better and safer than the shacks in the refugee camp. One month after my arrival to the U.S., I started first grade at an elementary school in Merced, California. This was the worst year of my life; it was here I encountered and discrimination for looking different. I did not understand a word of English; however, I understood the White students’ facial expressions, hand gestures, and physical abuse. One of the most common phrases that I heard was “go back to your country,” which took me a year to fully understand. I also endured White girls throwing gum in my hair, spitting in my lunch, and slapping my mouth for not speaking English. Sadly, when I cried and told my parents about what was happening to me at school, they instructed me not to fight back, keep my head down, and stay quiet. During those moments, I wished I had never come to America. I also prayed to be sent back to the refugee camp where poor, barefooted Hmong children looked the same, spoke one language, and played freely in the dirt. After enduring these traumatic experiences, I believed it was impossible for someone like me, a woman of color, to attend college and achieve the American dream. I felt hopeless and powerless to further my education. As a young girl growing up in the refugee camp, the thought of obtaining a doctorate was only an “American Dream” that appeared so far away and impossible to obtain. Regardless of how much I suffered, I knew deep down that I could not give up on my education. My father served and fought alongside the U.S. during the Secret War in hopes of paving the way for my siblings and me to obtain educational opportunities in America. I continued to remind myself of the

7 7 sacrifices that my father made as a soldier in the Secret War. To this day, my father reminds me of his scar that buries a small, metal bomb chip in his forehead, fragment that causes severe headaches. My father’s scar represents a lifetime of pain, suffering, and trauma; however, he proudly views it as a victory and worth the sacrifice even though the U.S. did not acknowledge the Hmong involvement for many decades. My father’s bravery has inspired me to never give up on my educational dream and to achieve my doctorate degree while he is still alive. I hope that my educational achievement will be worth my father’s sacrifice. I believe the greater the pain and suffering, the more beautiful the outcome.

Purpose The purpose of this study was to provide educational researchers, university social science and history professors, and K-12 educators with collective, lived narratives to explain the Hmong refugee experience. Another purpose was to empower refugee and immigrant students to proudly share their unique stories, even if they represent prejudice and suffering caused by the majority population. The dissertation is based on historical evidence, written research, and oral histories of the Hmong people. Thousands of Hmong people fled Laos to Thailand seeking asylum following the Secret War between the U.S. and the Southeast Asian countries, which lasted from 1961 and ended in 1975 (Yang, 2003). Historically, Hmong people are considered a stateless group who originated from and migrated to Southeast Asia for asylum during the 19th century (Chiang, Fisher, Collins, & Ting, 2015). Therefore, not very many people from mainstream American culture understand the Hmong’s history, culture, and language. An additional purpose of this research project was to contribute to learning about the hardships and oppression that the Hmong people have endured throughout history. Additionally, this study highlights the contributions of Hmong

8 8 soldiers in the Secret War. Behind this research is the hope that other scholars might include this information into mainstream historical, political, and social research, spurring discussions throughout all levels of the educational system. This research study explored the lived experiences and stories of Hmong soldiers’ during the Secret War in Laos. Since the U.S. hid the Secret War from the American people, Hmong soldiers who sacrificed their lives to fight alongside the U.S. were never honored in this country. This study provides a better understanding of how the Secret War has influenced many Hmong soldiers and their families’ educational aspirations and identity in the U.S. Currently, the U.S. educational system does not recognize and include the Secret War and genocide of the Hmong people in the U.S. History curricula. The purpose and findings of this study were important to the field of education for several reasons: (1) to provide justice to the Hmong boys and men who made huge sacrifices or lost their lives to protect and rescue American soldiers throughout the entire Secret War; (2) to educate readers and society at large; (3) to inform professionals that they might better understand and serve the Hmong community; and (4) to contribute to a deeper understanding of the Hmong people’s history and their sacrifices for all Americans. Most importantly, the findings and research methods can be used to establish supportive and culturally sensitive curricula that Hmong students can relate to in the classroom. The research questions were designed to memorialize the experiences of Hmong soldiers of the Secret War and to respond to how educators can enhance their historical lessons and educational materials to be culturally sensitive. The research questions were as follows: 1. How did the Hmong soldiers become involved in the Secret War? 2. What are the Hmong soldiers’ perspectives on education?

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3. How have Hmong soldiers developed their identity in the United States? 4. What are the most important cultural aspects of the Hmong people that can help educators to better understand them?

Resilience and Asian Critical Theory Conceptual Framework The conceptual framework that will be used in this research study will be Resiliency and Asian Critical Theory (AsianCrit). “Resilience” can be described as the ability to successfully cope or bounce back regardless of substantial adversity (Earvolino-Ramirez, 2007). Although Hmong people have lived and experienced horrific circumstances such as war, genocide, and migration, they are able to adapt to a new life and form tight-knit Hmong communities around the globe. The AsianCrit framework is grounded in Critical Race Theory (CRT) and its significance is to fill in the educational gap by providing spaces for Asian Americans to share their experiences and voices (Iftikar & Museus, 2018). According to Iftikar and Museus (2018), there are seven tenets in the AsianCrit Framework: 1. Asianization – It is believed that “ views Asian Americans as foreigners, threatening yellow perils, model and deviant minorities, and sexually deviant emasculated men and hypersexualized women” (p. 940). Therefore, White Supremacy develops programs, policies, and opinions that exclude and dehumanize Asians. 2. Transnational Contexts – It is important to understand how the global relationship between Asian Americans and White Supremacy

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(at the individual and macro policy levels) shape the conditions of Asian American’s economic, political, and social experiences. 3. (Re)constructive History – In reality, Asian Americans are invisible and voiceless in U.S. history. (Re)constructive history advocates for Asian Americans to create their own historical stories and reanalyze existing histories. This would shed light on the voices, faces, and contributions of Asian Americans. 4. Strategic (Anti)essentialism – Recognizes that White Supremacy racializes Asians; however, it highlights that Asian American scholars and activists have interjected in the racialization process by influencing political power against White Supremacy. 5. Intersectionality – White Supremacy and other oppressive systems intersect to shape the conditions of Asian Americans such as their identities and everyday lives. 6. Story, Theory, and Praxis – Scholars believe that marginalized people’s experiential experience can be used to challenge White Supremacy and oppressive systems. For example, TribalCrit scholars emphasized that story, theory, and praxis are interconnected in which “stories inform theory and practice, theory guides practice, and practice can excavate stories and utilize theory for positive transformative purposes” (p. 941). 7. Commitment to Social Justice – AsianCrit is committed to social justice and advocates to end oppression, racism, and all forms of dehumanization. This research study will greatly benefit from the resiliency and AsianCrit conceptual framework because they will shed light on how the Hmong people’s

11 11 migration history and war-torn journey have impacted the Hmong people’s health and well-being, families, identity, and educational expectations.

Definition of Terms Clan – Connected through blood lineage and ancestors. Fiv Yeem (Hmong) – A promise of offerings to the spirits. Lao – Referred to as the language or people depending on the context of the sentence. Laos – Referred to as the country. – Referred to as the Mekong River. The Mekong River extended between Laos and Thailand and participants had to cross the river to get into Thailand. Military Leadership – Referred to military leadership consisted of both Americans and Hmong leaders. Paj Ntaub (Hmong)/Story Cloth (English) – An embroidery cloth similar to a historical pictograph. Raw Opium – Used for medicinal purposes. Refugee Camp – Referred to all of the nine camps where Hmong people lived in Thailand. Tsev Neeg (Hmong)/Family (English) – Connected through blood lineage and marriage. It is generational from those who are still alive to the deceased or ancestors. Txiv Neeb (Hmong)/Shaman (English) – Spiritual healer who has the ability to enter the spirit world to seek out and battle with evil spirits who may have caused sickness to others. Ua Neeb (Hmong)/Shamanism (English) – To do spiritual worship and rites.

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CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

The voices of Hmong soldiers who served and fought during the Secret War have not been heard in many studies. Hmong soldiers have made unimaginable sacrifices; however, they have been invisible in the eyes of many Americans. Few studies have been conducted on Hmong soldiers to capture their lived experiences and untold stories from the Secret War. This chapter will discuss literature relating to Hmong people, their horrific migration experience, their lived experiences in the refugee camps, their traditional culture and belief system, their identity and transition to become a Hmong-American, and showcase the resilience of Hmong college students. The literature included in this study provides documented history and experiences that can be used by educators to expand their cultural proficiency and understanding of the Hmong people.

Who Are the Hmong People? Vang and Flores (1999) highlighted that Hmong are a group of people who comprise a unique culture and language. They call themselves Hmong because it means “free people” (Vang & Flores, 1999, p. 9). Faderman and Xiong (1998) acknowledged that Hmong people do not have a country to call their own because they are known to migrate from place to place due to slavery, ethnic , war, and genocide. Hmong people continue to wonder about their roots and attempt to find answers as to where they originally came from; however, the location where Hmong people originated remains a mystery (Faderman & Xiong, 1998). According to Faderman and Xiong (1998), many scholars assumed that Hmong originated from Siberia while Hmong legends indicated that Hmong people were traced back to China more than 5,000 years ago. Hmong legends state

13 13 that the Chinese Dynasty murdered the last Hmong King in the 18th century and threatened to destroy the entire Hmong population. This massacre caused the majority of Hmong people to flee to Laos, Vietnam, Thailand, and Burma. Hmong people who decided to remain in China were forced to erase their identity by getting rid of their traditional clothing; those who refused to do so were ostracized by the Chinese (Faderman & Xiong, 1998). When Hmong people arrived in Laos, they settled in the high mountains, as high as 5,000 feet, and dispersed into small villages where they continued their way of life as farmers and hunters (Faderman & Xiong, 1998). During that time, Laos was made up of approximately 60 different Southeast Asian groups and 80 different languages and dialects. What separated Hmong people from the rest of the many ethnic groups were their strong ties to each other through shared religion, culture, language, stitched clothing, and history of persecution (Faderman & Xiong, 1998). Hmong is a unique group of people who lived in packs, respecting the idea of communalism versus individualism. Hmong people originally consisted of the following 12 clan names (or last names): Chang, Hang, Her, Kong, Lee, Lor, Moua, Thao, Vang, Vue, Xiong, and Yang (Hmongs and Native Americans, n.d.). Recently, Hmongs and Native Americans (n.d.) reported that the number of clan names has increased to 21 and scholars are claiming that the increase is due to spelling variations from the original 12. Hmong people with the same last names are considered siblings and are prohibited from dating or marrying each other. Hmong males keep their last names throughout their lives while females’ last names change to their husbands’ after marriage. The clan name or last name is deemed to be the identity card in Hmong society and serves as a linkage to a

14 14 person’s family history, ancestors, principles, language dialect, status, and superstitions (Hmongs and Native Americans, n.d.).

The Americans’ Promise to Hmong People In the late 1950s, the Hmong people’s peaceful way of life in the high mountains of Laos was changed due to war. The U.S. CIA recruited a Hmong man named Vang Pao, currently known as General Vang Pao, (see Figure 2) who later became the Hmong leader in recruiting Hmong boys and men into the U.S. unsuccessful Secret War against in Laos (Faderman & Xiong, 1998). The CIA made a promise to the Hmong people that whether they won or lost in this war, they would continue to protect and provide aid to all Hmong people (Faderman & Xiong, 1998). Lor (2007) added that the deal between the CIA and Hmong tribes was to grant Hmong people the pathway to the U.S. after the war, regardless of the outcome.

Figure 2. General Vang Pao. From Unforgettable Laos, by Vang, Geu, 2011-2012. Retrieved from http://www.unforgettable-laos.com/governing-system-in-m-rii/4-6- military-structure-of-military-region-ii/.

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By 1959, thousands of Hmong boys and men were recruited to serve as guerrilla soldiers to support the CIA, save American lives, fight alongside the U.S. military against the Pathet Lao Communist, and rescue American pilots whose airplanes had been shot down (Faderman & Xiong, 1998). The Hmong guerrilla unit was trained by the CIA to harass Communists with lightning attacks, block shipments of supplies along the , rescue American pilots when planes were shot down, fly planes to deliver materials, and utilize advanced weapons (Faderman & Xiong, 1998). Since the war damaged Hmong people’s crops and animals, which was their only source of food, the CIA paid Hmong guerrilla soldiers and their families with money and food. Based on a narrator’s recollection in Faderman and Xiong (1998), bags of rice, salt, medicine, blankets, canned foods and even live pigs were dropped from airplanes for the refugees fleeing their homes and running through the jungles. Faderman and Xiong (1998) specified that by 1971, over one-third of the entire Hmong population had died and one-half of all males over the age of 15 were killed in combat. Therefore, the majority of Hmong families had no choice but to give up their sons who were as young as age 10 to participate in the Secret War. Those Hmong families who refused to allow their sons to participate were eliminated from receiving protection, food, and aid from General Vang Pao and the CIA. Due to fear of hunger, they did not challenge their leader’s demand. Boys aged 10 to 16 were recruited to operate different roles in the army such as cooks’ helpers or airplane runway helpers. Since many of these boys were no taller than a carbine—or light automatic rifle—they became known as “carbine soldiers” (Faderman & Xiong, 1998, p. 7). In 1975, the CIA was defeated and withdrew from the Secret War (Faderman & Xiong, 1998). General Vang Pao and his family were airlifted to

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Thailand for safety. The Hmong people, on the other hand, were left to fend for themselves for several days before America ordered more cargo planes to assist in airlifting more soldiers and their families from Laos. Of the 40,000 Hmong people, only 15,000 were able to board the planes and be transported to Thailand. The rest of the Hmong had to travel by foot through the jungles of Laos in an attempt to cross the Thailand border for refuge (Faderman & Xiong, 1998).

Hmong People Fled from Laos to Thailand for Refuge Vang and Flores (1999) reported that in 1975, the U.S. CIA withdrew from the Vietnam War and abandoned Hmong people. Hmong soldiers who surrendered or were captured by the Lao Communists were tortured and killed for fighting alongside the U.S. military. The females who were captured were tortured, raped, and killed (Lor, 2007). According to Vang and Flores (1999), thousands of Hmong people were left behind and had to hide in or escape through the jungle of Laos for days and weeks to reach the Mekong River, a river that divided Laos and Thailand. The river was guarded by the Lao Communists military throughout the day until midnight. Therefore, Hmong people waited until after midnight to make their way to the river and swam across to Thailand for refuge (Vang & Flores, 1999). Furthermore, Vang and Flores (1999) indicated that during this horrific journey, families were separated, and many lost their loved ones, including young children and elders (see Figure 3). In order to survive the jungle without being caught, some Hmong parents gave opium to their young children in order to keep them quiet or sleepy throughout the night. Unfortunately, some newborns and young children died due to opium overdose while others died due to starvation, illnesses, murder, and drowning in the Mekong River (Vang & Flores, 1999).

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Figure 3. A Hmong woman mourns after her daughter and husband died during the U.S. Secret War. Source: Lar Yang, Curator and Director of Hmong Story 40 Years. Galen Beery Photo Collections. Copyrighted by Lar Yang, Curator and Director of Hmong Story 40 Years, Galen Beery Photo Collections. Reprinted with permission.

Once Hmong people crossed the Mekong River, Thai officials immediately guided them to the refugee camps where the U.S. had set up multiple locations in Thailand (Faderman & Xiong, 1998). The refugee camps were similar to prisons with barbed wire fences (see Figure 4). The camps were overcrowded and unsanitary and had no clean water; therefore, diseases killed many children (see Figure 5). Many parents feared their children would not survive (Faderman & Xiong, 1998). Faderman and Xiong (1998) reported that as Hmong refugees flowed into Thailand’s camps (unable to leave fast enough to other countries as promised by the U.S.), Thai officials started to resent the Hmong and treated them poorly. In the refugee camps, Hmong people experienced injustice and harsh treatment including physical abuse, starvation, and torture. Vang and Flores (1999) wrote

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Figure 4. Hmong people in a refugee camp in Thailand. Source: New Life Outreach, http://newlifeoutreach.blogspot.com/2008/10/.

Figure 5. At a water distribution tank in Ban Vinai Refugee Camp, Thailand, 1984. Source: Lar Yang, Curator and Director of Hmong Story 40 Years. Doug Hulcher Photo Collections. Reprinted with permission.

19 19 that the refugee camps were supposed to be a safe haven for Hmong people; however, they were treated inhumanely to the point where many Hmong families contemplated returning to Laos.

Hmong Refugee Resettlement in the United States President Carter signed the Refugee Act of 1980 to increase the number of refugees allowed to enter the U.S. to 50,000 (Wong, 2012). According to Vang and Flores (1999), it was a blessing that the refugee resettlement policies opened more doors for Hmong people to migrate to the United States, France, , Canada, Argentina, and French Guyana as political refugees. This enabled Hmong people to leave the refugee camps and start a new life of freedom in other countries. However, this movement became another traumatic experience for Hmong people as families were separated into different parts of the world (see Figure 6). Wong (2012) stated that due to the resettlement policy allowing more refugees to enter the United States, the majority of Hmong came to California, mainly in Fresno and Sacramento counties, in the 1990s. This act provided a path for 127,000 Hmong refugees to migrate to the U.S. by mid-1990s (Wong, 2012). In addition to increasing the entrance number for refugees, the Refugee Act of 1980 “established emergency refugee procedures, removed parole authority exercised by the attorney general, and established federal programs for the resettlement process” (Wong, 2012, p. 7). However, Hmong people faced cultural and language barriers once they settled in the U.S. The Hmong had a difficult time adapting to American culture because they were farmers in the mountains of Laos throughout their lives; therefore, Hmong people were inexperienced with modern conveniences like electricity, plumbing, and driving. Furthermore, the majority of Hmong people did not have a formal education, which made it even more difficult for them to find employment to survive in America (Wong, 2012).

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Figure 6. Families being separated Source: Lar Yang, Curator and Director of Hmong Story 40 Years. Hmong Story 40 Project Photo Collections. Reprinted with permission

Wong (2012) noted that as Hmong people continued to struggle in America, an advocacy group called the fought to provide a more just pathway for Hmong people to become naturalized citizens. This pathway was honored when President Clinton signed The Hmong Veterans Naturalization Act of 2000 into law, which waived the requirements to speak and understand English for the citizenship exam. This legislation permitted non- English-speaking Hmong people to use an interpreter during the exam. President Clinton acknowledged that Hmong people have faced challenges in meeting the naturalization requirements because they did not have a written language until recently; therefore, it would be a difficult task to require them to learn English and pass the exam within the short amount of time in the U.S. (Wong, 2012).

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Financial and Educational Assistance for Refugees When Hmong refugees arrived in the U.S., they were eligible for government assistance and public education. In 1982, the Department of Public Welfare required States to offer the following government assistance and employment programs to support refugees: Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), California Work Opportunity and Responsibility to Kids (CalWORKs), Foodstamps (currently called SNAP), General Relief, and Social Security Income (SSI) for the aged, blind, and disabled (Downing, 1984). Downing (1984) reported that the Department of Public Welfare established the Office of Refugee Programs to coordinate, support, and deliver services to incoming refugees such as welfare programs, adult education, health care centers, and resettlement community agencies. There were four major organizations that led the refugee resettlement programs: (1) Department of Public Welfare staff and other State agencies; (2) County Human and Social Services Agencies; (3) agencies with which the Refugee Program Office has direct purchase-to-service contracts or subcontracts for the provision of refugee education, employment, and health services; and (4) other organizations including voluntary resettlement agencies, private organizations, and healthcare providers. (Downing, 1984, p. 6) Due to this refugee resettlement policy, many self-help organizations and programs evolved to directly assist Hmong refugees in adapting to their new life in America. One of the most popular non-profit organization that is nationally known to provide services and resources to mainly Hmong refugees is Lao Family Community (Downing, 1984). In August of 1982, findings from the Hmong Community Survey in Minnesota reported that obtaining stable employment was a challenge for Hmong people because there was a lack of Hmong representation in the workforce (Downing, 1984). The survey found that in the region where data were collected,

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8% of the teachers were Hmong; 11% were interpreters, 3% were daycare workers, 23% were maintenance workers, 15% were factory workers, over 20% were laborers and dishwashers, and 19% employed as teenagers (Downing, 1984). According to Downing (1984), language barrier and lack of work experience made it difficult for Hmong people to compete with other Americans for jobs. An important aspect to note about Hmong people is that many of them were employed in jobs that did not provide high wages, good health insurance, and family leave protection. Therefore, the majority of Hmong men had to quit their jobs to stay home and take care of their wives after they gave birth, and the family had no choice but to rely solely on public assistance until the men were able to obtain another job (Downing, 1984). In the 1980s, Hmong people from Minnesota began moving to California for better adult education and employment and training opportunities (Downing, 1984). California’s climate, agricultural opportunities, and family reunification were the primary reasons for the migration wave. This increased the pressure on California’s public educational systems (bilingual education), welfare-to-work programs, social services programs, and healthcare services, along with housing projects. These services and programs have made great contributions to the success of Hmong refugees and their younger generations in the U.S. In the face of adversity, the Hmong community has learned to thrive not only in California but throughout the world (Downing, 1984).

Mental Health and Sudden Unexpected Nocturnal Death Syndrome (SUNDS) Among Hmong Men in the United States After Hmong people settled in the U.S., they not only faced culture shock but also encountered gender and generational conflicts within their own families

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(Faderman & Xiong, 1998). Hmong men experienced the most stress and hardest time in adapting to another culture; they had to come to understand the concepts of equality among men and women, Hmong children questioning or challenging their parents’ expectations, and obtaining employment to provide for their families (Faderman & Xiong, 1998). Due to these challenges, Munger (1987) pointed out that there was an epidemic of sudden and unexpected death during sleep among healthy Southeast Asian refugee men, particularly Hmong men, in the U.S. According to Munger (1987), the men were between the ages of 25 to 44 and in good health. Of the Southeast Asian refugee men, the sudden death syndrome rate among Hmong men were incredibly higher at 92 per 100,000 compared to Laotian groups (Lao, Mien, and Khmu) at 82 per 100,000 and Cambodians at 59 per 100,000 (Munger, 1987). In Faderman and Xiong’s (1998) book, the participants indicated that Hmong men were dying in their sleep because it was extremely stressful being a Hmong man in America. For instance, Hmong men expressed that they were unable to control their wives because women have too many rights in this country. Hmong men were confused because their wives could attend school, drive, work, and call law enforcement when there were marital disagreements; in short, Hmong women were no longer subservient to their husbands. Married Hmong women no longer had to be obedient daughter-in-laws or even mothers to their children and Hmong men had difficulty adapting to and accepting changes in their caste system. In addition, Hmong children learned in American schools about individuality and their rights to challenge their parents or report their parents to law enforcement. Hmong men were overwhelmed; they felt as though they had lost control of their families in turn losing their Hmong manhood and eventually becoming a disgrace to their communities. Worse yet, Hmong men were frustrated

24 24 because they put their lives on the line and survived the tragic Secret War, only to be treated as powerless in a new country (Faderman & Xiong, 1998). Similarly, Lor (2007) emphasized that when Hmong people migrated to the U.S., they suffered from post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Hmong men in particular struggled with flashbacks, emotional disturbance, and painful memories of the war. Lor (2007) believed that the traumatic experiences were killing the younger healthy males in their sleep; however, the true diagnosis remains unknown. The cases of SUNDS consisted of many healthy and young Hmong men who never woke up from their sleep (Lor, 2007). Hmong people who practice Shamanism believe that when people die in their sleep, the person’s soul has left their body. A Shaman can perform a spiritual soul calling ritual that will guide the soul back (Lor, 2007), something western culture and medicine do not recognize as valid. Western medicine instead has “focused on the disease and organ systems, not a person’s spiritual reality” (p. 27). In Lor’s (2007) study, a participant reported that there was a time when he suddenly became weak and sought western medical care; however, the physician informed him that nothing was wrong with him because his lab results were normal. The participant thought he was going to die so he asked a Shaman for assistance instead. The participant believed that he would have been dead if it was not for the Shaman who performed a spiritual soul calling ceremony for him.

Hmong People Value Education in the United States Despite Hmong people’s deprivation of formal , Hmong parents view education as a tool to overcome poverty in America (Vang, F., 2015). Therefore, Hmong parents place immense pressure on their children to excel in education. When Hmong people first arrived in the U.S., Hmong parents expected

25 25 all of their children to earn a high school diploma. However, Vang, F. (2015) claimed that in recent years, Hmong parents’ expectations have climbed for their children to earn a college degree, preferably a doctorate degree. The majority of Hmong parents, especially the fathers, expect their children to attain doctorate degrees in order to obtain well-paid salaries to support the family. When a child is able to achieve a doctorate degree, the parents will prepare a big blessing ceremonial celebration, which brings fame to the family and clan (Vang, F., 2015). Besides aiming to be high achieving students, Hmong youth are also expected to carry-on the traditional Hmong culture and maintain their gender roles. Despite this pressure, the majority of Hmong parents do not have formal education and the experience and financial means to academically support their children (Vang, F., 2015). The only way Hmong parents can support their children’s education is through blessing rituals to ensure that their children remain physically, mentally, and spiritually healthy in order to overcome life obstacles and perform well in their academics.

Hmong Parents’ Encouragement and Influence on Their Children’s Education Hmong parents have high expectations for their children to get an education in the U.S. (Her & Gloria, 2016). Therefore, Hmong parents are known to be supportive agents in their children’s educational attainments because many Hmong refugee parents did not have the opportunity to attend school back in their homeland. Due to lack of educational background, Hmong parents are unsure of how to support their college sons and/or daughters. Her and Gloria (2016) conducted a study to better understand how Hmong parents support and encourage their college children to earn a bachelor’s degree. The researchers used a mixed-methods study to collect data from Hmong parents

26 26 over a 6-month period. The purpose was to assess self-efficacy, expectations, encouragement, and values of Hmong parents. The findings revealed that both parents had stronger parent-son relationships and weaker parent-daughter relationships (Her & Gloria, 2016). In contrast, Hmong parents highly value the gender specific and cultural expectations of their sons and daughters. They expected their sons to be good providers and community leaders and their daughters to be good housewives and daughter-in-laws. For these reasons, Hmong parents were more lenient when their sons did not take responsibility for completing household chores but held their daughters accountable. In terms of educational support, Hmong parents had higher confidence in encouraging their sons to be academically successful compared to their daughters. Since all of the parents were non-U.S. born and had little to no formal education, their methods of supporting their college children consisted of encouraging them to stay in school, prepping meals for them, and providing transportation to and from school (Her & Gloria, 2016). Hmong parents’ perspectives were important because they provided insight into how they viewed support and encouragement as mostly related to physical support versus academic support. The researchers recommended that more studies were needed to explore if gender and cultural expectations affect Hmong college students’ educational success or failures (Her & Gloria 2016). In addition to the previous research, Museus (2013) conducted a similar study that aimed to examine how Southeast Asian American (SEAA) parents influence their undergraduate children. However, this study used a qualitative method to obtain a deeper understanding on students’ perspectives. The participants’ ethnicities were Cambodian, Hmong, Laotian, and Vietnamese. The results indicated that the most essential demands of SEAA parents were that their children must go to college and earn college degrees (Museus, 2013). SEAA

27 27 parents highly value education; therefore, they emphasized and ingrained that notion into their children’s brains. SEAA parents also remind their children of the sacrifices that they have made in order for them to get an education in the U.S.; hence, their children felt the need to repay their parents by succeeding in school. Moreover, SEAA parents could be overly strict at times and project extreme pressure onto their children by demanding they pursue majors resulting in high- paying jobs, which their children did not agree with. This study also provided an opportunity for SEAA students to explain how their parents have positively influenced their academic ambitions. SEAA students understood that their parents had high hopes and dreams for them and wanted to ensure they took advantage of the available educational opportunities in America. Other researchers found different views regarding parental and familial support. Lee-Cha (2017) conducted a qualitative study with 10 professional Hmong females to investigate their journeys toward academic success and found that not all Hmong parents or families were supportive of their daughters’ desire to pursue higher education. Despite the cultural setback and backlash from families and community, these Hmong women had strong spousal support. Their husbands shielded and protected them from family members who wished to degrade them from obtaining higher education. In another study, Thao (2017) found that Hmong students lacked family support and guidance while pursuing their post-secondary education. Furthermore, they encountered difficulty in balancing family and academic responsibilities because their parents expected them to maintain good grades despite no or little support (Thao, 2017).

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Stressors that Impact Hmong Students’ Educational Triumph Vang, F. (2015) acknowledged that being a Hmong person was stressful in itself. However, familial pressure further challenged Hmong students because their parents expected their college children to become medical doctors, lawyers, or professionals with high-paying jobs so the family could overcome poverty. Despite Hmong students’ desire to attend college and obtain degrees, educators often segregated them from their mainstream peers and viewed them as not college material (Vang, C.T. 2004-2005). Vang, C.T. (2004-2005) conducted a case study by examining literature reviews related to the academic complexities that Hmong students faced in America’s public K-12 schools. The researcher found that Hmong students were the poorest refugee group and they continued to face educational challenges in public schools. Hmong parents continued to hold their children accountable for completing household chores and caring for younger siblings even when they had homework assignments. These obligations negatively affected their children’s grades. Hmong parents play a vital in their children’s educational success. On the other hand, they could also be a stressor to their children. Supple, McCoy, and Wang (2010) conducted a qualitative research study to better understand the perceptions of Hmong college students in terms of motivation, gender roles, parental influences, and acculturative stress. The results indicated that Hmong students’ motivation stemmed from their sense of obligation to their parents’ sacrifices (Supple et al, 2010). Similar to prior studies, Hmong students desire to repay their parents by succeeding in education. Although Hmong parents have no or little formal educational background, they support their children by working multiple jobs, assuming leadership roles in the Hmong community, attending

29 29 children’s award ceremonies at school, and participating in parent-teacher conferences although they do not speak English. Hmong parents were willing to support and allow their adult children to live in their home until their children became independent, successful, and married. On the other hand, Supple et al. (2010) pointed out that Hmong parents’ way of disciplining could be emotionally detrimental to their children’s academic accomplishments. Hmong parents could be controlling, coercive, authoritarian, shaming, and threatening to their children when they are performing low in school. As for acculturative stress, Hmong students continued to face challenges of trying to fit in with non-Hmong peers, balancing the Hmong and mainstream cultures, and maintaining respect for their traditional parents who have distanced themselves from the American culture (Supple et al., 2010). Overall, Hmong students continued to acknowledge their parents’ sacrifices; therefore, they were determined to repay their parents through earning a college education.

Hmong People Are Resilient For many generations, Hmong people lived in the mountains of Laos and most were preliterate before they settled in the U.S. as refugees of the Secret War in 1975 (Lee, Chang, Yang, Lor, & Thao, 2016). General Vang Pao, who led the Hmong soldiers during the Secret War, envisioned that his people would have equal rights to education someday. Indeed, the Hmong people gained educational opportunity once they arrived in the U.S. With General Vang Pao’s vision in mind, a group of researchers conducted a quantitative study that focused on the Hmong college graduates who came to the U.S. as refugees or were born in the U.S. (Lee et al., 2016). The researchers gathered data from two universities, one from the Midwest and another from the West Coast. The findings from Lee et al. (2016) indicated that the Hmongs’

30 30 educational success was linked to the strong values of leadership and mentorship of General Vang Pao and his vision. Although Hmong males were the first to be exposed to higher education in America, Hmong females eventually caught up to them by 2005. After 40 years in the U.S., Hmong females have earned 11.3% more bachelor’s degrees and 13.8% more master’s degrees than Hmong males. Of the 2,489 Hmong graduates, 55.6% were females and 44.4% were males (Lee et al., 2016). However, as of 2014, Hmong males continued to exceed Hmong females in earning doctorate degrees by 1%. The top 5 most educated female clans were Yang, Lee/Ly, Vang, Xiong, and Thao. The top 5 most educated male clans were Vang, Yang, Lee/Ly, Xiong, and Thao. The major that ranked number 1 for both females and males was Business Administration. Other popular majors were criminology, engineering, education, and social work (Lee et al., 2016). The strength of this study was that it was the first literature of its kind to examine Hmong college achievements through the lens of the Clan system (Lee et al., 2016). This type of research will inspire Hmong children to work harder and compete with other clans to be at the top rank.

Summary Hmong people have endured and overcome tremendous obstacles throughout their existence. They are resilient and have made great strides to adapt to the new environments, cultures, and way of life in America and throughout the world. As Hmong people struggled in the early resettlement phase, they have learned that the most important tool is an education. Hmong people are grateful for refugee programs that have opened doors for older and younger generations to come to the U.S. to gain an education, skills and experiences, and achieve the American dream. These are opportunities that Hmong people would not have had back in Laos.

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Due to the lack of studies regarding the Secret War and sacrifices and successes of Hmong people, there remains a gap in the research. Additional research on Hmong people’s history, culture, language, and success is needed to educate professionals. An increase in research can and will assist educators and professionals to better understand and serve the Hmong community. Furthermore, there is a need to develop supportive and culturally sensitive curriculums that include Hmong history so Hmong students can make connections with lesson plans that pertain to their culture, identity, and community.

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CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY

The researcher employed a qualitative method approach for this study, utilizing individual interviews. The qualitative approach that the researcher used was narrative research. According to Creswell (2013), narrative study voices the individuals’ lived experiences “within their personal, social, and historical context” (p. 75). Clandinin and Connolly (2000) further elaborated that “narrative inquiry is stories lived and told” (p. 20). Furthermore, Creswell (2013) highlighted that narrative research is used to examine “life events,” “turning points,” or “epiphanies” gathered from participants’ stories (p. 75). Narrative research is vital to addressing issues related to race, discrimination, and marginality and how these issues impact one’s culture (Creswell, 2013). The specific narrative approach that was used in this study was oral history. Oral history allows participants to share their own “personal reflections of events and their causes and effects” (Creswell, 2013, p. 73). This approach is most effective in capturing participants’ lived experiences, culture, and history (Creswell, 2013).

Data Collection The data collection methods for this study included individual face-to-face interviews with the participants. A researcher named Dr. Chia Youyee Vang had conducted a research study on Hmong pilots during the Vietnam War period and published the book Fly Until You Die: An Oral History of Hmong Pilots in the Vietnam War. Dr. Vang developed and utilized a qualitative instrument protocol for her study. The researcher met Dr. Vang in-person at a Book Talk event at California State University, Fresno while she was promoting her book. The researcher kept in close communication via email with Dr. Vang regarding the

33 33 researcher’s dissertation. Dr. Vang was supportive of the researcher’s project and shared her instrument protocol with the researcher. Dr. Vang granted permission via email for the researcher to utilize and/or modify the instrument questions if needed. Dr. Vang’s written approval in email is attached (see Appendix A). The researcher modified Vang’s (2019) interview questionnaire and developed an interview instrument that focused on Hmong soldiers’ experiences during the Secret War and their migration experiences. The interview protocol consisted of demographic questions along with open-ended questions (see Appendix B). The demographic questions included information about the participants’ current age, marital status, number of children, and the year they arrived in the U.S. The open-ended questions elicited data such as the participants’ age as to when they became soldiers, how they became involved in the war, their war-torn journey from Laos, Thailand, and then to the U.S., and their experience throughout the war. The study’s population consisted of Hmong male veterans, aged 55 or older, who participated as Hmong guerrilla soldiers in the Secret War in Laos from 1961 to 1975. The youngest Hmong male soldier who participated is currently 55 years old. This substantiates the literature indicating that Hmong boys as young as 10 years old were forced to join the war by 1975 (see Figure 7). The researcher used a combination of snowballing and purposeful sampling, including a recruitment flyer to recruit the participants (see Appendix C). The number of participants in this study was 10. The purpose of selecting Secret War Hmong soldiers for this study was for society to honor the sacrifices they have made for not only their people but also for the United States. In addition, this study offered an opportunity for Hmong soldiers to share their life events, lived experiences, hardships, and spirituality during the Secret War. Lastly, this study allowed the

34 34 soldiers to discuss how migrating to the United States after the Secret War has shaped their identity and education expectations for them and their families.

Figure 7. Hmong soldiers during the secret war. Source: Post 3: The Secret War by Pachia Xiong, (2015), https://medium.com/@xion1205/week- 2-8886290161a7.

Hmong Story 40 Project Contribution Due to the lack of research related to the Secret War and Hmong people’s culture, history, and war-torn experiences, the researcher connected with her social networks to obtain the director’s information for the Hmong Story 40 Project. The

35 35 researcher had a face-to-face meeting with Mr. Lar Yang, Director of the Hmong Story 40 Project, to review his photo collections of the Hmong people during the Secret War in Laos and after they migrated to Thailand. Mr. Yang provided the researcher with digital copies of the photo collections that he had gathered from various photographers. Mr. Yang has obtained copyrights of the photographs and has provided verbal and written permission to the researcher to utilize the photos for educational and research purposes (see Appendix D). During the Secret War, Hmong people were not immersed in the Hmong written language. However, it was common in the Hmong culture to pass down family history and traditions through oral storytelling and “paj ntaub” (embroidery). In the spirit of maintaining Hmong history and culture, pictures were included in this dissertation. The Hmong Story 40 Project made contributions to this study by providing historical photos, information, books, and resources.

Individual Interviews An application for conducting research with human subjects was submitted and approved by the Committee on the Protection of Human Subjects. The individual face-to-face interviews with participants were semi-structured and lasted approximately 60 to 120 minutes depending on the participant responses. The researcher is bilingual and speaks, reads, and writes in both the English and Hmong languages; therefore, the interviews were conducted in Hmong and translated into English to accommodate participants’ language preference. The research included direct quotes from the participants; however, when translating into English, it did include word for word translation but more of the nuance of the discussions. The location of the interviews took place in the participants’ homes where they felt more comfortable unveiling personal information. The face-to-face

36 36 interviews were audio-taped and video-recorded with the participants’ consent. All audio and video recordings have been stored on a password protected computer that only the researcher and principal researcher can access. The information has been archived by the researcher with permission from the participants. In order to protect the participants’ identities, their true names were not used in this study. The researcher selected a different Hmong male name for each of the participants.

Data Analysis Three bilingual individuals fluent in both English and Hmong were hired from the researcher’s social network to transcribe participants’ responses from an audio-recording device. Two of the three bilingual individuals have obtained their healthcare interpreter certificates at a community college; one of the bilingual individuals has completed the Hmong Minor Program at a university. The participants’ responses were analyzed using open axial coding and categorized into common and meaningful themes. In the oral history approach, Creswell (2013) recommended that the researcher actively involve the participants throughout the study. Therefore, both parties may negotiate or clarify the meaning of life stories and experiences, which adds “a validation check to the analysis” (Creswell, 2013, p. 75). The researcher conducted telephone follow-ups and member checks with participants to clarify statements and ensure that the given information was accurate.

Compensation of Participants The volunteer participants who completed the study received a $20 gift in appreciation of their time. It is customary in the Hmong culture to do this out of respect and appreciation for our Hmong elders’ time.

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Mental Health Resources The researcher obtained a list of mental health providers that deliver services to the Asian American communities. The list of providers was available for participants in the event they experienced emotional distress during and/or after the interviews. The participants were informed to notify the researcher if they required the list of mental health providers.

Significance of the Study It is relevant to study the experiences of Secret War Hmong soldiers and honor them for their bravery because the researcher’s California State University is a Hmong-serving institution; therefore, it is important for the university to understand the clients they serve and their cultural values. As the stories of Secret War Hmong soldiers have never been highlighted in the U.S. educational system, it is vital that we, as a society, remember the Hmong heroes who have been forgotten. Hmong soldiers, their families, and community have had to overcome horrific challenges in order to migrate to this country. It is worthwhile to note that while living in this country, Hmong people had to learn and adapt to a new culture and language while maintaining and preserving their own identity. Therefore, being a Hmong individual can be challenging and overwhelming in America. Due to the lack of educational opportunities in Laos, Hmong people aspire for their children to pursue and achieve higher education in the U.S. The findings from this study will assist in reducing stereotypes against Hmong students and aid society to better understand the positive accomplishments and qualities of Hmong people. Hmong youth are facing a crossroads, where they feel torn between upholding their cultural traditions and obtaining good grades in school. It is unjust when racially minoritized students, such as Hmong, feel as though they have to lose their identity in order to gain an educational status in this country. Instead, the

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U.S. educational system should embrace the unique culture of every student and encourage them to be proud in their own skin. This study intends to make a change in the U.S. educational system by including the Secret War, Hmong genocide, and Hmong people’s experiences into the classrooms and history curriculums. The study highlights an historical background of why education is an important aspiration for families of many Hmong soldiers. The study can be used by educators to include a curriculum that strengthens and preserves the Hmong people’s identity, culture, language, and history in the U.S. Additionally, information from the study can be used by educators and other professionals and policymakers to better serve and allocate resources to assist Hmong soldiers and the entire Hmong community.

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CHAPTER 4: RESULTS/OUTCOMES

This chapter presents data gathered from 10 Hmong male participants in California’s Central Valley region. The purpose of this research study was to educate society, fill the cultural gaps, and contribute to a deeper understanding of Hmong people’s history and their sacrifices for all Americans. This study was written in order to emphasize the hardships and oppression that Hmong people have endured throughout history. Furthermore, this study was designed to highlight the contributions of Hmong soldiers in the Secret War and to provide a better understanding of how their experiences have influenced Hmong soldiers’ educational aspirations and identity in the U.S. It is essential for our nation to honor the Hmong boys and men who fought fiercely alongside the U.S. soldiers and those who lost their lives. In addition, the findings in this study were designed to educate the readers, to inform professionals to better understand and serve the Hmong community, and to develop supportive and culturally sensitive curriculums that Hmong students can relate to in the classroom. The aspects included in this chapter include demographic information about the participants, along with four themes that emerged from the interviews: (1) life experiences of Hmong soldiers during the Secret War were difficult and often perilous; (2) family, religion, and culture were vitally important; (3) the Hmong soldiers’ transitions from Laos to a new life in America were challenging and full of obstacles; and (4) the effort was worth the sacrifice. Please note that all participants’ true names have been changed to different Hmong male names in order to protect their identities and maintain confidentiality. Their fictitious names will be used throughout this chapter and/or research study.

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Demographics The 10 Hmong male participants in this research study reside in the Central Valley Region throughout California. All 10 participants were Hmong soldiers during the Secret War in Laos between 1961 to 1975. The participants identified themselves as former members of the CIA’s Special Guerilla Unit (SGU) in Laos. All participants were born and raised in Laos until the war ended and they fled to Thailand and then to the U.S. The participants’ ages ranged from mid-fifties (50s) to early-eighties (80s): one was in his mid-fifties; three were in their late-sixties; four were in their seventies; and two were in their early-eighties. Of the 10 participants, 8 were married and living with their wives and children while 2 were widowers living with children or relatives. The participants’ number of children ranged from 4 to 12. Each of the participants had at least one child who had earned a college degree in the U.S. Two of the 10 participants obtained a General Education Diploma (GED) from an adult school, and one participant earned an Associate in Arts (AA) degree from a community college in the Central Valley of California.

The Life Experiences of Hmong Soldiers During the Secret War The older participants recalled their childhood lives in the high mountains of Laos as peaceful times where they were able to help their family with farming, raising animals, caring for younger siblings, doing household chores, and volunteering during cultural events. On the other hand, the younger participants did not remember having a childhood life. They indicated that as early as they could remember, the country of Laos was at war. They primarily recalled the nonstop sounds of guns and bombs throughout their childhood years.

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The Hmong soldiers’ age at the time of recruitment. Of the 10 participants, 9 became soldiers between the ages of 10 and 18. One participant became a soldier at age 20. Table 1 illustrates a list of the participants’ names and ages of when they were recruited to become soldiers.

Table 1

Name and Age of Recruitment Name Age at Recruitment Meng 10 Yeng 12 Thai 13 Pheng 14 Koua 15 Kong 16 Phia 16 Blong 17 Xai 18 Tou 20

Meng was only 10 years old when he became a soldier. He was the youngest among the 10 participants (see Figure 8). Meng described his early childhood experience as being awakened by the day and night sounds of weapon and bomb explosions. Meng stated, “Thaum kuv los hlob tuaj ces kuv yeej nyob lub neej zoo li nos.” “As early as I can remember, this was the way of life.” When Meng turned 10, General Vang Pao and his high-ranked soldiers came to his village and provided everyone with guns and food. This was a way to recruit Hmong men and boys. Meng was expected to join the army because he felt it was the only thing to do as a Hmong boy. Meng stated that his older brothers, relatives, and other boys and men in the village were already involved. Meng described that because he was too short, too young, and too weak to go into the war zones, his role was to guard his village at night and report to the army campsite during the

42 42 daytime. At the army station, he monitored, restocked, and physically transported weapons and ammunitions to soldiers and villagers as instructed by his supervisor.

Figure 8. Young children recruited to join the military (n.d.). Source: Lar Yang, Curator and Director of Hmong Story 40 Years. Tom Lum Photo Collections. Reprinted with permission

Yeng was recruited to become a soldier at age 12. Yeng stated that he did not have a choice. At that time, Hmong males who were 10 years old or older were expected to join the military. Due to the shortage of Hmong soldiers, every family was required to give up at least one son to the military. Of the five sons in his family, Yeng was the chosen one. Yeng stated that he was willing to become a soldier because his family was also poor and did not have adequate rice, meat, and

43 43 clothing. By serving in the military, he knew that his family would not starve because the military would provide food to his family (see Figure 9). Since Yeng was too young and not strong enough to carry big guns, he stayed at the military base to cook and clean for other soldiers. Due to Yeng’s age and role, his monthly salary at that time was less than $9 (U.S.).

Figure 9. CIA Military distributing food and supplies to refugees (n.d.). Source: Lar Yang, Curator and Director of Hmong Story 40 Years. Hmong Story 40 Project Photo Collections. Reprinted with permission.

Thai was 13 years old when he was recruited. Thai remembered his enjoyment while attending school and learning to read and write in the . He recalled coming home from school one day and seeing soldiers

44 44 dressed in uniforms at his home. The elderly villagers informed Thai that he was being sent away for an opportunity to pursue an education to become a doctor so he could return home to help his village. Since Thai loved school, he did not hesitate; instead, he was excited for the opportunity to go to school to become a doctor. Thai found out later that they lied to him and needed him to become a soldier. Thai was extremely upset that the Hmong military leaders and elders lied to him. During his first 2 years of being a soldier, he was not given a chance to attend school because he was too young. Pheng was 14 years old when he was chosen to become a soldier. Pheng recollected that General Vang Pao along with his army came to Pheng’s village in multiple airplanes. The airplanes contained large carts of weapons and food for the villagers. After distributing the weapons and food, General Vang Pao demanded Pheng’s grandfather, who was the village leader at that time, provide him with a list of names and ages of all the village members. Pheng’s grandfather informed General Vang Pao that he and his village members were illiterate; therefore, it was impossible for him to provide a list to General Vang Pao at that time. General Vang Pao ordered Pheng’s grandfather to choose one person from the village to accompany him to Long Cheng immediately. General Vang Pao explained that the chosen person would have the opportunity to attend school and live on the military base in Long Cheng. Of all the village members, Pheng’s grandfather chose Pheng. Pheng did not dare to challenge or question his grandfather’s decision so he followed General Vang Pao into the airplane without saying goodbye to his parents. General Vang Pao assured Pheng’s grandfather that Pheng would return home once he learned to read and write in the Lao language; however, Pheng was only able to return home a few months later to gather a list of villagers’ names and then he was ordered back to the military base again. When there was a shortage of

45 45 boys and men in the battlefield, General Vang Pao demanded all of the boys and men from Pheng’s village, ages 10 to 65, to carry weapons and become soldiers. Pheng shared that his grandfather was 65 years old at that time and was too frail to remain in the war zone; therefore, his grandfather was released from soldier duties and returned home. Koua joined the military when he was 15 years old. His older brother became a soldier one year before him. Even though Koua said he was not forced to join the military, he felt he did not have any other options; it was an unspoken expectation for young men to join the military when they grew up. Every Hmong family was mandated to enlist at least one son into the military. Nobody wanted to disobey the orders of the Hmong military leaders because it was a gamble between life and death or food and starvation. Another reason why Koua and his older brother became soldiers was because their family was poor and knew that soldiers received a monthly salary. The family decided that if he and his older brother joined the military then their younger brothers could remain at home to care for their parents and sisters. Koua recalled that his monthly salary at that time was less than $10 U.S. Kong become a soldier at age 16. Kong stated that he joined because he needed the Hmong soldiers to help save and protect his father and brother. Kong recalled the communist soldiers coming to his village and mistreating the Hmong people. As his family attempted to flee to a nearby village, his brother and father were captured and sent back to their village. Kong was able to escape to the nearby village where he found a military campsite. He negotiated with the Hmong military leaders that he would serve as a soldier and put his life on the line as long as the military helped rescue and protect his father and brother. The military agreed and rescued his family. His father and brother were flown to another

46 46 village where it was safer to live while Kong stayed behind as a soldier. Kong recalled his commander handing him his soldier uniform and advised him to remind himself that all soldiers are considered dead people until they outlast the war. Kong was scared but remained calm because he felt he must keep his promise in order to protect his father and brother. Kong stated that although he was not forced to join, he would have eventually enlisted because too many Hmong people were killed, and the communist soldiers were becoming too vicious. Phia became a soldier when he was 16 years old. He was not forced to join; however, he had no better option. Phia described that he was desperate to attend school, but his family was very poor. His parents were unable to pay for his education, so he felt hopeless. That was when he decided to join the army to earn a monthly salary (see Figure 10). Phia was hoping to save enough money so he could use it to pay for his education. Phia indicated, “…xyoo 1972…16 xyoo xwb os…kuv tau mus ua rog rau teb chaws Nplog no vim txom nyem…kuv kawm ntawv es txog nyas yuav mus xeem ntawv ces yuav siv mi ntsis nyiaj txiag…kuv txiv nkawv los hos tsi muaj nyiaj pab ces xav tias chim siab heev ces cia mus ua tham ham kom tau nyiaj.” “I joined the army in 1972. I was 16 years old. I joined because my family was poor. I needed money to pay for school and my parents did not have any money to help me. I became angry and joined the army so I would earn money.” However, his dream of attending school never came true because he went straight into the battlefield where he was physically injured by a mine explosion. Blong stated that he joined the army at age 17. General Vang Pao came to his village and demanded that the village leader gather all Hmong men and boys for the war effort. He and his relatives were forced to become soldiers. Blong pointed out that there was no way out and no other option because General Vang Pao demanded more soldiers, and the Hmong people could not refuse.

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Figure 10. Hmong soldiers were paid monthly salaries by the CIA (n.d.). Source: Lar Yang, Curator and Director of Hmong 40 years. Lar Yang, Curator and Director of Hmong Story 40 Years. Galen Beery Photo Collections. Reprinted with permission.

Xai stated that he started attending school in his village at age 9 where he learned to read and write in the Lao language. Xai loved school and was a quick learner. At age 16, Hmong military leaders arrived at his village to recruit him because the military needed someone who was literate in the Lao language; therefore, Xai was chosen because he was already in school. Hmong military leaders informed Xai’s father that they had chosen Xai to join so he could attend an educational program to advance in both the Lao and French languages. His father could not refuse the demand of the military leaders. Xai did not have a choice. For 2 years, the military kept their promise and he was enrolled in the educational program. At age 18 when he became literate in both the Lao and French languages, he was instructed to discontinue his education and report to the

48 48 battlefield. Later on, he was able to work at the headquarters because they needed someone who was literate. Tou was 20 years old when he was recruited. He did not have a choice. He stated that the CIA arrived at his village and provided the villagers with weapons and food. The Hmong military leaders informed the village that if the Hmong men did not become soldiers then the village would be overtaken by the communists. The Hmong people were frightened, and men and boys were forced to join. The Hmong military leaders also highlighted that whoever joined the army would receive a monthly salary. Food, weapons, and money attracted many poor families; therefore, some parents willingly gave up their sons to the military leaders. Whether the participants volunteered or were forced to become soldiers, each of their journeys was unique. Four of 10 participants believed they were more likely to be chosen or forced to join because they were raised by single parents or had no parents. All four labeled themselves as orphans, not having parents or adults who cared for them. They said they felt invisible and it did not matter if they were to never return from war. For instance, Thai disclosed that his mother died when he was 4 years old and his father remarried. He knew that his stepmother did not love him and treated him differently; therefore, he learned to cook at a young age and prepped his own meals for school every day. Thai learned to survive on his own even though his father was still alive. In Tou’s situation, his father passed away when he was a child and his mother remarried. Traditionally in the Hmong culture, when widows remarried, they were not allowed to take their sons to be raised by another man’s clan; therefore, it was a norm that widows leave their sons with the paternal

49 49 relatives. For this reason, Tou and his older brother were orphans and they lived with their paternal relatives until he was recruited to become a soldier. Hmong soldiers’ roles in the Secret War. The Hmong soldiers performed a variety of duties and roles during the Secret War. All except two of the participants became frontline soldiers immediately after they joined. There were two participants who did not go straight into the battlefield because they were specifically chosen by Hmong military leaders to advance in their education. The Hmong men and boys who were uneducated or from poorer families did not have an option but to become frontline soldiers in the battlefield. After joining, these participants recalled they had no or very limited training. The majority of the participants stated their trainings lasted approximately 1 to 4 months and consisted of weapon/grenade use and parachuting. A few of the participants stated they did not receive proper training on how to use weapons; therefore, they taught themselves or were taught by their teammates. However, it was understood that all Hmong soldiers’ primary roles were to protect the American military. For example, Hmong soldiers were instructed to rescue American pilots whose aircrafts had been shot down. When the American pilots ejected themselves from their planes, Hmong soldiers were responsible for using a signaling device to detect the location of the pilots and bring them to safety before the communists found them. As portrayed by one participant, the lives of Americans were more precious and more valued than all of the Hmong soldiers. Military leaders did, however, provide soldiers with opportunities to advance in the ranks. This included supervisory and leadership roles, or working directly with the Americans and Hmong military leaders at their headquarters. Meng stated that when he turned 12 years old, his role changed from organizing weapons to becoming an armed soldier in the village where he lived. He and his

50 50 team of young soldiers were in charge of guarding and protecting their village 24 hours a day. His team was responsible for digging trenches, monitoring weapons and ammunitions, utilizing weapons, and watching out for enemies. Koua was a soldier in a team consisting of 1,000 soldiers who traveled by foot from mountain to mountain to hunt communists intent on taking over their land. During his first mission, more than half of the soldiers were killed, wounded, or captured by the communists. Koua explained, “Nyab laj tuaj tua peb ib tag hmo…neeg tuag coob coob. Nyab laj ntes tau 10 tug, ob tug menyuam tub me me muaj li 10 xyoo. Nyab laj muab pav tes rau nram lub nrob qaum ces nyab laj muaj cab mus.” “The communists came in the middle of the night to attack us. The communists shot and killed many Hmong soldiers. The communists captured 10 Hmong soldiers; two of them were very young boys around the age of 10. The communists tied the Hmong soldiers’ hands behind their backs and dragged them off.” During Koua’s second mission, more of his teammates died due to illnesses and foot infections because they did not have the proper boots during the heavy rainy season. After surviving several missions, Koua’s commander promoted him to a less dangerous role where he became a personal guard and assistant to the Hmong military leaders and Americans who were stationed at the air force base in Laos. Koua eventually became a call operator and emergency dispatcher in tracking airlines for the T-28 pilots, locating aircrafts that had been shot down, and identifying which communist location should be bombed. Xai reported that due to his educational background in the Lao and French languages, he had dual roles. During the daytime, he worked directly with the Americans at their headquarters and was in charge of completing enrollment packets for soldiers. Military leaders and soldiers relied heavily on Xai because he was responsible for ensuring that all payroll information was accurate so everyone

51 51 could be paid on time. In the evening hours, Xai supervised the guards and ensured they were performing their shifts. Thai said that his first 2 years as a soldier were incredibly frightening because he feared death every second of every day in the battlefield. After 2 years of serving as a soldier, Thai convinced his commander to allow him to take the examination to become a Radio Telegram Operator. At 15 years old, Thai passed the examination and became the youngest Radio Telegram Operator for the CIA at that time. Pheng stated that he was literate in the Lao language, which led him to avoid being a frontline soldier in the battlefield. He worked directly with military leaders and CIA officials at the headquarters in Long Cheng, Laos. He disclosed that his job assignment was very dangerous; therefore, he did not feel safe revealing his specific duties. To this day, he is still traumatized and preferred to not talk about the details of his role. Blong was a frontline soldier in the battlefield for 10 years before he was promoted to become a captain. As a captain, he supervised between 110-124 soldiers. He stated that his monthly salary increased when he received the promotion. The wounded Hmong soldiers. Due to the lack of training, proper uniforms and shoes, weapons, and protective gear, Hmong recruits suffered greatly when they were soldiers and throughout their lives (see Figure 11). In Phia’s situation, he was wounded during his first month as a soldier because he did not receive adequate training. The day after Phia became a soldier, he was ordered to go into the battlefield with his team. During his first month, his team was responsible for rescuing and carrying the wounded soldiers back to the campsite for medical attention. One day when Phia and his partner were searching for a

52 52 teammate, Phia stepped on a mine and it exploded causing injuries to both of his legs. Phia’s partner was severely injured and nonresponsive. He feared that he might die without anyone seeing him and his partner. Phia did not want to die alone in the woods or without his family knowing; therefore, he limped and then crawled his way back to his campsite. His goal was to reach the campsite so his teammates would witness his death and relay the message to his family. If he died, he wanted to die knowing that he fought until his last breath. Phia recalled, “Nyablaj caws lujtem. Tus tub lawv kuv qab, kuv mus ua ntej ces kuv tsuj lujtem ces raug wb. Tus tub ntawm raug nws sab ces nws cia li pw khwb tswg…kuv los diaj diaj nws ces kuv los tsi paub tias nws ciaj los nws tuag li. Ces, kuv xav tias raug wb lawm yog wb tsi mus koj txog lawv…mus kom txog lawv es yog yus tuag lawm los yus niam yus txiv cov kwv cov tij paub hais tias yus tuag. Thaum ntawm mas mob dhau lawm ces lub nyab hoom tshuab los tos kuv. Lawv mus txog ces nws tub tuag lawm ces lawv.” “Communist set up mines on the ground. I was walking in front of my partner. I stepped on the mine and it exploded, injuring both of us. My partner fell face forward and I tried waking him up but he did not…I did not know if he was dead or alive. I thought to myself that even though we were injured, we needed to keep moving to get to our team’s location…I was not willing to die until I get to my team’s location…if I would have died in front of my team, I knew they would have relayed the news my parents and relatives. I was in so much pain and was airlifted. When my team located my partner’s body, he was already dead.” Fortunately, Phia was airlifted to Long Cheng for medical treatment. He stayed in the hospital for approximately 9 months before returning to his military campsite. Phia was informed that his partner did not survive the explosion and died at the scene. Blong was also wounded in the battlefield. Blong also stepped on a mine. The explosion severely injured Blong’s right foot; his right heel was blown off. Blong was fortunate that he was related to a high-ranking commander who immediately arranged for Blong to be airlifted to Long Cheng for medical

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Figure 11. Wounded Hmong soldiers (n.d.). Source: Lar Yang, Curator and Director of Hmong Story 40 Years. Galen Beery Photo Collections. Reprinted with permission. treatment. Blong stated that if his relative was not high-ranking and he did not receive medical attention immediately, he would have lost his entire leg or bled to death. Koua witnessed teammates develop trench foot, foot infections, and other diseases. Unfortunately, lacking proper fit and an extra pair of boots, some soldiers died from these conditions. Koua stated that during the rainy season, the soldiers’ feet and legs were soaked in mud for days, weeks, or months depending on the length of their mission. Koua believed that his teammates would have survived were they provided with proper and extra boots. Similarly, Kong stated that he and his team of 300 soldiers were ordered to go on a mission. After arriving in the village, General Vang Pao radioed the team leader to abort the mission because communists had taken over that village. Kong and his team were instructed to gather villagers and escape to the nearest village

54 54 by foot. His team led a large group of 2,000 Hmong on a 22-day journey through the jungles. He remembered that he and his teammates’ shoes were shredded to pieces due to the rainy and muddy conditions. Some of his teammates and villagers were left behind because they did not have proper shoes to keep running. Their feet were blistered, bleeding, and rotting; therefore, the pain became unbearable for them to continue. They were left behind to fend for themselves. Xai explained that although he was not a frontline soldier, he was trained for a short period to become familiar with small and powerful weapons. At that time, he was not provided proper gear to protect his ears, eyes, and face. For this reason, Xai developed hearing difficulties and it has gotten worse as he has aged. Xai explained, “Kuv tua tua phom loj, kuv lag ntseg tag. Kuv yeej tsis tshua hnov lus zoo lawm. Yog hmoov zoo kawg kuv thiaj tuaj txog teb chaws Meskas no, thiab kuv dim txoj kev tuag.” “I am hard of hearing now because I used to shoot big guns. It is very difficult for me to hear. I am lucky to have come to America and escape death.”

The Importance of Family, Religion, and Culture As the participants recalled the horrific memories as soldiers in the battlefield, they also remembered how much they missed their families. They described how they were crying on the inside while trying to stay strong and alert during the war. The negative thoughts and fears of death never seemed to vanish during their time as soldiers. In their darkest moments, their only hope was to stay alive so they could see their families again. The soldiers were authorized to return home to visit family members between one to four times per year depending if their group’s mission was successful or not. For this reason, many of the

55 55 participants were not present during the birth of their children nor were they able to raise their children. Staying alive for their families. The participants shared that their families were their main source of motivation to stay alive. They stated that there was no such thing as happiness while being a soldier. Every day was a day of uncertainty because the fear of death lingered nonstop in their minds. They also feared they were going to die alone in the jungle without anyone by their side. Yeng expressed that it was tremendously difficult for him to be separated from his parents at age 12. He missed them all the time but was only allowed to visit his family twice a year or in emergency situations. He had to force himself to be strong and not cry. He was willing to put his life on the line to ensure that his family continued to receive food from the military. As a soldier, Koua missed his family desperately. He stated that he was authorized to return home to visit his family every 3 to 4 months after his missions were completed. His length of stay was less than 2 weeks. Every time he visited his family, he wished he did not have to report back to the campsites. However, he had no choice because he did not want his family to starve or be tortured due to him being noncompliant. Throughout Xai’s journey, he recalled that he was authorized to visit his family only once during his first year when he was still in school. Later, there was a shortage of Hmong soldiers; therefore, he was instructed to go to the frontlines. Xai expressed that being a soldier was the most fearful, stressful, and hopeless moment of his life. He traded his own life to protect others such as his family, the Hmong people, and the Americans. He recollected the time when he was a lonely soldier standing on top of the mountains in Laos and desperately missing his family, home, and village. He described that those were the moments when he

56 56 missed his parents more than anything in the world. His parents were his motivation to stay alive so he could see their faces again. Xai emotionally described, “Kuv nco niam nco txiv tshaj plaws…ua neeg nyob ntiaj teb no es ua ib tug thab ham mas txov nyem tshaj plaws. Qhov uas mus es xav tias tsam ib ntsis ces yus tuag…tsam Nyab Laj tuaj tua raug yus tuag lau, los yog tias raug yus mob tej…ces qhov uas yus xav tias li cas los kuv yuav tsum mus pom kuv niam kuv txiv xwb…qhov no yog qhov ua kom yus lub siab loj zog.” “I missed my mother and father more than anything. The life of soldier was filled with so much suffering. The fear of being killed or shot by communists lingers in head. I had to force myself to believe that I have to survive in order see my father and mother again. The thought of seeing my parents again helped eased my anxiety.” Xai uttered that every time he saw an airplane, he wished he had the power and magic to enter that plane in order to escape the war, escape the suffering, and escape death. He longed for the day to be transported to another country that provided freedom and opportunity for him and his family: “Thaum peb mus nyob saum lub roob es kuv pom ib lub nyob hoom tuaj taum twg mas kuv xav hais tias kuv lam txawj yaj los txia tau es kuv nkag kiag lub nyob hoom ntawd mus rau teb chaws vam meej, seb puas dim txoj kev txom nyem, txoj kev nyuaj siab, puas dim txoj kev tuag. Xav npaum li cas los xav tsis tau.” “We [Xai and his team] were stationed on the mountain top. Every time I saw an airplane fly by, I wished I had the power to magically place myself on that airplane. I wished for the airplane to take me to another country…a country that provided freedom and opportunities so I could escape the torturing, suffering, and possibly death. No matter how badly I wanted to escape, I couldn’t.” Hmong people’s faith and culture throughout their war-torn journey. Hmong families are close-knit, and their values, culture, and religious practices play a major role in their everyday lives. All 10 participants shared that their family’s religious belief during the Secret War was Shamanism. At that time, the

57 57 participants depended heavily on their Shaman faith and spirituality to protect them throughout the war. The participants explained that their parents and their village continued to perform and practice rituals as a way of providing healing, hope, and protection (see Figure 12).

Figure 12. Hmong Shaman “Txiv Neeb” performing shamanism in his military uniform (n.d.). Source: Lar Yang, Curator and Director of Hmong Story 40 Years. John Willheim Photo Collections. Reprinted with permission.

Seven of the 10 participants explained that their parents would perform a traditional cultural calling known as “fiv yeem,” which means “a promise of offering to the spirits” and/or ancestors (Helmbach, 1980, p. 425). Every time those seven soldiers returned home, their families would “pauj yeem” meaning that they kept their promises and repaid the spirits by offering an animal or whatever they may have promised during the “fiv yeem” (Helmbach, 1980, p. 425). On the other hand, three of the four participants, who considered themselves to be orphans, did not have parents who performed “fiv yeem” for them. However,

58 58 they revealed that when they were scared and hopeless, they would get on their knees and call out to their deceased parents, grandparents and ancestors and felt protected by them. All participants pinpointed that their greatest fear was dying. They truly believed that “fiv yeem” and calling spirits to protect them were powerful and contributed to their survival (see Figure 13).

Figure 13. Fiv Yeem, from Hmoob Tshav Ntuj by Hmoob Ntuj Qub Qab, 2014. Retrieved from https://hmoobtshavntuj.forumotion.com/t198-fiv-yeem-pauj-yeem-thim-yeem.

In addition, the participants pointed out that Hmong people continued to practice shamanism “ua neeb” and performed “fiv yeem” throughout the war and on their journey of escaping Laos. The soldiers believed that the spiritual rituals truly protected them and guided them back to their families. Traditional and spiritual healing were also used to cure wounded and depressed soldiers. In Blong’s case, he was hospitalized for 14 months due to his heel being blown off. When his heel continued to be infected and his recovery stretched over months, he paid a shaman lady to perform a ritual to cure his foot. Afterwards, Blong’s foot healed and he was able to return home. For Thai’s situation, he became depressed after the death of his daughter. He was unable to

59 59 eat, became ill, and lost focus. His father-in-law knew that Thai did not have parents who would pay for a shaman; therefore, Thai’s father-in-law took him back to his village and performed a spiritual ceremony to call Thai’s soul to return and protect him. Soon after, Thai was in high spirits and returned to work at the campsite. Xai truly believed that his faith helped him survive as a soldier. Xai’s father was concerned about Xai’s safety and performed “fiv yeem” to protect him. Xai indicated, “Kev ntseeg ntawm peb Hmoob lub neej ces kuv mus ces kuv txiv yeej fiv yeem tib ntxiag pov kom mus es rov qab los vaj los tsev. Qhov no kuv txiv yeej fiv yeem pov kuv.” “In the Hmong culture, it is believed that fiv yeem will protect me from the time I leave my home to the time I return home. My father performed fiv yeem for me to protect me.” Pheng also emphasized that when hope was lost, fiv yeem was the only thing that Hmong people leaned towards for protection: “Txom txom nyem tshuav txoj sia xwb. Qhov ntawd yog thaum ntu ua tsov rog ntawd, ces zoo li no. Neeg tuag los tuag npaum ntawd. Txoj kev txom nyem los npaum ntawd…tsis pom qab ua txoj twg li ces fiv yeem li fiv yeem xwb tiag…fiv fiv fiv yeem xwb.” “During the war, everyone suffered, lost hope and had nothing to live for…we were not dead, so we had to continue living. So many people died…so much suffering. We did not know what else to do but to perform fiv yeem all the time.”

Hmong Soldiers’ Transition from Laos and Thailand to a New Life in America When the Secret War ended in May of 1975, many Hmong soldiers were not aware of the news that the war had ended. They became enlightened when they heard rumors that the CIA along with General Vang Pao vacated Laos, flew to Thailand, and then to the U.S. According to the participants, General Vang Pao

60 60 only instructed his high-status military men and their families to flee the area and to board the American planes in Long Cheng, Laos in order to escape. Two days after General Vang Pao’s command to leave the area, planes that were supposed to relocate many Hmong people did not return because they were being shot down and there were too many Hmong people waiting to be airlifted (see Figure 14). From that point in time and moving forward, the Hmong people were left to fend for themselves.

Figure 14. Hmong people waiting to be airlifted to Thailand (n.d.). Source: Lar Yang, Curator and Director of Hmong Story 40 Years. Galen Beery Photo Collections. Reprinted with permission.

Post-war journey for the Hmong people. The participants and their families each fled Laos at a different pace. Some of the participants fled Laos immediately, and some continued to stay in Laos for a few years until the torture and mistreatment became unbearable. Several participants reported that they led large groups of villager through the jungle of Laos where they hid from the communists. A few participants and their groups slowly migrated and ended up

61 61 living in the jungles for years before reaching the border and crossing over to Thailand. After the war ended, 3 of 10 participants and their families did not want to leave their homeland in Laos. They remained in Laos for a few years until they had no choice but to escape to Thailand. They witnessed the cruel and inhumane treatment by the communist soldiers. Communist soldiers used their authoritative power to disrespect Hmong men by overstepping their boundaries to hurt Hmong women and children. According to Kong, Blong, and Tou, a group of communist soldiers arrived at their villages and imposed strict and unjust rules for the Hmong people. For example, all Hmong men had to surrender their weapons. Men had to remain visible within the village at all times because the communists believed that they were spies for the Americans. Hmong men who attempted to leave the village would get captured, tortured, and killed. Hmong men also had to allow communist soldiers access to their wives. For example, if a woman needed to go to the river to fill up buckets of water, husbands were not allowed to go; instead, the communist soldiers went with the wives. Further, communist soldiers threatened Hmong men and prohibited them from entering their own homes if they saw a communist soldier’s hat hanging by the bedroom entrance. Hmong wives were routinely raped and forced to provide sexual favors to the communist soldiers. Additionally, all Hmong were to give their rice fields and animals to the communists; in turn, the communists distributed food to each family in the village according to the number of family members. During this time, some of the Hmong wives were sexually harassed and assaulted right in front of their husbands and other villagers. The only choice for Hmong men was to gather their families and

62 62 flee to Thailand in order to escape the torture. The Hmong men blamed themselves for not being able to protect their wives and daughters. In another circumstance, some participants shared that they did not escape until the communist soldiers came to their villages and served them with a letter to surrender and report to a reeducation camp. The Hmong soldiers assumed that the Americans or Hmong military leaders must have provided the Lao government with a list of Hmong men who served as American allies during the Secret War. The communists ordered all Hmong soldiers to attend the reeducation camp to learn how to become good Lao citizens. Hmong soldiers who did not comply with the order were arrested; some of them never returned home. Initially, Pheng was ordered to 8 years of reeducation camp. However, his time was doubled to 16 years when he did not report as ordered by the communists. Pheng and his family were frightened and planned for escape. At midnight, he and his family left their village and escaped without being caught. Koua was also ordered to attend the reeducation camp. However, when he did not report to the location, he was arrested and sent to the reeducation camp. He explained that the purpose of the reeducation camp was to brainwash Hmong soldiers. This was the communists’ way of getting Hmong soldiers to believe Americans were evil betrayed the Hmong people. In addition, Koua and other Hmong soldiers were instructed to express on a daily basis that Americans bribed the Hmong people, Americans caused thousands of Hmong people to die, and Americans destroyed all the Southeast Asian countries. The communists would test the Hmong soldiers on a regular basis. Koua passed the exams and was able to return home after a few months. The life and death of Hmong people migrating from Laos to Thailand. The participants had different timeframes as to when and how they survived

63 63 crossing the dangerous rivers in order to set foot in Thailand. Participants and their families’ journeys from Laos to Thailand were not easy. They traveled by foot for days, weeks, months, and years (see Figure 15). The Hmong people migrated in big groups, which made it challenging to remain silent while dodging the communists. Another challenging aspect of the Hmong people’s journey was the inability to swim or have floatation devices in order to cross the rivers that divided Laos and Thailand.

Figure 15. Hmong people fleeing Laos by foot with only items they could carried (n.d.). Source: Lar Yang, Curator and Director of Hmong Story 40 Years. Galen Beery Photo Collections. Reprinted with permission.

Yeng, Thai, and Kong’s families formed rafts out of bamboo. They used the rafts to help them cross the Mekong River. Due to the lack of materials to build sturdy rafts, some children, elderly people or entire families drowned before reaching Thailand. Koua, Pheng, Meng, Blong, and Tou used all of their money,

64 64 silver bars, and jewelry to pay Lao and for boat rides for themselves and their families in order to cross the river into Thailand. However, Xai and Phia had unique stories regarding their migration experiences and crossing the Mekong River. Xai reported that when the war ended, he and his family were fearful of the communists because he served as an American ally. Therefore, he and his family left their village immediately and hid in the jungle of Laos for 3 years before reaching the Mekong River: “Kuv ua thab ham mus txog ntua 1975, thaum lub Teb Chaws Nplog tawg. Kuv txiv thiab tag nrho sawv daws ntshai tsam nyab laj muab kuv rau txim lau, muab kuv tua li ub li no. Peb thiaj li txiav txim siab ua cob fab. Peb nyob tau peb xyoos ua cov fab txog ntua xyoo 1978…sib tua nrog Nyab Laj.” “I was a soldier until 1975 when the war ended in Laos. My father and everyone were scared that the communists were going to capture me, torture me, or kill me. Therefore, we decided to flee our village and lived in the jungle for three years until 1978. During the three years, we battled and exchanged fire with the communists.” Xai reported that he collected empty bottled water containers and tied them around his chest. Xai was afraid that his family would drown; therefore, his family stayed behind while he crossed the Mekong River with a friend. Once Xai and his friend made it to Thailand, they hired Thai people who owned boats to go to the border of Laos to transport their families. Phia, on the other hand, explained that he was married and had a 1-month old daughter at that time. Phia and his wife bought trash bags, blew air in them and tightly tied them together to use as floatation devices. Phia carried the pots, money, and his military documents. Phia’s wife had their daughter strapped to her back. Phia and his wife held their trash bags next to their chest for hours in the river until they reached the Thailand border. As Phia contemplated that moment, he was in disbelief of how he and his family survived. He trusted that it was fate.

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Unfortunately, many Hmong families died during their journey to freedom. Kong described how he witnessed families committing suicide together because they could not bear the thought of being separated, captured, or killed by the communists. Kong said that those families who chose to commit suicide usually ingested raw opium and died from overdose. For families who chose life over suicide, they depended on faith and religion to protect them. In some instances, Kong felt helpless because he was unable to help the elderly and children who were left behind due to their inability to keep up with the group (see Figure 16). Kong explained that it was a matter of life and death because there was no time to carry anyone or turn back to look for missing family members. As for Phia’s family, he mentioned that a relative’s infant child was crying frequently, and everyone was afraid of getting caught by the communists. Therefore, the relative gave a small dose of opium to the child in order to sedate her. After a long day of running with the child strapped to her chest, the relative realized that her child was lifeless. The parents wrapped the child in a blanket and left the child’s body next to a tree. The group continued running and the family did not have time to mourn. Moreover, Phia explained that he carried a grenade with him throughout his escape from Laos. Phia stated that his motive for carrying the grenade was not to kill the communists but to use it as a suicide mission for his entire family should they get trapped by the communists. Phia replied that being dead was better than being captured, tortured, and killed by the communists. Life in the refugee camps in Thailand. The refugee camps in Thailand marked another event of torture for the Hmong people. For example, multiple families shared and slept in one shack, clean water did not exist, and food was very limited. Today, Kong is still traumatized from the first day that he and his family arrived in the Ban Vinai Camp in Thailand. The camp was overcrowded;

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Figure 16. New arrival of the Hmong people in Thailand (1979). Source: Lar Yang, Curator and Director of Hmong Story 40 Years. Paul Paquette Photo Collections. Copyrighted by Lar Yang, Curator and Director of Hmong Story 40 Years, Paul Paquette Photo Collections. therefore, Thai officials needed to use the Hmong people’s graveyard to build more housing for incoming refugees. Kong remembered seeing Thai officials digging up graves and dead bodies were scattered everywhere. The image of dead bodies in Hmong clothing consisting of red and green sashes and hand-stitched costumes reminded him of how the Hmong people were treated like trash. Kong voiced how the foul smell of rotten bodies filled the entire camp. The shack that Kong and his family shared with others was built on top of that specific area. Despite the conditions of the refugee camps in Thailand, the Hmong people were free from the sounds of weapons and explosions. All except for one of the participants revealed that their primary choice was to come to the U.S. Nine participants wanted to follow the CIA and General Vang Pao to the U.S. because

67 67 they considered themselves American allies. However, not all of the Hmong were allowed to migrate to the U.S. due to policy restrictions on the number of refugees allowed to enter the country. During this period, the Hmong people were dispersed into different parts of the country and around the world. This situation highlighted another traumatic event for the Hmong people whose primary fear was to be torn apart from their families (see Figure 17).

Figure 17. Hmong families being separated to different parts of the world as refugees (n.d.). Source: Lar Yang, Curator and Director of Hmong Story 40 Years. Erica Hagen Photo Collections. Reprinted with permission.

One of the participants, Meng, stated that he and his relatives were committed to migrating together to Australia. However, their group was too large, and Australia was unable to accept everyone. Only a few families left for Australia and the majority of their relatives migrated to the U.S. His family refused to go to any other countries. On the contrary, Tou had a change of heart after arriving in Thailand. In 1980, Tou and his family were granted an opportunity to come to the U.S.;

68 68 however, Tou rejected this opportunity. Tou could not imagine himself living anywhere else besides Laos. He missed his homeland and living freely in the high mountains. In 1983, he joined a team of Hmong soldiers, and they returned to Laos with a goal to overthrow the Lao government. After they returned to Laos, Tou recognized that Laos was no longer safe, and it was not the same peaceful country that he remembered as a child. Three years later, his team realized that it was impossible for their small group to conquer Laos; therefore, they came back to Thailand. This was when he decided to migrate to the U.S. for the sake of his children and to obtain a better future. The challenges of starting a new life in America. All participants disclosed that they had no or very little expectations and hope when arriving in the U.S. Seven of the 10 participants landed in California while three participants originally arrived in Texas, Washington, and New York before moving to California. These three participants reported that they moved to California to be closer to their relatives and to be a part of a larger Hmong community. However, it did not matter where they first landed. All of them faced numerous challenges such as language barriers, food insecurity, lack of support and resources, culture shock, and transportation issues. For the participants whose sponsors were their relatives, they had fewer challenges compared to those who were sponsored by churches or organizations. Migrating to a new country was extremely difficult for the Hmong people. For many of the new Hmong refugees in America, it was a culture shock and it was difficult for them to understand the duties of their sponsors due to the language barrier. For Blong, the sponsorship organization assigned his family to a female staff member who did not speak Hmong. The language barrier became the greatest struggle for him. He reported that his sponsor drove them to an apartment

69 69 and showed them how to turn on the lights, water, and stove. The sponsor opened the fridge that contained two chickens and a bag of potatoes. The sponsor pointed to a small bag of rice before she left the apartment. During the following two weeks, Blong’s family of six ran out of food. Blong and his wife saved the food for their four children, while they starved for 5 days. The sponsor did not return to the home until the landlord contacted the organization to inform them that Blong’s family ran out of food. Xai also faced language barriers with his sponsor. However, he was fortunate that he brought a dictionary from Thailand that was in the Lao language and contained English translations. He used the dictionary as a communication tool between him and his sponsor. The dictionary was given to him when he was a soldier in the educational program. Xai expressed that the dictionary was a valuable keepsake to him, and he kept it with him throughout his journey.

It Was Worth the Sacrifice Although the participants did not have any fond memories as soldiers, they all agreed that their involvement in the Secret War was worth their sacrifices (see Figure 18). The Hmong soldiers who participated in this project were extremely brave and selfless and had no regrets. They proudly, kindly, and honestly shared their stories. They sadly expressed they felt as though their lives ended in the war; however, they felt it was worth the fight, for all the Hmong people and Hmong children. These Hmong soldiers hoped that the current and future generations of Hmong children appreciate the sacrifices that their elders have made, and in turn, use their elders’ sacrifices to motivate them to achieve the highest educational opportunities in America. All of the participants were proud to share that they have children and/or grandchildren who have earned college degrees in the U.S. Their children and/or grandchildren currently hold leadership and important

70 70 positions in a variety of professions such as healthcare, business, social services, law enforcement, law, education, and technology. They believed that their children respect and honor their sacrifices, and as a result, their children have worked hard to become successful in this country.

Figure 18. Hmong soldiers and their children. (n.d.). Source: Lar Yang, Curator and Director of Hmong Story 40 Years. Chue Pao Moua Photo Collections. Reprinted with permission.

Koua explained that during the war time, he did not feel that it was worth the sacrifice because too many Hmong people died (see Figure 19). Koua mourned the death of many family members including his mother, one older brother, three younger brothers, and countless colleagues. However, nowadays, when he thinks about his children and grandchildren, he feels that it was worth putting his life on the line:

71 71 “Kuv lub neej ces tag lawm [nplog teb] tabsis kuv ntshaw cov menyuam nej hlob nej txawj ua neej, txawj khwv, es neb yeej meem ua li nej ua tau…kom nej txhob txom nyem li kuv.” “My life already ended [in Laos]. However, my wish is to see my children become successful in life and work hard so they would not suffer like me.”

Figure 19. Young Hmong soldiers mourning the death of their teammate (n.d.). Source: Lar Yang, Curator and Director of Hmong Story 40 Years. Galen Beery Photo Collections. Reprinted with permission.

Koua emphasized that Hmong people do not have a country; Hmong people are an indigenous group and unknown to the world. Therefore, Koua is proud that currently, Hmong people have a place to live and opportunities to be educated. Pheng also stressed that it was worth the fight and sacrifices. Although it was unfortunate that many Hmong people died, Pheng felt that it was worth dying for because it paved the way for Hmong people to migrate to America: “Hmoob mas Hmoob thiaj muab roj ntsha pua teb chaws tiag tiag…tas txiv, tas tub ua thab ham es tuag ntau heev. Peb tej roj ntsha es peb muab pua teb pua chaw, peb pua tsis yeej daim av Nplog rau peb nyob los peb cov roj ntsha twb pua tau ib txoj kev ntws coj tau peb cov Hmoob, cov seem tuag, tuaj ua neej tshiab nyob rau Mesliskas teb.” “Hmong people had to shed blood to pave the way for a better life, especially, the Hmong fathers and sons who died as soldiers. Although the

72 72 blood that we shed was not enough to conquer the country of Laos, we have paved the way for Hmong people to start a new life in America.” Pheng highlighted that the Secret War should remind Hmong children that Hmong people have suffered greatly because they looked different and were less fortunate than other races. Therefore, Hmong children must remember to work harder than others, to never give up, and to believe that they can accomplish anything in this country: “Nej nco ntsoov tias nej yog Hmoob. Nej cov roj ntsha yog Hmoob. Nej nco ntsoov tias nej tuaj nyob Meliskas teb, sib sib hlub, sib sib hwm, sib sib zam. Hmoob nyiam ua neeg nyob twj lij…Hmoob nyiam nyob ua pab ua pawg, sib pab. Thaum muaj kev txom nyem, kev tsaus ntuj, Hmoob sib sib hwm. Hmoob muaj Hmoob li kev lis kev cai…zoo zoo kawg,” “You must remember that you are Hmong. You have Hmong blood. Although you are living in America, you must remember to love, respect, and forgive one another. Hmong people desire to live freely…Hmong people like to form communities and help each other. When a Hmong family faces darkness or loses a loved one, Hmong people come together to show respect. Hmong people have a beautiful culture.”

Summary This chapter highlighted the participants’ voices and experiences as soldiers. Moreover, the participants discussed the importance of how the war has influenced their lives. The participants in this study were provided the opportunity to share their unforgettable journeys as soldiers. During the interviews, these Hmong soldiers reiterated that they would never forget the never-ending sounds of weapon and bomb explosions. In addition, they would never forget all of the Hmong boys and men who fought fearlessly until their last breaths and did not get to say goodbye to their families. After all of these years, these Hmong soldiers continue to experience symptoms similar to post-traumatic stress disorder: nightmares, flashbacks, sadness, fear of loud sounds, and fear of separation from family.

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These Hmong soldiers considered themselves the lucky ones. These brave Hmong soldiers should be recognized and honored as true heroes who not only fought for their Hmong people but also for the Americans. Due to their involvement in the Secret War, they never had the opportunity to experience a peaceful childhood and/or adolescent life. They were expected to serve and protect others at such a young age that they did not realize they were the ones who needed protection. Their innocence was stripped away by the American government, whose only mission was to win a war that was not supposed to exist: The Secret War.

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CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION/CONCLUSION/IMPLICATIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH

The findings of this research study highlight the omission of the Hmong people in U.S. historical curriculum at the post-secondary and in K-12 systems. The U.S. educational system and educators must do a better job at developing curriculums and support programs that are inclusive to the populations they serve. There is a gap in literature when it comes to the history and experiences of Hmong people. In fact, there is limited research and scholarly work that highlights Hmong soldiers and their lived experiences. Therefore, the Hmong soldiers’ sacrifices have not been recognized and included in the U.S. educational system or history. Due to the absence of research consisting of real-life storytelling and academic curriculum in the U.S. educational system, the younger generation of Hmong people will never fully understand their true history. Furthermore, Hmong children may lose their identity and roots because they do not appreciate their families’ struggles and comprehend why Hmong people exist in different parts of the world. In addition, future generations of Hmong children could be at a disadvantage in the classroom because there is not literature that includes historical leaders who resemble themselves. Unfortunately, there were only a handful of research studies and books that focused on the lived experiences of Hmong soldiers who were involved in the Secret War. Due to the gap in research, the war-torn history of the Hmong people and voices of the Hmong soldiers were nearly non-existent. This research provides an historical contribution to Hmong/US history. Additional research studies are needed to highlight the voices and lived experiences of the Hmong soldiers along with their wives and children who survived the horrific Secret War. It is vital for existing and future scholars to pursue additional qualitative and quantitative

75 75 studies on the topic related to Hmong people’s experiences during the Secret War. There is hope that by conducting more studies in the future with Hmong soldiers and their families, it will empower educational institutions to include Hmong history into their classroom curriculum. Moreover, additional research studies on this topic would assist educators in developing effective resources to support Hmong students in preserving their identity, language, and culture.

Recommendations for Future Study As of today, there is not a critical race theory or framework that exists or includes the distinctive experiences of the Hmong people. The Hmong people are a part of the Southeast Asian group. However, they are different from other well- known and culturally documented Southeast Asian groups such as the Vietnamese, Cambodian, Laotian, and Thai people. The Hmong people are a unique group that highly values their family clan system, culture, and religion. They emphasize respect, peace, and love for all regardless of their past. They are a strong people as individuals and as a community. Despite the misfortune they have undergone, they do not hold ill feelings toward others. The Hmong people are a resilient cultural unit that adapts well in challenging or new environments. As described in previous chapters, not all of the tenets of AsianCrit highlight the qualities and experiences of the Hmong people. AsianCrit lumps all Asians into one category without distinguishing the unique experiences of each group. The AsianCrit framework provides a unique lens for researchers and society to examine the Asian experiences in the U.S., however, there are limitations to this framework. The framework lacks the ability to differentiate all Asian races and ethnicities from one another. According to the Asian Pacific Institute on Gender-Based Violence (n.d.), there are more than 20 Asian ethnicities in the U.S. Without disaggregating the race and ethnicities of Asian Americans,

76 76 society assumes that all Asians have the same background, history, culture, way of life and educational experiences. Society must refrain from stereotyping all Asians as model minorities and thinking that all Asians are the same; the Hmong people are not. Due to the implication of this study and concerns of generalizing all Asians into one classification, this researcher is proposing a new framework referred to as Hmong Critical Theory (HmongCrit) (Xiong & Luna, personal communication, 2019). The HmongCrit framework will enhance the understanding of Hmong people and the unique experiences they have overcome as a stateless people of war and genocide. It is important to understand the nuances of the Hmong people’s culture, language, rituals, and clan system in order to appreciate their contributions to U.S. history and dialog. It is vital for researchers and society to view Hmong people through the lens of HmongCrit, in that Hmong are a stateless people with unique challenges and experiences that differ from all other Asian groups, specifically other Southeast Asians. Prior to 1954, the Hmong people did not have a written language using the American alphabet. History was maintained and passed from generation to generation through storytelling, physical attributes (wedding ceremonies and funerals), and spiritual practices and rituals. The remote living conditions of the Hmong people in the jungles and mountaintops of Laos preserved the culture from outside influences. It is important to recognize the unique contributions of how the Hmong, even though they were jungle people, maintained their culture and language even after many of them acculturated to living outside of their isolated or closed society in the mountains of Laos. Evidence of this is present in story cloths (paj ntaub), whereby legends were communicated through hand-stitched images embroidered on cloth and sent or passed down to family members, much like the

77 77 pictographs on walls or animal skins that have been accepted as preserved histories of ancient peoples throughout the world. HmongCrit provides a social justice lens when studying and working with the Hmong people because not all Asians are the same; therefore, in the perspective of HmongCrit, it is recognized that each Asian ethnicity has different historical contexts, challenges, and outcomes. The importance of HmongCrit is that there was not written history about the Hmong people; therefore, the history of the Hmong people’s way of life and experiences need to be understood through a Hmong lens (Xiong & Luna, personal communication, April 23, 2019).

Calling Out Hmong Professionals and Scholars The researcher is calling out Hmong professionals such as educators, researchers, scholars, clinicians, physicians, and community members to unify and convey the importance of promoting the study of the Hmong people. The significance of unifying is to develop educational materials that emphasize the uniqueness of Hmong people’s history, culture, language, and religion. The Hmong people have a beautiful culture; therefore, it is essential to ensure that the younger Hmong generations have the opportunity to preserve their Hmong identity, language, and culture in America.

Role/Importance of Shaman/ism Shamanism has been a protective force during challenging or hopeless times throughout Hmong history. Shamanism played a significant role in the lives of Hmong people throughout their war-torn journey. After arriving in the U.S., some Hmong families converted to church-based religions; however, shamanism is still very alive in the Hmong community. As the Hmong soldiers in this study believed, it was their faith and practice of shamanism that protected them from

78 78 death. When they feared death the most, they sought protection from their ancestors. Because shamanism remains a protective force in the Hmong community, more research studies are needed to further explore the topic of shamanism and how it impacts school-aged and college Hmong students. It is relevant to study the impacts of religious beliefs on Hmong students’ educational outcomes because professionals in the educational field need to have a deeper understanding of how religion plays a vital role in the Hmong peoples’ daily lives. Hmong parents’ religious beliefs and practices can positively and negatively impact how their children are performing in school as well as promoting their children to pursue higher education. In addition, educators must comprehend that Hmong students’ may also be struggling to complete projects and homework assignments during the weekends because they are expected to attend religious practices such as blessing ceremonies, weddings, funerals, spiritual gatherings, etc. with their clans. Therefore, Hmong youth tend to be facing a crossroads, torn between upholding their religious beliefs and obtaining good grades in school.

Role of Women During the Secret War The role of women during the Secret War is another topic that can be studied. As some of the participants in this study shared, their wives gave birth without the participants’ being present because they were soldiers. Therefore, the participants’ families assisted their wives with the delivery of their newborns, cooking, and cleaning. In addition, the married women with children were in a similar position as single mothers because they were raising their children on their own. Sadly, the wives did not know when their husbands would return home or if they were dead or alive.

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Furthermore, participants disclosed that women with young children witnessed them dying from unintentional opium overdoses, hunger, illness, drowning, and murder. During the Hmong people’s escape from Laos to Thailand, they were unable to conduct proper cultural burial and rituals for their deceased loved ones. Therefore, collecting stories from women or wives of Hmong soldiers during the Secret War would greatly benefit the academic conversation on the Hmong and add to their rich history.

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Minnesota Historical Society. (n.d.). Hmong timeline. Retrieved from https://www.mnhs.org/hmong/hmong-timeline Munger, R. G. (1987). Sudden death in sleep of Laotian-Hmong refugees in Thailand: A case-control study. American Journal of Public Health, 77(9), 1187-1190. Museus, S. D. (2013). Unpacking the complex and multifaceted nature of parental influences on Southeast Asian American college students’ educational trajectories. The Journal of Higher Education, 84(5). 708-738. http://doi:10.1353/jhe.2013.0031 Supple, A. J., McCoy, S. Z., and Wang, Y. (2010). Parental influences on Hmong university students’ success. Hmong Studies Journal, 11, 1-37. Tapp, N. (1989). Hmong religion. Asian Folklore Studies, 48(1), 59-94. Thao, M. C. (2017). A narrative study on the experiences of Hmong female college students (Doctoral dissertation, Drexel University). Retrieved from https://search-proquest-com.hmlproxy.lib.csufresno.edu/docview/ 1886475633?accountid=10349 Vang, C. T. (2004-2005). Hmong-American K-12 students and the academic skills needed for a college education: A review of the existing literature and suggestions for future research. Hmong Studies Journal, 5, 1-31. Vang, C. Y. (2019). Fly until you die: An oral history of Hmong pilots in the Vietnam War. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Vang, T., & Flores, J. (1999). The Hmong Americans: Identity, conflict, and opportunity. Multicultural Perspectives, 1(4), 9-14. Vang, F. (2015). Barriers that impact Hmong students in post-secondary education (Master’s thesis). Paper 531. Retrieved from http://sophia.stkate.edu/msw_papers/531

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APPENDIX A: PERMISSION TO USE INTERVIEW PROTOCOL

Chia Y Vang

Mon, Sep 30, 2019, 3:18 PM

Dear Pa Nhia,

Please accept my sincere apologies for the delay. I've attached the questions that I developed for my project. Feel free to use whatever would be helpful to your project.

All the best,

Chia

Dr. Chia Youyee Vang, Professor Department of History University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee 324 Holton Hall (414) 229-1101 http://www4.uwm.edu/letsci/history/faculty/vang.cfm

Associate Vice Chancellor Division of Global Inclusion and Engagement Chapman Hall, Room 117 (414) 229-3038 http://uwm.edu/global-inclusion/people/vang-chia-youyee/

Director, Hmong Diaspora Studies Program http://www4.uwm.edu/letsci/hmong/admin.cfm

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APPENDIX B: INTERVIEW PROTOCOL

The Secret War: The Forgotten Hmong Heroes INTERVIEW PROTOCOL

BACKGROUND INFORMATION

Name ______Interview Date ______Interview Location______

Current Age ____ Year arrived in US____ Age at arrival in US ______

Current Occupation (or former occupation in U.S. if retired) ______

Marital Status______# of children ______

What is your faith/religious belief? ______

CHILDHOOD MEMORIES

1. What are your fondest memories as a child in Laos? Please describe a few things that made you happy.

2. What were you doing before you became a soldier?

3. How old were you when you were recruited to become a soldier?

SOLDIER EXPERIENCE

4. Could you please describe how you became involved as a soldier during the Secret War? (When and how did you learn about this opportunity? Who told you about it? How old were you? Why did you want/not want to be a soldier?)

5. What was your understanding about the war at the time? (How did other local people view the war? What did you think about the Americans who you worked with?)

6. Could you please describe in detail your role as a soldier and the training you have received? (What were the qualifications to become a soldier? Who trained you? Where did the training take place and for how long? What did the training consist of?)

7. Could you please talk about your soldier experiences? (What weapons did you carried? How many years did you serve in the war? What did you enjoy most? What did you fear most? Were you able to visit your family? Were you married and had children?)

8. What helped/motivated you to survive during this time when you felt hopeless? (How did your faith/religious belief play a role? How did your culture play a role? How did your family play a role?)

9. Please help me to better understand what happened to you when the war ended. (Where were you? What did you do just before the May 1975 evacuation? Where was your family?)

86 86 10. Did you lose any family member(s) or friend(s) during the Secret War? If yes, who, how many, and how did they pass away?

POST-WAR EXPERIENCES

11. When did you leave Laos and how did you make that decision? (How did you leave the country? What important items did you bring with you? Do you still have them? Why did you choose these items?

12. Which refugee camp did you spend time at and how long were you there? (Besides the US, did you consider going to other countries that accepted Hmong refugees? Why or why not?)

13. In thinking back to the journey you made from Laos to the U.S., what was going on in your mind when you boarded the plane in Thailand? (What were your expectations? What did you fear, if anything?)

14. Have you always lived in California? If not, where did you first settle?

15. Could you please walk me through what happened during the first few days, months, and years of your arrival in the US? What did you do? Where did you go and with whom?

16. Could you please share some highlights from the last few decades of living in the US? (Work, education, community activities/events, educational expectations/aspirations, children/grandchildren’s achievements, etc.).

17. If you could go back in time and you knew what life in America would be like, would you still take the same path? Why or why not?

REFLECTIONS

18. As you reflect about your contributions as a soldier and your life during the last four decades, what are you most proud of?

19. Many people have talked about the “promise” that the U.S. government made to Hmong who supported U.S. war efforts in Laos during the Vietnam War. Do you think that the promise has been fulfilled? Why or why not? If not, what else needs to be done to fulfill it?

20. What is one memory (good/bad) that you will never forget as a soldier?

21. Right now, as you are thinking back, was it worth the fight?

22. What do you want to say to the Americans?

23. Is there anything else I have not asked you that you think would be important for me to know?

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APPENDIX C: RECRUITMENT FLYER

RECRUITING SECRET WAR HMONG

VETERANS FOR RESEARCH STUDY

Are you 55 years old or older? Were you a soldier during the Secret War in Laos between 1961- 1975? Do you live in the Central Valley?

If you or someone you know answered “YES” to these questions, you may participate in this study and share your life journey.

This research study will explore the lived experiences and stories of Hmong veterans during the Secret War in Laos. The purpose of the research is to provide justice to the Hmong boys and men who made huge sacrifices or lost their lives to protect and rescue American soldiers throughout the entire Secret War. It is important for our nation to recognize and honor the Hmong boys and men who fought fiercely alongside the US.

Participants will receive a $20 gift.

If interested, please contact Pa Nhia Xiong at [email protected].

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APPENDIX D: PERMISSION TO USE HMONG STORY 40 PROJECT PHOTOS

Wed, Jul 1, 2020 at 11:03 Lar Yang AM To: Pa N Xiong

Dear Pa Nhia,

I, Lar Yang, give you permission to use the photos agreed upon from our Hmongstory 40 Project Collections for educational purposes. Please feel free to use the photos that I have provided to you for your dissertation.

Lar Yang, Principal

Yang Design

Curator and Project Director

Hmongstory 40 Project

2236 north fine avenue., Ste 101

Fresno, California 93727

ph. 559.454.1212

cell: 559.999.6570

www.yangdesign.net

Fresno State Non-exclusive Distribution License (Keep for your records) (to archive your thesis/dissertation electronically via the Fresno State Digital Repository)

By submitting this license, you (the author or copyright holder) grant to the Fresno State Digital Repository the non-exclusive right to reproduce, translate (as defined in the next paragraph), and/or distribute your submission (including the abstract) worldwide in print and electronic format and in any medium, including but not limited to audio or video.

You agree that Fresno State may, without changing the content, translate the submission to any medium or format for the purpose of preservation.

You also agree that the submission is your original work, and that you have the right to grant the rights contained in this license. You also represent that your submission does not, to the best of your knowledge, infringe upon anyone’s copyright.

If the submission reproduces material for which you do not hold copyright and that would not be considered fair use outside the copyright law, you represent that you have obtained the unrestricted permission of the copyright owner to grant Fresno State the rights required by this license, and that such third-party material is clearly identified and acknowledged within the text or content of the submission.

If the submission is based upon work that has been sponsored or supported by an agency or organization other than Fresno State, you represent that you have fulfilled any right of review or other obligations required by such contract or agreement.

Fresno State will clearly identify your name as the author or owner of the submission and will not make any alteration, other than as allowed by this license, to your submission. By typing your name and date in the fields below, you indicate your agreement to the terms of this use. Publish/embargo options (type X in one of the boxes).

X Make my thesis or dissertation available to the Fresno State Digital Repository immediately upon submission.

Embargo my thesis or dissertation for a period of 2 years from date of graduation. After 2 years, I understand that my work will automatically become part of the university’s public institutional repository unless I choose to renew this embargo here: [email protected]

Embargo my thesis or dissertation for a period of 5 years from date of graduation. After 5 years, I understand that my work will automatically become part of the university’s public institutional repository unless I choose to renew this embargo here: [email protected]

Pa Nhia Xiong

Type full name as it appears on submission

06/23/2020

Date