RAPID GENDER ANALYSIS & GENDER BASED ASSESSMENT For the Women & Youth Resilience Project (WAYREP)

RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

AUTHORS: Nedjma Ouerdane, CARE Austria Gender Adviser, and Janepher Taaka, CARE Uganda Gender and GBV Specialist.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS: We would like to thank staff at CARE Uganda and CARE Austria for their support and feedback in completing this report, as well as Elizabeth Cowan at CARE USA for her peer review of the report draft.

We are particularly grateful to the research assistants who supported Nedjma and Janepher in conducting the field missions in Arua and Gulu towns. In Arua town, the team included Kevin Anviko, David Jurugo, Hope Sitaraya Comfort and Vita Musa and in Gulu town, Adokorach Sandra, Prisca Laker, Akena Denis and Ronald Owiny.

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RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

Table of Contents Table of Contents ...... 2 List of Acronyms ...... 3 Tables of Figures, Text Boxes and Tables ...... 4 Tables ...... 4 Text Boxes ...... 4 Figures ...... 4 Executive Summary ...... 5 Key Findings ...... 6 Recommendations ...... 11 Introduction ...... 13 The Rapid Gender Analysis Objectives ...... 16 Methodology ...... 17 Study Limitations ...... 18 Demographic Profile ...... 19 Key findings on urban refugees ...... 20 Analysis & Findings ...... 22 Decision-making at the household and community level ...... 22 Division of Labour ...... 24 Access to Resources ...... 27 Needs and Coping ...... 29 Protection and GBV ...... 30 Conclusions and Recommendations ...... 37 Annexes ...... 40 Annex 1 – Literature for Desk Review...... 40 Annex 2 - Focus Group Discussion Questions ...... 42 Annex 3 – Key Informant Interview Questions ...... 48 Annex 4 - GBV District Network Committee’s GBV Referral Pathway ...... 51 Annex 5 - RGA on Power, Omugo Settlement, CARE Uganda West Nile, 1 March 2019 (Draft Version 1)...... 53

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List of Acronyms

ADA Austrian Development Agency CDO Community Development Officer CSO Civil Society Organization DRC Democratic Republic of Congo FGD Focus Group Discussion GBV Gender Based Violence GoU Government of Uganda ICGLR International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) IGA Income Generating Activity IJM International Justice Mission INGO International Non-Governmental Organisation IP Implementing partner IPV Intimate Partner Violence JLOS Justice Law and Order Sector KII Key Informant Interview MoGLSD Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development NFI Non-Food Items NGO Non-Governmental Organization OPM Office of the Prime Minister PEP Post-Exposure Prophylaxis RDO Refugee Desk Officer RGA Rapid Gender Analysis SEA Sexual Exploitation and Abuse SRHR Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights SSURA South Sudanese Refugee Association STI Sexually Transmitted Infections UNHCR United Nationals High Commissioner for Refugees USI-GI Uganda Social Institutions and Gender Index VAW Violence Against Women VSLA Village Savings and Loans Association(s) WAY Women and Youth Project WAYREP Women and Youth Resilience Project

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RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

Tables of Figures, Text Boxes and Tables

Tables Table 1 FDG & KII Gender Disaggregated Data ...... 17 Table 2 Gulu & Arua Municipality Populations ...... 19

Text Boxes Text Box 1 Ugnada's Labour Export Companies ...... 25 Text Box 2 A Day in the Life of a South Sudanese Refugee Family ...... 26 Text Box 3 A Note on GBV Satistics in Uganda ...... 36

Figures Figure 1- Municipal (Gulu & Arua) Administrative Unit Hot Spots ...... 19

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Executive Summary CARE Uganda, in partnership with CARE Austria and with funding from the Austrian Development Agency (ADA), is implementing a five-year project called the Women and Youth Resilience Project (WAYREP 2019-2024). The project aims to help prevent and respond to gender-based violence (GBV) as well as improve livelihoods and wellbeing amongst vulnerable communities in North and North West Uganda. The project focuses on poor Ugandan and refugee women and female youth, as well as men and male youth in Arua town, the Omugo settlement in Arua District and Gulu town. CARE’s experience of working in Uganda and empowering vulnerable and poor communities has largely informed preliminary WAYREP design and planning. However, most of this knowledge is in the humanitarian, rural and settlement contexts and much less is known about programming for communities in the urban poor context. As such, the towns of Arua and Gulu present new ground for CARE programming. This Rapid Gender Analysis (RGA) seeks to capture the different types of gender issues affecting WAYREP target groups within this urban poor context and provide recommendations for programming accordingly. It considers five main lines of inquiry for gender analysis which explore the positions of men, women, female and male youth, and how they may differ within this context but also, across the refugee community, on the one hand, and the Ugandan community, on the other. These 5 lines of enquiry for gender analysis are: 1. Decision making, at the household and community level 2. Sexual / gendered division of labour 3. Access and control of resources 4. Needs and coping mechanisms 5. Protection and GBV Findings in this report are drawn from primary data collected in two five-day missions in Arua town and Gulu town, where our research teams spoke with local authorities, target group representatives and other relevant stakeholders such as non-governmental organisations (NGO) in key informant interviews (KIIs) and focus groups discussions (FGDs). Information on Omugo settlement was largely drawn from a rapid gender analysis on power (RGA POW), which was conducted in early 2019 (see Annex 5)1. Additional information and data was drawn from desk review literature where required.

1 The RGA POW focused on leadership and decision-making rather than GBV and so there is less information on GBV-relevant findings in the settlement context.

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Key Findings The majority of RGA findings reflect typical patriarchal aspects of power sharing between men and women, male and female youth in that the greater share of authority and freedom is held by men and male youth. There were no significant dividing lines in this respect between Ugandan communities on the one hand, and refugee communities on the other. However, there are some variations between the two communities which are noted in this report, as well as some new trends at the household level mostly, which are disrupting the patriarchal status quo. Decision making at household and community level Men and male youth across the Ugandan and non-Ugandan target groups are the main decision- makers at household and community level. This is in line with cultural and traditional norms whereby a man is expected to lead on major decisions such as where families live, how many children to have, schooling and healthcare and, in some cases, their wives’ and daughters’ mobility. There are some signs of change however, namely that women and female youth are making more important decisions at home as a result of their economic empowerment. At community level, men and male youth take the lead in decision-making but women and female youth do also have a voice. Cultural institutions2, religious leaders, local councilors and association leaders provide guidance to their constituencies on all matter of things, ranging from the public to the private sphere and would be important allies for change. Most of these leaders are men but there are some women who also occupy these positions. Women also make decisions at community level through membership in savings groups and women’s associations and networks. However, in many cases, men are involved in these structures which can cast some doubt over the extent of independence and autonomy that these women’s groups actually have. Whether at household or community level, one clear and consistent finding is that female youth on the lower end of the age-range spectrum (i.e. 16-18 years old) have little to no decision making power at all. Division of labour Men and male youth are expected to be the main household breadwinners and providers, both in Ugandan and non-Ugandan communities. Unemployment in Uganda is high and the difficulty of finding work affects not only Ugandan men and male youth, but all WAYREP target groups. When they do find work, Ugandan men and male youth typically work in construction, mechanics, carpentry and welding as well as in bars, in markets and riding boda bodas. Many men leave their homes and families to look for work abroad or within Uganda, wherever there is a demand for labour. Ugandan and non-Ugandan women and female youth, including those that have to be taken out of school spend their time caring for children and other vulnerable persons, cooking and cleaning, and collecting water. They also engage in income generating activities (IGAs) usually selling food and non-food products at the market and while hawking but also by working in hotels, restaurants, as domestic workers or doing other small businesses such as clothes washing or tailoring. The distinction between male and female division of labour is blurring according to respondents for this study. Women are taking on roles that were previously dominated by men, and vice versa. For example, more women are taking up construction work as porters, and more men and male youth are taking on household chores. One important implication of the urban context, which further blurs this line is that the requirements of the cash economy cuts across the sexes. Men, women,

2 Cultural institutions refer to individuals, i.e. cultural leaders.

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male and female youth all need cash to survive, and they all need to look for work to generate this cash. When it comes to female and male youth of school going age in the urban poor context, they are often taken out of school because of the school fees, which their families cannot afford to pay. They engage in IGAs when they can, selling at the market / while hawking (typically female youth) or riding boda bodas (typically male youth). However, the issue of school dropouts can have much more negative consequences, particularly with male youth as they can end up idle, with no guidance or supervision, and resort to anti-social behavior and/or criminal activities. Access to and control of resources Refugees have access to monthly distributions of food and non-food items (NFI) at the settlements in which they are registered, even if they have moved on to live in urban areas. So refugees in Arua and Gulu towns continue to travel to and from the settlements, on a monthly basis, to collect them. The registered heads of households are responsible for collecting the distributions and often, the heads of households registered in settlements upon arrival are the women. In addition to the settlement distributions, Uganda’s progressive refugee policy allows refugees access to Ugandan health, water, education and sanitation services, and to move and work freely in the country. In practice, however, refugees can struggle to access these services due to language barriers and discrimination. Savings groups and empowerment programmes for women run by NGOs, the government and micro-finance institutions are other important sources of access to vocational and skills training, financial literacy and capital for women, especially Ugandan women. Men, however, report having fewer opportunities to participate in such programmes. Through these groups, women can draw on support and counsel from their fellow group members. This type of social capital is very much lacking for urban poor men, who report not having peers that they can rely on for support. While women benefit from such programmes, they tend to lose out where inheritance and land ownership is concerned. Many are not aware of their rights in this respect or are prevented from claiming them by their husbands or families. Access to education for Ugandan and refugee male and female youth of school going age is guaranteed in theory but not in practice. Children and youth from Ugandan and refugee families have access to universal and free primary and secondary public education in Uganda. However, public schools tend to be overcrowded and underequipped, and the quality of the teaching can be poor. For these and other reasons, such as the remote location of the public school or the lack of places in a school, parents may prefer or have no other choice but to send their children to private schools, which require payment. Many urban poor male and female youth are taken out of school once the fees become unaffordable. Needs and coping mechanisms The priority need for all groups targeted by WAYREP is income and therefore, employment and livelihood opportunities. Although all target groups struggle to find work, refugees can face more challenges because of their limited contacts and support networks in a country that is not their own, and because of language barriers. Another need, which can be more severe for refugees when they leave the settlements and arrive in urban areas, is accommodation. The government of Uganda (GoU) allows refugees to settle in the urban areas but assumes that they are self-sufficient and self- reliant in doing so. In other words, refugees are on their own once they leave the settlements and are responsible for finding their own accommodation and providing for their own basic needs. One such basic need is access to clean water, which all WAYREP target groups struggle with. There is not enough water to meet demand in both Arua and Gulu towns, and this often leads to tensions

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between Ugandans and non-Ugandans. For all urban poor women and female youth, the need for sanitary products and hygiene is a key priority and was recognized as such by all target groups, including men and male youth. The RGA identified harmful and less harmful coping mechanisms in dealing with these needs. On the one hand, some positive coping mechanisms include joining savings groups or associations, and attending places of worship for support. Ugandan women and female youth tend to resort to these coping mechanisms most out of all target groups. Common coping mechanisms for refugees, men and women alike, include selling food and NFI distributions or renting out the distribution cards they use to collect these or opting for cash rather than food rations as a way of generating some extra cash. Another potential source of cash that men and male youth mostly engage in is sports betting, gambling and taking on illegal IGAs such as logging or scrap metal collection and sale. At the most harmful end of the spectrum, a very common coping mechanism for men and male youth in particular is alcohol and substance abuse and transactional sex mostly for female youth from both Ugandan and non-Ugandan communities. Protection and GBV WAYREP seeks to reduce the tolerance of GBV in target groups and to ensure that GBV survivors have adequate support from service providers. In order to do so, this RGA focused on collecting information on GBV forms, incidence, perpetrators and drivers as well as on the availability and quality of GBV services in Arua and Gulu towns. Forms The main forms of GBV amongst the urban poor in Arua and Gulu towns are defilement3, domestic violence and intimate partner violence (IPV), sexual assault, child marriage, forced marriage and transactional sex. The perpetrators of defilement are mostly men and male youth but respondents in both Gulu and Arua towns reported incidents of sexual assault of young men by older women. Child marriage is most prevalent in the South Sudanese refugee community and, along with domestic violence, was discussed as a very normalised practice, which conforms to South Sudanese culture and way of life. Forced marriage occurs in both Ugandan and non-Ugandan families and is in large part driven by the gains of bride price. Other forms of GBV amongst WAYREP target groups include: the denial of resources such as inheritance and land ownership for women; the denial of education for both male and female youth; physical abuse and verbal abuse for Ugandan and non- Ugandan women and girls, and, sexual exploitation and abuse by health workers and teachers. Drivers Poverty is the overwhelming driver of GBV and child abuse. The need for survival, the lack of basic resources and income, and the right to a dignified life are all triggers to creating an environment or the conditions, which increase the likelihood of GBV. Social norms, culture and religion are drivers for GBV for non-nationals and Ugandans alike. For the South Sudanese for example, respondents across the board including the South Sudanese themselves explained that the Islamic faith and South Sudan’s long history of conflict and violence accounted for the normalization of community and household violence. Many perpetrators of GBV are not aware that what they are doing is wrong or illegal. Where Ugandans are concerned, beliefs such as “Aruba” prevent women from reporting GBV incidents as Aruba purports that a curse will be put on a woman’s children if she reports her husband to the authorities. Alcohol and substance abuse are also triggers for GBV. It concerns mostly Ugandan and non-Ugandan men and male youth who are left idle due to unemployment or precarious / irregular employment and, for the youngest in this category, due to dropping out of

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school.

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Services In the vast majority of cases, GBV survivors do not report their case to the police. Instead, depending on the form of GBV they were subject to, survivors tend to go through personal, informal and community-based channels to share information of their GBV experience. The most common reasons for this are: I. the understanding amongst host and non-host urban poor communities that GBV is a private matter, II. the preference for dealing with perpetrators out of formal structures, by claiming direct compensation from the perpetrator’s family, III. the systemic weaknesses of processing GBV cases through Uganda service providers in the police, health and judiciary. Although a GBV referral pathway does exist in both towns in principle, many people in Gulu and Arua towns do not know about it, let alone how it might work. Where shelter and psychosocial support (PSS) is concerned, respondents could not identify any provider in Arua town but did so in Gulu, namely a shelter run by the international non-governmental organization (INGO) Action Aid that also provides PSS services. The latter’s scope for impact is still limited amongst WAYREP’s target groups however as some of its interventions are outside of Gulu municipality and the shelter does not take in male GBV survivors. Health, justice and legal services and resources for GBV survivors are insufficient in both Arua and Gulu towns. This is, in part, a result of the distorted demographic data4 on which the budget and allocation of services are based on. Refugees and non-national GBV survivors that do not speak English, or the local language have the added burden of struggling to communicate with service providers. GBV case management by health care providers fails in two important respects in both towns. First, health care providers often do not know how to complete the GBV forms that they are required to fill should a survivor report their case. Secondly, it is very common for health care workers to refuse or avoid providing testimonies as witnesses to the survivor’s injuries or condition. GBV case management by the police is also an issue. Our research found that survivors are not likely to report their cases to the police but that, if and when they do, police and other justice sector staff can be very ill-equipped to handle their cases. This is in terms of basic administration i.e. completing the paperwork correctly, financial requirements i.e. ensure there is the money to travel to a site to collect evidence and their professional conduct, for example by blaming a survivor’s choice of clothing for a GBV incident. The governance, management and coordination of GBV cases and services in Arua and Gulu towns is disorganized. While there are mechanisms for managing and coordinating GBV response at the district level, the municipalities are not well integrated within them. As a result, GBV response in Arua and Gulu towns tends to be fragmented and/or inadequate.

4 Demographic data for the municipalities does not include the refugee and non-national population. It is therefore underestimated.

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Recommendations Based on the above findings, this RGA proposes the following recommendations for WAYREP design and programming: 1. Sensitize WAYREP target groups to gender equality and women and girls’ rights at different paces if necessary. WAYREP has planned to work closely with target group communities to sensitise them to gender equality and women and girls’ rights to protection and a life free from violence, through its Behavioural Change Strategy (BCC). There are two important findings to consider in planning work around this: first, the theme of the shift in gender roles in households resulting from women’s empowerment and how it has been affecting men and changing relations at the household level should be a central topic of discussion. Secondly, given that GBV is more normalized and some of its forms are more prevalent in some target groups rather than others, this could call for a differentiated approach and pace to the sensitization process across target groups. 2. Work with cultural institutions. This recommendation relates directly with the previous one. The influence of cultural institutions in Gulu and Arua towns alike on their communities’ behaviours can be very significant. They can be effective allies in spreading a message, especially if this message is to reach the more remote and disenfranchised communities. WAYREP should work closely with these cultural institutions, to ensure the highest potential of local ownership for the programme. The female cultural leaders in Gulu town on particular could be very relevant partners in any activities on women’s empowerment or leadership. 3. Engage highly mobile men and male youth. To avoid backlash against women and female youth for participating in empowerment programming, it is important to ensure that their spouses are consulted. Yet, many of them are absent from their homes, working in other parts of Uganda and abroad. One suggestion for engaging with these mostly absent men could be to see if there are any key dates when most of them are likely to return to their families (e.g. religious celebrations) and plan WAYREP start up activities in this period. Another is to identify and engage with the community leaders to whom these absent men may have deferred household decision-making to. 4. Support the development of GBV coordination mechanism at municipal level and work with existing GBV networks at district level. While both Arua and Gulu districts have established, respectively, a GBV network and a GBV working group, there is no similar mechanism at municipal level, nor is there a structure which could connect or integrate the two. This calls for a two pronged approach to GBV coordination which would i. establish a framework for managing GBV cases at the municipal level whilst also ii. connect it to the existing district-level GBV structures. 5. Conduct a GBV services mapping. A first and crucial step to improving GBV response in Arua and Gulu towns is to know what is currently available and to whom, in terms of GBV services. This RGA found that there was no such record of GBV services and recommends to conduct an in-depth, detailed and updated GBV services mapping in Arua and Gulu towns as a priority activity for WAYREP. 6. Train GBV services providers. Many service providers in the police, in healthcare and in the judiciary are ill equipped to managing GBV cases. Training is required for them both in terms of basic administration and processes in GBV case management and in terms professional behavioural conduct to prevent gender harmful practices. This should include training on the Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development (MoGLSD) framework

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for GBV data management and GBV data guidelines to ensure that, in future, GBV data and statistics are more reliable and recorded in a single, consolidated database. 7. Engage existing women leaders in activities with female youth. Young women, especially those younger than 18, are the most disenfranchised and vulnerable group amongst the WAYREP target groups. Safe spaces, where they can engage in group activities would help increase their confidence and wellbeing, and help them have a greater voice in decision making. Women leaders in the community are valuable partners in this endeavor and should be included in activities with these young women to share their experiences and inspire them as role models. 8. Provide PSS activities to men. Many men report perceiving women’s empowerment as a threat to their masculinity and to not benefitting from social networks in the same way women who are part of associations or savings groups, have. While the former can be a trigger for violence against women (VAW), the latter can make men more isolated and vulnerable in their communities. PSS activities in self-esteem and social connectedness can help increase men’s wellbeing and reduce their resistance to the shifts in gender norms, which are disrupting the patriarchal status quo. 9. Take care in working with different target groups. There can be tensions amongst target groups – namely between the Dinka and Nuer South Sudanese tribes in Arua and Gulu towns, and between hosts and refugees in Omugo settlement. This requires some care in the initial set up of activities, in the selection of participants. In the longer term, WAYREP may consider introducing peacebuilding activities to overcome this issue.

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Introduction Uganda has one of the youngest and fastest growing populations in the world. In the last 30 years, it has more than doubled5 and the majority - 75% - is less than 30 years of age. Much of the country’s working age population has left a rural and subsistence-based future behind in favour of living and working in urban areas. At the same time, Uganda’s refugees are also leaving the settlements and following suit. Uganda is home to one of the largest refugee populations in the world hosting to date 1,313,802 refugees mostly from South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo6. Uganda is known for its generous refugee policy which provides refugees with food, shelter and basic services in 28 designated settlements. However these settlements tend to be to be in the poorest and least developed parts of the country. For this and other reasons7, many refugees are choosing to leave them and head to urban areas, mostly Kampala. There is therefore a high demand for jobs and for a healthy and growing economy but this demand is not currently being met. Ugandans and refugees alike are struggling to find work and public services in health care, education and sanitation and water are insufficient in both quality and quantity. As a result, many Ugandans and refugees are living in urban poverty which, combined with the trauma of conflict and displacement, creates fertile ground for gender-based violence (GBV), physical violence, sexual abuse and exploitation (SEA), child abuse and neglect, and other criminal activities such as theft, kidnappings for ransom and highly dangerous and exploitative work through human trafficking. Women and girls are particularly vulnerable. GBV is a global pandemic, which transcends socio-economic status and geographic location but Uganda reports a relatively high rate with 50% of Ugandan women having experienced intimate partner physical or sexual violence8 and 40% of women being first married before the age of 189. Whilst for refugee women and girls, the context of conflict and displacement, which often involves a lack of basic needs, a breakdown of support and community networks and low capacity of protection agencies, GBV risks and forms tend to multiply. Gender equality is enshrined in the Ugandan Constitution and where gender inequalities exist, legislation has been developed to address them. In the last decade, legal reforms in access to justice and protection of women’s and girls’ rights have been introduced such as the 2010 law on Domestic Violence and the 2011 Domestic Violence regulations; the anti-Female Genital Mutilation Act of 2010; the anti-trafficking in Persons Act of 2009; and the Equal Opportunities Commission Act in 2007. However, even though these and other Uganda progressive gender equality laws and regulations exist on paper, they are not necessarily implemented effectively in practice. CARE in Uganda CARE Uganda’s work targets the most vulnerable communities in Uganda with a special focus on poor women and girls who tend to be the most at risk of rights’ abuse and exploitation. CARE Uganda has reached 705,000 direct beneficiaries to date and is implementing three programmes across 62 districts, which address the key drivers of poverty and social injustice in Uganda namely

5 World Bank Data (11 million in 1991 to 24 million in 2018) - https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.URB.TOTL.IN.ZS?end=2018&locations=UG&start=1960&view=chart 6 63.8% South Sudanese and 27.8% Congolese, UNHRC Uganda Comprehensive Refugee Response Portal, https://data2.unhcr.org/en/country/uga 7 For example, some refugees may feel ill-suited to the settlement and rural context, if they have come from urban areas themselves in their own country. Others leave the settlements due to security concerns, fearing persecution from enemies within the settlement that have fled the same conflict as them. 8 Uganda Bureau of Statistics - UBOS and ICF. 2018. Uganda Demographic and Health Survey 2016. Kampala, Uganda and Rockville, Maryland, USA: UBOS and ICF. 9 UNICEF global databases, 2018, based on Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS), Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys (MICS) and other nationally representative surveys. 13 Rapid Gender Analysis & Gender Based Assessment | Arua District & Gulu Town

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gender inequality, corruption and poor governance, and climate change. The poorest women and girls often find themselves at the nexus of these three drivers in a vicious circle of poverty. CARE Uganda tackles these drivers of poverty and social injustice mainly through empowering women and girls and equipping them with the skills and confidence needed for their development. This involves facilitating inclusive and participatory governance, developing policy and evidence- based advocacy on women’s rights and issues, and building communities’ capacity to adapt and be more resilient to the consequences of climate change. In addition to tackling the underlying drivers of poverty, each programme focuses on a particular theme: the Northern Uganda Women Empowerment Programme (NUWEP) has a conflict component that addresses conflicts at community and family level, including GBV. The Women Empowerment in Natural Resources Governance programme (WENG) is focused on ensuring women’s and girls’ voices are included in the governance of the natural resources that they depend upon for their survival. The Women and Youth Financial Inclusion Programme (WAYFIP) builds on CARE’s well known Village Savings and Loans Associations (VSLA) as a platform to facilitate access to financial services, including linking groups and individuals to formal banks through innovative and affordable products. The Women and Youth Resilience Project (WAYREP) The new WAYREP intervention focuses on empowering Ugandan and refugee women and female and male youth in the urban context in Arua and Gulu towns, and in the settlement context in Omugo. The project seeks to support these target groups in accessing livelihood opportunities and reducing the incidence and tolerance for GBV in their homes and communities. It also seeks to improve psychosocial support for survivors of GBV and sexual abuse and exploitation (SEA), as well as other vulnerable beneficiaries, and strengthen the policy environment with regard to reducing GBV and supporting women and girls’ economic empowerment.

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The Rapid Gender Analysis Objectives This RGA gathers information and evidence on gender roles, responsibilities, norms and issues in the day-to-day lives of the urban poor in Arua and Gulu towns. It explores five main areas of inquiry10 of gender analysis and presents consistent patterns across gender, age and status (refugee or Ugandan) where they are apparent.  The first is on decision making at household and community level. How decision-making is allocated to different people in a family or community in terms of the type and number of decisions they can make indicates how power is distributed amongst them. The more well- informed decisions a person can make, the greater their agency, which as per CARE’s gender equality framework (GEF)11 is a key element to gender transformative change.  The second is on gendered division of labour across the different WAYREP target groups. How men, women, male and female youth spend their time is a key indicator of the extent of personal freedom, comfort and opportunity they might enjoy. It is also very closely tied to social norms, which are equally important to take into consideration in gender transformative programming12.  The third is on access to resources and looks at the type of resources different WAYREP groups have access to and the extent to which this meets their needs. Access to resources includes access to tangible products and services such as healthcare, land and inheritance, as well as less tangible ones such as education and training or participation in development programmes.  The fourth is on the needs and coping mechanisms of the WAYREP target groups. The day-to- day existence of the urban poor is in a trying context of poverty and insufficiency. The RGA attempts to distill priority needs for men, women, female and male youth, and the different ways in which they are dealing with them.  Finally, the fifth area of inquiry is on protection and GBV, looking at the main drivers and forms of GBV, as well as the quality and availability of GBV services to GBV survivors. The RGA collected primary data relative to these five lines of inquiry in Arua and Gulu towns but has drawn on an existing recent gender study of Omugo settlement to provide any information that is relevant to Omugo in particular, and on a desk review of literature (see Annex 1) to fill other information or contextual gaps.

10 These areas of inquiry are taken from CARE’s Good Practices Framework for Gender Analysis 11 Previously known as the Women’s Equality Framework: https://www.care.org/our-work/womens-empowerment/gender-integration/womens- empowerment-framework 12 For more information on the Gender Equality Framework (GEF), please see the CARE International Gender Equality and Women’s Voice Guidance Note.

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Methodology CARE Austria’s gender adviser, Nedjma Ouerdane, led the RGA and worked closely with CARE Uganda’s GBV and Gender Specialist, Janepher Taaka, in developing this report. In the first phase of research, the team conducted a desk review of literature (see Annex 1 for a list of desk review documents). This was followed by two field missions carried out simultaneously in Arua town and Gulu town from 22nd to 26th July 2019. The teams included speakers of local languages spoken in Arua and Gulu, such as Lugbara, Aringa, Yumbe, Acholi, Arabic, Lingala and English and each team included male and female team members to ensure that FGD facilitators could be of the same sex than their focus group participants. The teams collected primary data in key informant interviews (KII) and focus group discussions (FGD). The KII and FGD questionnaires can be found in Annexes 2 and 3, respectively. Both questionnaires were developed as semi-structured guides to the KIIs and FGDs, allowing RGA team members to adapt them as appropriate depending on how open and comfortable their interlocutors were in discussing the questions. Focus groups aimed to include 8 to 12 participants, but the final count was sometimes more, sometimes less. Teams of two led each FGDs consisting of one facilitator and one note taker. All team members were trained in using the FGD and KII tools ensuring that they understood and applied key principles and concepts in primary data collection on GBV related issues. In particular, the latter concerned discussing the sensitive issue of GBV, including how to define it and the right to FGD participant anonymity and the principle of consent. In total, this RGA collected evidence from 195 persons – 99 men and male youth and 96 women and female youth. The teams interviewed 25 key informants and conducted 20 FGDs. More detail on FGD and KII numbers and participants are displayed in table 1 below. Table 1 FDG & KII Gender Disaggregated Data

Arua Gulu Arua & Gulu FGD Group Age # participants # participants # of FDGs Women—Refugee 1 31-50 7 7 2 Women—Refugee 2 31-50 12 8 2 Women—Host 31-50 13 9 2 Men—Refugee 1 31-50 10 8 2 Men—Refugee 2 31-50 12 1 Men—Host 31-50 8 9 2 Female Youth—Refugee 16-30 5 7 2 Female Youth—Host 16-30 10 8 2 Male Youth—Refugee 16-30 13 1 Male Youth—Host 16-30 8 1 Women Local Leaders—Host N/A 6 .5 Male Local Leaders—Host N/A 5 2 1.5 Acholi Cultural Leader Group—Male N/A 2 .5 Acholi Cultural Leader Group—Female 1 .5 Total FGDs 103 67 20 Total FDG Participants 170 # of Female Participants 93 # of Male Participants 77 KIIs Arua Gulu Total Male 12 7 19 Female 3 3 6 Total KIIs 25

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Study Limitations Identifying & locating refugees WAYREP target groups include refugees in Omugo settlement and in Arua and Gulu towns. An immediate and important finding, which emerged from the field missions was that identifying and locating refugees in the urban context can be a challenge. There is no formal mechanism for registering and managing refugees outside of the settlements and Kampala, which means that there is no official demographic data on refugees in Arua and Gulu towns. In addition, there are different types of migrants in Arua and Gulu towns, who may share the same ethnic and socio-economic profile to refugees targeted by WAYREP – i.e. poor and not Ugandan. These migrants are often assumed to be refugees, and this has implications on WAYREP target group beneficiary selection. In terms of the RGA research, the main implication was that our teams were not able to meet with the full range of refugee target groups. Another is that this RGA may include some data from non- refugee migrants living in poor urban areas of Arua and Gulu towns, which may not be registered refugees. For the purposes of clarity, this report will refer to non-nationals as either refugees, when it is clear that they are refugees or, in case of any doubt, as non-nationals or non-Ugandans. It will refer to Ugandans as Ugandans, nationals or hosts. Due to the limited duration of the missions and conflicting schedules, the teams were also unable to meet a few key informants. The specific limitations per location were: In Arua town:  Our research team was not able to meet with urban poor refugee men. Many of them leave town in search of work to other parts of Uganda or abroad. The team still met with urban refugee men to gather some of their insights, but they were of a higher income background and therefore do not represent the ‘urban poor’ constituency.  The FGD for urban poor refugee girls was small, involving just 5 girls. In addition, the location for the FGD was in close proximity to the girls’ families, and was therefore not fully private or safe for open discussion  The team was only able to meet with South Sudanese refugees, which neglects experiences from other refugee nationalities, namely the Congolese.  No KIIs were held with the justice sector stakeholders (police and judiciary) as they were not available for consultations during the week of data collection. Instead, the team gathered secondary data relating to this stakeholder group. In Gulu town:  Our research team was unable to meet with urban poor Ugandan male youth as they were busy working, and were not given enough notice to make time to participate to an FGD.  While the team included Acholi speaking research assistants, it did not include Lingala or Arabic speakers, which prevented clear communication with some Congolese and South Sudanese respondents. Many of the above limitations are due to the limited time the teams had to organise and conduct the data collection in both towns. The main implication is that there are still some gaps in information and data. As a result, this RGA should be read with some caution as some of its findings require verification.

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Demographic Profile The demographic information for Arua and Gulu municipalities provided in table 2 below are taken from the 2014 census and include updated data for Arua, provided to our team by the Arua Municipal Planner during the field visit. The data excludes refugee numbers. The teams asked for estimates of the refugee population in both towns, but these are difficult to trust. This is because, firstly, they varied widely from source to source. Secondly, because of the risk of overestimation due to conflation between refugees and other types of migrants discussed earlier in this report. And thirdly because several informants who were well placed to have authoritative insight into town demographics, appeared to only really acknowledge the presence of the ‘better off’ category of refugees which means that their estimates would have excluded the poorer, marginalized refugee communities which are the very focus of the WAYREP project. Table 2 Gulu & Arua Municipality Populations

ARUA 2014 ARUA 2019 GULU 2014 Population Size Total population 61,962 97,201 150,306 Total male population 29,716 46,616 73,205 Total female population 32,246 50,585 77,101 Sex ratio (males per 100 females) 92,2 94,9 Population by Age groups Population aged 0-17 years 32,026 50,240 69,433 Population aged 18-30 years 16,168 25,363 42,625 Population aged 31-59 years 9,204 14,438 25,660 Population aged 60 years and over 1,353 2,122 3,684 The teams also inquired about where the urban poor, refugee and Ugandan, typically lived in both towns, as part of their efforts to locate the FGD participants for this RGA. In Arua town, the urban poor and vulnerable areas were identified as the River Oli Division (including Pangisa and Tanganyika) as well as Pajulu, Oluko and Dadama. In Gulu town, the areas that were identified as vulnerable were Kanyagonga, Kasubi (including Kebedopong), Agwee Figure 1- Municipal (Gulu & Arua) Administrative Unit Hot Spots (Konypaco & Limo), Vanguard, Pece Prison (Forest Ward), and Tegwana (Cereleno) Wards.

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Key findings on urban refugees Refugees are highly mobile. Despite the move to urban towns, refugees registered in settlements continue to travel to and from the settlements to collect their distributions. Since women tend to be registered as heads of households in the settlements, it is mostly women that commute monthly to the settlements to collect distributions. Refugees are also mobile within town as they tend to move from dwelling to dwelling due to increases in rent or disputes with landlords who, for example, oppose extended family reunification. A respondent in Gulu reported that landlords set limits on the number of people that can rent their accommodation because relatives of families from South Sudan tend to join them in fleeing the conflict. Refugee men can also travel frequently within and outside Uganda in search of employment. Male and female refugee youth can be less mobile if they secure a place in a school and they tend to continue attending school even if their families move further away given the short supply of school places. Refugees are more vulnerable in urban areas. The government of Uganda expects refugees that cannot support themselves to live in the settlements. If they leave the settlements, they are assumed to be self-reliant and can no longer benefit from some of the support structures that were available to them in the settlements such as accommodation or land. Once in town, refugees do still have access to public services in education, health and water and sanitation but they can no longer rely on any facilitation to accessing them and may encounter difficulties as a result e.g. language barrier when communicating with health service providers. The relationship between refugee and host populations is overall, positive. In both towns, respondents from the host community claimed that the tension and conflict amongst and in between men and women is more likely to be found amongst the non-nationals themselves, particularly between the South Sudanese Dinka and Nuer tribes, rather than between non-national and host communities. They gave the example of gathering Dinka and Nuer women together for an FGD claiming that they would not talk and stay silent because of the mistrust and animosity between them. In Omugo settlement, the situation is slightly different. Firstly, regarding Dinka-Nuer tension, this is not so much an issue as the Dinka are not present in Omugo13. Secondly, host and refugee relations can be more problematic. Host communities are not well integrated into the settlement and live on its outskirts. Tensions can arise when refugees, for instance, collect firewood or make use of public services, where the host community lives14. In Arua town, several Ugandan respondents said that the South Sudanese would routinely and openly display acts of violence towards each other either between tribes or within their own families because violence was “normal to them” as a result of their long-term exposure to violence and conflict back home. Where there is some tension between hosts and refugees is in the management and provision of public services and resources. Several host respondents consider refugees to be a squeeze on public services and resources and blame them for pushing prices up. A growing population anywhere will raise demand for public services and resources and local authorities are typically required to adjust their budgetary planning according to respond to these kinds of demographic shifts. In Uganda however, the budget is built and allocated on the basis of demographic data which, in all urban centres bar Kampala, excludes refugees and non-nationals and therefore underestimates the level of demand for services. The host / Ugandan population perceives refugees as being ‘well-off’. Several informants in Arua town, for example, generalized refugees in town as “well off South Sudanese refugees” claiming that they were “buying houses and running businesses in town”15. This could suggest that

13 RGA POW p 10 14 Ibid 15 In Arua, a respondent claimed that SS were buying freehold titles, even though this was illegal because they had the money and those selling were not aware that this was not allowed.

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the urban poor refugees are very marginalized and secluded.

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Analysis & Findings

Decision-making at the household and community level The first area of inquiry looks at decision-making in urban poor households and communities and how this type of power and authority is allocated to men, women, male youth and female youth, in Ugandan and non-Ugandan families and communities, and where and why there might be variations. Household RGA findings indicate that men and male youth, in both Ugandan and non-Ugandan families, are the main decision makers. They tend to make the most important decisions concerning the family’s day-to-day life. They decide on issues such as: where to live, how many children to have, when daughters should marry, how to spend the household income, which school the children attend and which healthcare to procure. In some cases, men also decide on the mobility of their spouses and/or daughters. This male dominance over key aspects of family life is in line with cultural and religious norms for both national and non-national communities. Male non-national male respondents told us that “traditionally and culturally, a woman is to submit to the man” and when asked whether they were willing to share decision-making with their spouses, some said that this depended on whether women had earned their trust, and demonstrated responsible behaviour. Our research also revealed that there are many female-headed refugee households in refugee communities in particular because the men leave their families in search of work in other parts of Uganda or abroad. In such cases, the women have started to make decisions that were previously the preserve of their husbands. For example, decisions on their children’s education or healthcare. However, this is not always the case. In one notable example of a female-headed refugee household in Arua town, the husband was still making decisions for the family over the phone from where he was working in South Sudan. Women and the older end of the female youth group (18+) make decisions on what to eat and cook, raising the children, caring for vulnerable family and community members, when and where to collect water and on housekeeping. However, some changes are emerging whereby women are becoming more assertive and taking decisions that men would traditionally take, even when these men are still at home. These changes come as a result of women’s empowerment according to several, mostly male, respondents. In the case of refugees, the disproportionately high registration of women as heads of household in the settlements upon refugees’ arrival has reportedly given women a sense of authority, which has made them more assertive at home. Heads of households are the assigned family representatives, responsible for collecting the monthly distributions in the settlements. Because women have tended to arrive to the settlements before their husbands could join them, more women than men are registered as heads of households in the settlements. One key informant also claims that regardless of who arrives first, there is a preference for women to be registered as heads of households because they are considered more trustworthy and more likely to keep the distributions for their intended use within the family rather than to sell or use them for their own benefit. But equally, in the host community, male respondents also claimed that their wives had more decision-making power as a result of their empowerment through government, financial institution

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and INGO programmes targeting women. This has contributed to increasing women’s income and access to resources and has given women more authority to make more important decisions at the household level. As one host respondent in Gulu put it, “decision-making at family level is increasingly based on who earns more”. One focus group of local leaders said that at the same time as women were gaining ground through these empowerment programmes, men were relinquishing more and more decision-making to their spouses. They explained that the context of unemployment and poverty is making men more passive and self-destructive as “they spend most of their time drinking, redundant and leave most of the decisions to the women, like where to take the children in case of sickness and their education”. A stronger voice for women at household level is a positive development but can come with increased tensions and violence at home if their partners feel it as a threat to their masculinity. In the Omugo settlement RGA, for instance, interviewed men worried that their wives’s greater voice might make them ‘big women’, who would see them as ‘useless’ and lesser men” and that this could lead to VAWG16. This issue is discussed in more detail in the protection and GBV sub-section. One consistent finding across the research in both Gulu and Arua is that the group with the least, if any, decision-making power are Ugandan and non-Ugandan female youth, on the younger end of the spectrum (-18). As one South Sudanese female youth FGD participant in Gulu said, “in our culture, girls do not make decisions”. This is despite the fact that many of them can be out of school, fending for themselves, or even the main breadwinners for their families. Young women and girls are active as caregivers, as workers, as school goers but have almost no authority to make any decisions at all in any areas of their life. Aside from attending their places of worship, in churches or mosques, they do not appear to engage in any kind of recreational activities to help them bond or simply take time for themselves. This could be explained by their lack of free time or restricted mobility. Nevertheless, young women require more safe spaces to engage with each other, strengthen their self-esteem and use their voice.

A safe space is a formal or informal place where individuals can feel physically and emotionally safe. The term ‘safe’ refers to the absence of trauma, excessive stress, violence (or threat or fear of violence) or abuse. It is a space where women and girls, being the intended beneficiaries, feel comfortable and enjoy the freedom to express themselves without the fear of judgment or harm.

Source: UNFPA Women and Girls Safe Space Guide

Community At community level, cultural and religious leaders, local councilors, and other local leaders such as village chairpersons are the key decision-makers for the Ugandan and non-Ugandan communities and the majority are men although there are more and more women taking on these roles. In Omugo settlement, women can hold strong formal and informal leadership positions17 and be active members of women’s and other groups. But as like in the towns, men have more influence and power in decision-making at community level. Community leaders can exert considerable influence over the constituencies they represent and could be important platforms for engagement with WAYREP target groups. Our teams had to consult with and rely on them to identify and mobilize this RGA’s FGD participants and preliminary observations suggest that their constituencies trust them and typically heed to their advice and

16 RGA POW Omugo, p. 7 17 A key formal decision making body is the Refugee Welfare Council which, for instance, has a quota for 30% female membership.

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guidance. Acholi and Lugbara cultural institutions in Gulu and Arua towns, respectively, are active opinion and thought leaders, who advise their followers on public as well as private affairs. In addition to cultural institutions, places of worship and religious leaders are also important for a and influences to WAYREP target groups. Associations representing different groups of people such as market vendors, refugees, boda boda riders, students, sex workers and slum dwellers are also active decision-making platforms relating to their specific fields of interest or activity. There are some that are dedicated to women, such as Village Savings and Loans Associations (VSLA) and women-specific associations such as Women for Hope for South Sudanese refugee women in Arua District and the women’s market vendors’ association in Gulu town. In Omugo settlement, women can gather in faith based, solidarity and livelihood groups, and are reported to attend the UNHCR and OPM’s monthly community feedback meetings to discuss key ‘women’s issues.’18 Although these entities have created spaces for women’s decision-making, some do involve men’s engagement or oversight in some way or other. For example, VSLA groups deliberately engage men to mitigate any backlash against empowered women. Another example is the Women for Hope association which sits within the male-led South Sudanese Refugee Association (SSURA) structure even though it is dedicated to women. It is not clear the range of women these associations can reach, and whether they are inclusive of poor, more marginalized and more disenfranchised women. The Women for Hope group, for instance, was wholly composed of South Sudanese refugee women who were of a higher socio-economic status than WAYREP target groups. Women’s strengthened voice at community level can also come with some risks. One important finding from the RGA POW in Omugo settlement is that “women interested in taking on more leadership or even volunteer positions fear that this will attract men who will come to their house at night, ostensibly for help, putting both themselves and their reputations at risk”19.

Division of Labour The second area of inquiry looks at how all WAYREP target groups spend and are expected to spend their time and how they actually spend it, and what variations there are across different groups and sexes. There are two interrelated factors, which affect all target groups when it comes to labour in the urban context. The first is that the urban context’s cash economy requires almost all urban inhabitants to work in order to generate this cash – whether they are male, female, Ugandan or non- Ugandan. The second is that this is made particularly difficult by the fact that unemployment is a very big problem in Uganda, particularly in the formal sector. When people do find work, it tends to be in the informal sector and refugees and non-nationals can be at a disadvantage in competing with their Ugandan counterparts. For men and male youth, this informal work tends to be in construction, mechanics, carpentry and welding. The unskilled amongst them report working as bar attendants or selling at the markets and driving boda bodas. They often share or rent out motorcycles between several of them. Ugandan male youth and men from West Nile are known for leaving the towns to look for work in other parts of Uganda, for example in sugar factories in Kakira in Jinja, and Kinyala in Masindi or, also very typically, in security jobs across the country. Many refugee and non-Ugandan men travel back home to work there and send the money to their families or travel back and forth to sell products bought cheaply at home such as powdered milk and mats from South Sudan. Men and

18 RGA POW Omugo, March 2019, p.5 19 Ibid, p. 6

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male youth in both Ugandan and non-Ugandan communities are also engaging in illegal IGAs such as logging and selling stolen scrap metal. Uganda’s labour export companies also recruit men and male youth, from both national and non-national communities, to work in a range of roles in the services industry in the Middle East as well as within Uganda. Recruits are asked to pay a fee to use these services, which prevents many of the very poor men and male youth from considering this option of employment.

Uganda’s labour export companies Labour export companies provide men and women in Uganda with opportunities to work abroad or in other parts of Uganda. They offer a range of jobs, working for families, in hotels or companies, as domestic workers, security guards, nurses, drivers and waitresses, to name a few examples. There are about 100 registered and legal labour export companies in Uganda but they can be poorly regulated, and many ethical questions have been raised in their regard.

Many recruits who have paid the companies up front against promises of employment abroad have been left stranded without a job and without being reimbursed. These companies are also known to mislead their recruits, promising them decent work and pay but allocating them highly exploitative, harmful and underpaid work instead.

Others are sent off on work placements through illegal channels and to unregulated partner countries. Uganda currently has bilateral agreements for labour export with two countries in the Middle East: Saudi Arabia and Jordan. Companies wishing to send recruits elsewhere smuggle them to a neighbouring country, e.g. Kenya, from which they can travel to a third country. But even under legal and regulated circumstances, there have been many reports of recruits being enslaved in their new roles, often being left traumatized by their experience with no exit route or legal recourse.

Text Box 1 Ugnada's Labour Export Companies

Both Ugandan and non-Ugandan women and female youth spend time on unpaid childcare, household chores, cooking, and collecting water as well as on paid work such as selling food (maize, cassava and groundnuts) and other products (mats, charcoal and firewood) in the markets or while hawking. Some women look after their own children as well as their grandchildren which increases their unpaid care workload. Among the refugee and non-national community, many unaccompanied children have had to be taken in by other families, which has added to many refugee and non-national women’s unpaid childcare work. In addition to selling food and other products at the market and while hawking, mostly Ugandan women and older female youth also work in hotels, saloons, as cooks in restaurants, as domestic workers, in stone quarries, washing other people’s clothes and in tailoring. Like their male counterparts, women and female youth refugees and non-nationals also sell merchandise from home in towns and are also recruited by labour export companies. The fees they are required to pay the companies are reportedly lower than the men’s fees and so they tend to outnumber men in opting for this route of employment. In Gulu town, the municipality recruits host women only, to sweep and clean streets as an affirmative action for women’s empowerment20. Some female refugees and non-nationals do not work and stay at home doing household chores and rely on remittances from their husbands and families back home. Some also rely on the work of their children working to make ends meet.

20 KII Senior Economic Planner, Gulu Municipal Council

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A female-headed South Sudanese refugee family in River Oli Division in Arua municipality:

The family includes one man, who is working in South Sudan and therefore not present, his two wives, both living in Oli division, and 10 children between them - 5 boys and 5 girls. The 5 girls are the breadwinners of the family. They bake and sell bread every day, at the market while their mothers and brothers stay at home. They also contribute to household chores such as cleaning and cooking, water collection and childcare. When asked what would make their lives better, one of the girls responded, “going back to school and having enough money to buy (sanitary) pads.” The girls and their brothers were taken out of school in 2018 because their parents could no longer afford to pay their school fees. Their father remains the key decision maker in the family, communicating his wishes via telephone.

Text Box 2 A Day in the Life of a South Sudanese Refugee Family

There are some signs that the lines of distinction between what men and women can do and are doing to earn money, are blurring. Some male respondents said that they would like to take on more roles typically carried out by women, such as cooking, but do not because they fear the judgment and ridicule from the community. Some have actively taken on roles that were previously left to their spouses, for example, by carrying their own bathwater. Host women have also taken on some typically male roles by working in construction as porters, for example. The demands of the cash economy in the urban context, and women’s access to empowerment programmes, as well as refugee women’s empowerment by becoming heads of households are all factors which could contribute to explaining this change. Where male and female youth of school-going age are concerned, the way they spend their time depends on whether they are still at school or not. All children and youth, Ugandan and refugee, have the right to an education in Uganda. Universal primary and secondary education are free and available to all according to the law. However, the free public school capacity cannot meet demand – the schools are too few, overcrowded, underequipped and the quality of education can be very poor. As a result, parents may either prefer or have no other choice but to send their children to fee- paying schools. For those that can afford to pay the school fees, most of their time is spent at school. For the girls and young women amongst them, they typically also spend time on additional housekeeping and childcare duties and chores outside of school hours. For the many urban poor parents that cannot afford the school fees, the only option is to take their children out of school. There was no clear-cut pattern in the evidence collected for this RGA on whether refugee and Ugandan parents preferred to take girls or boys out of school, given the choice. However, the issue of bride price can affect refugee and Ugandan girls differently in their schooling. In the South Sudanese community, an educated woman generates a higher bride price, so there is a strong incentive for parents to educate their daughters. In Ugandan families, however, it can be the opposite situation whereby girls are taken out of school earlier to accelerate the girl family’s access to her bride price21. The implications of school dropouts can be devastating and are important for WAYREP in particular. If poor youths are left idle, with no parental guidance, they can resort to negative coping mechanisms often involving drug or substance abuse, delinquent and aggressive behaviour, and engagement in criminal activities. This is typically more prevalent amongst male youth. RGA respondents mentioned the term “Agoo”, to denote this type of anti-social behavior and which is

21 Arua LAP, p23.

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often used to refer to urban poor male youths. This puts young and poor female and male dropouts in a particularly vulnerable position, which can expose them to gender based violence, physical violence more generally, and child exploitation and abuse. Some, mostly host female youth, resort to engaging in transactional sex. Others, again mostly host female youth, sign up to the labour export companies, which recruit them in poor areas. Human trafficking has been linked to these labour export companies but its scale and form is still very unclear. It is important to note that this subject is still very misunderstood amongst the Ugandan population. Many people in Uganda do not use or understand or use the terms “human trafficking” and “labour export companies”. Most of this RGA’s target group respondents22 were not aware or did not mention labour export companies as sources of employment. This could be either because they genuinely do not know of them or because they see it as just another job and do not distinguish it as a different source of employment. Some of them confused human trafficking with kidnappings or other forms of illegal activity. The term “human trafficking” itself has no current translation in Uganda local languages. In this context, the relationship between human trafficking and labour export companies is difficult to establish from primary data collected for this RGA but official reports do state that these companies have trafficked persons for forced labour23.

Access to Resources This section explores what types of resources are available to different WAYREP target groups and whether and why there are any distinct differences between them, particularly between men and women. Resources are an important source of survival but also of power and therefore of tension and conflict. They can include tangible products and services such as cash and medicine or ‘soft’ intangible resources, such as vocational training and education. All refugees in Uganda have access to food and NFI in monthly distributions in the settlements where they registered. Those in Arua and Gulu towns can still claim their distributions and many travel back to the settlements on a regular basis in order to do so. The other important source of resources for refugees are remittances from their family members back home. In the towns themselves, refugees have access to health, education, water and sanitation services as enshrined by the Refugee Act of 2006 and the 2010 Refugee Regulations. In practice, refugees can struggle to access these resources. This can be down to language barriers when communicating with service providers or because of discrimination, whereby they are charged higher prices than the nationals for the same products. Access to clean water is a problem for all target groups, and this is where host-refugee tensions are most likely to manifest themselves, in the queues while waiting and competing to get their share on this crucial but limited resource. As mentioned above, access to education for girls can vary depending on bride price traditions. South Sudanese female youth may be favoured in receiving an education because of the higher pride price an educated bride would generate. However, the same cannot be said for their economic empowerment as “men will get scared of marrying her (a financially empowerment women) since she already has money”24. Host women and female youth have access to micro-finance investment and other government and INGO empowerment programmes, such as VSLAs. Financial institutions such as BRAC, FINCA, PRIDE and Talatata are some of the key providers. In Gulu, host women are the main beneficiaries of the Functional Adult Literacy (FAL) programme and are given priority for work in municipal

22 The exception is in Oli division, Arua town, where local leaders were very well informed on what these companies did and confirmed that they had seen them in the slum to recruit workers. 23 https://ug.usembassy.gov/wp-content/uploads/sites/42/Uganda-2018-Trafficking-in-Persons-Report-PDF-100kb.pdf 24 FGD South Sudanese male participant, Gulu.

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cleaning and sanitation. Women have access to capital, employment, education and training through such channels and programmes. According to several male and female host respondents, women tend to be the preferred candidates for such schemes. One FGD participant explained: “Women get cash credit easily because they are considered to be more committed and they invest in things that yield returns unlike men who most of the time misuse the money by drinking (alcohol)”. Financial institutions can favour lending to women due to evidence that women tend to be more reliable than men in their repayments and less likely to take risks with their investments. In addition, from a sustainability perspective, women tend to make their income stretch further and for longer, by re-investing greater amounts of it back into the family and children’s welfare. However, even if women are the targeted beneficiaries, not all of them can take part. Many are left out due to a shortage of places, or because they do not know about the opportunity or because they lack the motivation and confidence to engage in such initiatives. Some female respondents who had taken part in these progammes pointed out that although the training was useful to them, they were unable to put their acquired skills to use because they did not have the money to cover the start-up costs involved in setting up a small business or other entrepreneurial venture. Ugandan and non-Ugandan women both face issues with matters relating to inheritance and, for host women, land ownership. Even though the law allows women to own land and to inherit their deceased spouse’s assets and property, tradition and culture trump the law in many families. Or, in many cases, the marriage was not made official, so the law does not apply. In the case of inheritance, when their husbands dies, Ugandan women are expected to hand over their homes, their children and themselves to the deceased husband’s brother or other male relative. This was linked to GBV in three respects: first, for denying the widow of her right to her inheritance, second, for forcing the widow to marry her husband’s relative, and third, for potentially exposing the widow to sexually transmitted infections (STI) from sexual intercourse with the new husband25. Where land ownership is concerned, men tend to own the land and many women are not aware of their rights to own land and how to claim them. As one respondent put it “women cannot buy land, nor can they construct houses unless they are educated or get help from NGO or the government”. Male host respondents reported that men cannot access loans as easily as women not only because they are not the targeted demographic by MFIs but also because of their own lack of initiative and of a peer network of support. One respondent said that “men feel ashamed to borrow and do not support each other, between men”. Evidence from the RGA in Omugo settlement suggests that they can also be quite hostile to women’s participation in these kinds of programmes as they complained that they ‘do not know where they are going or what they are doing’, when they attend activities. They also reported that they are able to prevent women from participating in community governance and activities, and that the men want to have information and to be involved26. Some parents, both Ugandan and non-Ugandan, can depend on their children for access to resources. For example, refugee adults who depend on their children’s English language skills to communicate with service providers. Or parents that depend on or use their children for income, even when it is harmful. There are three examples that stand out from RGA consultations: one refugee mother who sends her five daughters to the market to sell bread everyday while staying at home; parents who marry off their daughters to receive a bride price payment; and parents who quietly condone their daughters’ work in transactional sex to meet the needs of their survival.

25 Several respondents explained that men can refuse to take STI tests in this scenario 26 RGA POW Omugo settlement, p. 9

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RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

Needs and Coping

Needs The priority needs for all groups targeted by WAYREP is cash and income and therefore employment and livelihood opportunities. The challenges of employment and the different groups access to resources have been discussed above but what is worth emphasizing if the more pronounced disadvantage refugees face because of their lack of contacts or network for support, or because of language barriers. One group of South Sudanese refugee girls noted that “is not easy for the men to get jobs here because they don’t have people they know here”. Access to clean water is also a need for all WAYREP target groups. It is in insufficient supply in both municipalities and is a trigger for conflict and violence between Uganda and non-Ugandan communities as well as within families, again both Ugandan and non-Ugandan. One example concerns a woman who was beaten by her husband because she had spent all night looking for water to collect. There are other examples of fights taking place at water collection locations between Ugandan and non-Ugandan women, as the former resent having to share the little that is available with the latter when they have already “given them land and taken them in”. Water collection locations, such as boreholes and streams, can also be hot spots for sexual harassment and violence. One group of young refugee girls reported enduring “stoning” (i.e. having stones thrown at them) by the male youth when collecting water at the stream. For refugees, accommodation is an immediate and urgent need upon arriving in urban centres where, unlike in the settlements, they are not allocated any shelter. Once they do find accommodation, it is not always secure. Increases in rent or in household size, through family reunification or additional children, has led to disputes with landlords and to expulsions. Several Ugandan respondents also claimed that often, refugees did not look after properties well enough and were quite negligent in their upkeep, and that this was a source of tension between them and their landlords. For all urban poor women and female youth, the need for sanitary products and hygiene is a priority. It was identified as a need for women and female youth by almost all respondents, including the men and male youths, which demonstrates just how important and urgent this issue is. There was a slight difference between South Sudanese refugee and Ugandan female youth in Arua town, specifically, in terms of needs. The Ugandan female youth were keen to engage in economic empowerment and skills or vocational training programmes whereas South Sudanese female youth (under 18) were more interested in going back to school. Unaccompanied children are a very vulnerable group in the urban poor community and are in need of appropriate care and guidance. Some are unaccompanied because they have lost their families in the course of displacement. Others are alone because their families broke down. A common scenario is that their fathers leave the family, out of shame of not being able to provide for them and the single mothers that are left decide to remarry to survive. In such a scenario, it is not possible for the mothers to bring their children from their first marriage to the new husband’s household, in which case these children can be left to fend for themselves. Other very vulnerable groups include; infertile women, persons with disabilities (PWDs) and single mothers. Gulu town has a particularly high rate of single mothers according to one key informant who claimed that “you will find girls with children in every corner of Gulu town”.

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Coping There are harmful and less harmful coping mechanisms in dealing with these needs. Some refugees, men and women alike, have resorted to selling their food and NFI distributions, renting out their distribution cards or opting for cash rather than food rations, as a way of generating some extra cash. Most of the time, this cash is used to meet survival needs but respondents reported that male refugees (in most cases) could use it to fund their alcohol or substance abuse. This, in itself, is another harmful coping mechanism, most commonly found amongst men, both national and non- national. Another one is sports betting and gambling, which many host and refugee male respondents cited as a source of potential income. Female and male youth, from both Ugandan and non-Ugandan communities, are resorting to transactional sex to survive. This can be both commercial and in-kind transactional sex i.e. where a woman would have sexual intercourse with her landlord in exchange for accommodation. Women and female Ugandan and non-Ugandan youth deal with threats to their safety (at water collection for example) by taking precautions such as moving around in groups, dressing conservatively, avoiding going out at night, avoiding eye contact with men and male youth, and not reacting to provocation. Some families also impose curfews for their daughters. As discussed above, many women, especially younger women, from both host and non-host communities join labour export companies, which can be dangerous and exploitative if the company in question is not regulated properly. Some more positive coping mechanisms include participating in empowerment programmes, seeking guidance and support from peers in these programmes and other groups structures, or in the community through local leaders, especially churches, local councilors and non-governmental organisations (NGO), such as THRIVE Uganda and LAPEWA, in Gulu town for example. The broader support from peers, associations and groups are more easily available to host women, in particular but much less so to men. More research is needed to establish whether the same can be said of refugee women in towns but evidence from the Omugo settlement RGA suggests that: “few opportunities exist for women to build relationships of understanding, trust and solidarity across identity and socio-economic groups of different kinds, including between refugee women from different tribes, host and refugee women, women leaders in different villages in Omugo, and women leaders at different levels in the informal and formal governance structures Omugo settlement.”27 Protection and GBV Uganda has a high rate of GBV and VAW with 50% of Ugandan women having experienced intimate partner physical or sexual violence28 and 40% of women being first married before the age of 1829. Whilst for refugee women and girls, the context of conflict and displacement, which often involves a lack of basic needs, a breakdown of support and community networks and low capacity of protection agencies, GBV risks and forms tend to multiply. One of the four expected results of WAYREP is to reduce the tolerance of GBV in the target communities. The study therefore explored respondents’ understanding of GBV forms, drivers and GBV services within Gulu and Arua towns. Note that findings of this section of the report, on GBV and particularly on GBV services, may not apply to the Omugo settlement and are more specifically relevant to the municipal governance structures.

27 RGA POW p. 9 28 Uganda Bureau of Statistics - UBOS and ICF. 2018. Uganda Demographic and Health Survey 2016. Kampala, Uganda and Rockville, Maryland, USA: UBOS and ICF. 29 UNICEF global databases, 2018, based on Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS), Multiple Indicator Cluster Surveys (MICS) and other nationally representative surveys. 30 Rapid Gender Analysis & Gender Based Assessment | Arua District & Gulu Town

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Forms The main forms of GBV amongst the urban poor in Arua and Gulu municipalities as reported by the data collected in FGDs and KIIs were defilement, domestic violence and IPV, sexual assault, child marriage, forced marriage and transactional sex. In Arua, according to official records, defilement is by far the most common form of reported GBV and the peak time for its incidence is during the school holidays. Between February 2018 and February 2019, the Arua police surgeon dealt with 180 cases of GBV of which five were rape, some were underage sex, but the majority were defilement. Public holidays such as Christmas, Easter, and independence days were reported as peak times for the incidence of rape in Gulu town, typically by male youth. The perpetrators of defilement are mostly host men but respondents in both Gulu and Arua reported incidents of sexual assault of young men by older women. Child marriage is most prevalent in the South Sudanese refugee community. Many FGD and KII respondents said that child marriage is regarded as normal in South Sudan and that South Sudanese refugees practicing it do not regard it as a wrongdoing. Forced marriage occurs in both host and refugee families and is driven by the gains of bride price, “making girls into IGAs for parents” as one respondent put it. Forced marriage is also driven by social norms. As in many societies and communities around the world, women who get pregnant out of wedlock can be a source of shame and embarrassment for the family. Many men and women are forced to marry, in this context. Mostly female youth engage in transactional sex, but men and male youth also do. In both Arua and Gulu towns, the practice and locations for transactional sex are well known and, in Gulu, it is reportedly mostly practiced by Congolese women30. Other prevailing forms of GBV amongst WAYREP target groups include the denial of resources such as inheritance and land ownership for women, the denial of education for both male and female youth, physical abuse and verbal abuse for host and non-host women and girls, on their way to and from school, the market and water collection points. Sexual exploitation and abuse by health workers and teachers also emerged as a form of GBV in a KII with a CSO representative. One anecdote of a SEA incident was of a doctor visiting a boarding school, convincing a young host girl whose hip wound he was treating that he had to have sexual intercourse with her in order to check that her reproductive organs were not affected by her hip wound. This RGA sought to look into human trafficking as a newer, less known about form of GBV. However, as discussed in the section above, there is a lot of grey area around what is legal labour export and what is exploitative and harmful human trafficking. More research is required in this field. Drivers Poverty is the overwhelming driver of GBV and child abuse. The need for survival, the lack of basic resources and income, and the right to a dignified life are all triggers to creating an environment or the conditions, which increase the likelihood of GBV. An example is children dropping out of school because their parents can no longer pay the school fees. They can be left alone, idle, with little to no parental guidance, and start relying on harmful coping mechanisms, such as alcohol abuse to pass the time, which is itself a trigger for GBV, or transactional sex, to meet their survival needs. Some parents even come to condone, encourage and rely on their children’s involvement in transactional

30 KII Senior Economic Planner

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sex as an IGA. Within host households, IPV can occur when men can no longer provide for their families and are forced to relinquish their breadwinning role to their wives, many of whom receive support from government and development programmes (i.e. micro-finance, VSLAs). In refugee families, the situation is similar but also involves the role of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM), and the registration of women as heads of households in the settlements. Refugee men are feeling threatened by the power women are gaining through humanitarian assistance, claiming that the UNHCR has replaced them as husbands to their wives. For both hosts and refugees, this situation can lead to violence, on both sides: men towards their wives, because they feel that their masculinity has been put into question and – according to male respondents - women towards their husbands because they are frustrated by their inability to provide for the family. Tensions over money, namely those relating to the lack of it, and who in the family has control over it are key triggers of GBV. Typically, IPV survivors are women and incidences can occur in demonstrably anodyne circumstances. The context of poverty, struggle and survival seems to be the ultimate trigger. For example, one KI told the story of a woman who was beaten by her husband because he was not satisfied with the amount of food she had been able to negotiate at the market for 3000UGX (less than 1USD – about 80 cents). Cramped and inadequate living conditions can put strains on marriages and families as a whole, which can lead to GBV and child abuse. The lack of space and privacy in urban poor housing can, at best, deny couples any sense of intimacy which can lead to martial tensions, or at worst, expose children to their parents’ sexual acts – and to even being involved in them – which can cause devastating physical, emotional and psychological traumas for the child. Social norms, culture and religion are also drivers of GBV. Social norms define and shape standards of behavior and conduct, what is acceptable and appropriate or not in a community, and this can include the use of violence. FGD and KII respondents, including South Sudanese respondents, cited the Islamic faith and South Sudan’s long history of conflict and violence as an explanation for the normalization of violence within the South Sudanese communities and households. They emphasized that the South Sudanese community simply has a different understanding of violence. Defilement, child marriage and domestic violence are the norm, as is physical confrontation, more generally. As one South Sudanese respondent explained “girls are beaten by their older brothers or fathers as a form of discipline when they do something wrong”. This extends to their understanding of child rights and child marriage. Female youth are thought to be ready for marriage once they start menstruating, for instance. The host population has its own normalized understanding of violence, with some well-established views on marital rights to sex, which delegitimize the notion of consensual sex, and the association of violence and brutality as a form of love as demonstrated by statements such as “if he hits me, it is because he loves me”. In addition, the cultural belief of ‘Aruba’ is a deterrent to women reporting GBV incidents to public authorities, such as the police Aruba purports that women who report their husbands to such institutions will be punished through a curse on their children. Tied to normalization of violence in tradition and culture, respondents reported that some perpetrators of GBV are not necessarily aware that they are doing anything wrong. This ignorance and lack of knowledge was given as a reason for the high incidence of GBV in the South Sudanese community who reportedly fight or beat their spouses in the open and are not necessarily aware that child marriage is illegal in Ugandan law. This is less the case in the settlements thanks to all the sensitization on GBV and GBV legislation and child rights that has been conducted by UNHCR, OPM and implementing partners.

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Alcohol and substance abuse is a trigger for GBV, especially when it is used as a coping mechanism in the context of poverty and conflict. This applies mostly to host and refugee men who are left idle due to unemployment or precarious and irregular employment and male youth school dropping out of school. Male youth in this environment are also more susceptible to peer pressure to conform with harmful notions of masculinity, which can involve asserting themselves over women and girls, through verbal or physical abuse. Other reported triggers for GBV were infidelity, the spread of STIs which can occur as a result of infidelity and tensions arising in polygamous marriages in the context of limited resources and their unequal distribution to multiple spouses. The Arua District Local Government Local Action Plan on GBV identifies unequal power relations between men and women as the primary driver of gender based violence31 and indeed, gender inequality is the cross-cutting theme to the identified GBV drivers. The roles, responsibilities and values (or lack thereof) that men and women are assigned, through convention and norm, typically puts women in a position of vulnerability and disenfranchisement relative to men. Some stark examples reported in this RGA are that women’s consent for sex with their husband is not necessary or that widows are transferred to their husband’s male family members as the deceased’s property in inheritance proceedings. Gender inequality also puts pressures on men. Men are defined and judged by their ability to lead and provide for their families in a context of abject poverty, displacement and female empowerment. While poverty and unemployment make this very difficult to achieve to begin with, many men feel that their wives’ empowerment at the same time serves to embolden their own inability to provide for the family. Services This section explores what GBV and other protection services and resources are available to GBV survivors in Arua and Gulu municipalities at the formal and informal level, the extent to which they are utilized (or not) by GBV survivors, and whether there are any important gaps and/or issues that need addressing, through WAYREP or other GBV programming. The first line of inquiry was to establish the typical recourse host and non-host urban poor people in Arua and Gulu towns take, when they experience GBV. In the vast majority of cases, survivors do not report their case to the police. Instead, depending on the form of GBV they are subjected to, survivors tend to go through personal, informal and community-based channels to share information of their GBV experience. Survivors opt to speak about their GBV experience to family members, community elders, church leaders and other leaders, and to their local councilors. In Gulu, for example, in a case of rape, a local councilor dealt directly with the perpetrator by fining him three cows, and then reported him to the police. But the prompt for reporting was not so much the rape, but the fact that the rape was incestuous, which he explained is an intolerable red line in Uganda. The form of GBV matters in this context because survivors of highly stigmatized forms of GBV – such as male rape, for instance – will be very unlikely to report their abuse at all, through neither the personal, familial and community sphere or the formal public authorities. The reasons given by respondents for the low reporting rate to the police were quite consistent. First, it is because of a common understanding, amongst the target groups, that GBV issues belong to the private sphere and need to be dealt within and in between families. This echoes Omugo settlement’s RGA finding that “‘family problems’ (e.g. disputes with husband, mother-in-law, neighbour) must be kept within the family/tribe”32. In this understanding, there is an element of

31 LAP page 7 32 RGA POW Omugo, March 2019, p.5

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shame to bringing such as sensitive issue out in the open. A second reason is that for the families of the survivors, living in poverty and struggling to survive, GBV incidents become an opportunity for compensation if dealt with the perpetrator’s family, out of court and in private. The survivors, as such, effectively become an income generating opportunity for their families. A third main reason for keeping reporting to the private and informal sphere is that the formal and legal reporting channel is lengthy, costly and often ineffective in managing GBV cases. Other explanations are that there is a culture of silence around GBV, and survivors are simply expected to “just keep quiet and move on”, or that survivors do not report as they fear the consequences. One survivor respondent explained: “I was beaten and did not report because I believe that if I had done, they would have done worse to me”. This fear is especially common if the survivor is a refugee and the perpetrator is a national. Currently, populations in both Gulu and Arua towns are unaware of the GBV referral pathway in place. The pathways have been developed on paper in both districts but have not been effectively disseminate to the population (see Annex 4 for Arua’s referral pathway plans). Where safe houses and psychosocial support services for GBV survivors are concerns, the INGO Action Aid provides shelter and PSS for survivors in Gulu town. However, its prevention interventions are outside of Gulu municipality and the shelter does not take in male GBV survivors. There is no safe house for GBV survivors in Arua town. The NGO TPO Uganda used to provide PSS in both Arua and Gulu municipalities but ceased its work in the towns to focus on the settlements. This, in part, explains some complaints from respondents that service providers had abandoned the urban population to prioritise the refugee population’s needs in the settlements over theirs. Health, justice and legal services and resources for GBV survivors are insufficient in both Arua and Gulu towns. For example, Gulu reportedly ran out of free condoms in May 2019. This lack of services and resources is to be expected given that, since refugees and non-nationals are not included in demographic data, the budget for and allocation of local health services are designed to meet the demand of an underestimated population. The implications for health, for example, is that many survivors are not able to access their treatment following a GBV incident because the medication is simply not there. The most urgent of which, is post-exposure prophylaxis (PEP) treatment for those that may have been exposed to HIV infection, including the GBV perpetrators themselves. Refugees and non-national survivors that do not speak English or the local language have the added burden of struggling to communicate with health workers, especially on the sensitive matter of GBV. The same applies to their communication with police should they decide to report incidents. Many respondents also told us that, regardless of their ability to communicate, refugees and non- nationals were discriminated against in health care both in terms of being seen to and in how much they were charged for medication or a consultation. Health workers reportedly ask for a ‘token’ of at least 20 000UGX per consultation according to one Arua KII, while one research study states that “prices paid per visit between the two groups are different: host pay an average of UGX 42,890, compared with UGX 58,997 for displaced members in Arua”33. There are also issues to consider even when survivors do manage to access health services and products. Many patients require follow up and ongoing support. PEP treatment, for example, can have adverse side effects, which may lead survivors to discontinue the treatment if they do not have the right support from health workers. GBV case management by health care providers fails in two important respects in both towns. First, health care providers often do not know how to complete the GBV forms that they are required to fill, should a survivor report their case. A grave consequence of this is that the form is a key piece of

33 Arua Profile - Urban community assessment Arua, Uganda - August 2018, p.9

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evidence and when filled incorrectly, cannot be used in court. Secondly, it is very common for health care workers to refuse or avoid providing testimonies as witnesses to the survivor’s injuries or condition. The main reason for this is fear and intimidation. They worry that perpetrators might seek retribution if they speak against them in court. These two issues - of GBV forms being filled in incorrectly and of health workers not acting as witnesses in court - were mentioned by the majority of respondents. Reporting to the police on GBV incidents is low. The most common reasons for this are, as noted above, the understanding amongst host and non-host urban poor communities that GBV is a private matter, ii. the preference for dealing with perpetrators out of formal structures by claiming direct compensation from the perpetrator’s family, and iii. the systemic weaknesses of processing GBV cases in the police, judiciary and other formal structures. One point of note is that those that opt for private settlements (i.e. compensation from the perpetrator’s family) often end up reporting to the police in the event that these settlements fall through, which they often do. There is no debate that reporting a GBV case to the police is expensive and, in more cases than not, unsuccessful. Like health care providers, police also ask for ‘facilitation payments’ from survivors which, in part, is a genuine need as the police is overstretched and under-resourced. One respondent said that survivors are even expected to pay for their perpetrator’s meals, while they are held in prison. There are too few police officers to meet demand, especially where female police officers are concerned. And when they can deal with a case, the process is costly. It can require travel and subsistence, which their budget may not stretch far enough to cover. The fair pursuit of justice and protection is a costly one, throughout the whole system and at almost every stage. For example, when discussing the need for a safe house for GBV survivors in Arua town, a representative from Justice Law and Order Sector (JLOS) explained that this would also add the burden of finding the resources to feed the survivors. Police officers can also lack knowledge in GBV case management and documentation. A simple example, again, are the GBV forms. These forms - forms 3a and 24a – are meant to be filled in by police and health workers but many complete them incorrectly. Some just hand them to the survivors directly, who are likely to make the same if not more mistakes in completing them. As a result, many of these forms which are crucial pieces of evidence, can be invalidated and dismissed in court. Another common reason for not reporting cases of defilement in particular, is the survivor refusing to. One respondent gave us the example of a girl who threatened to commit suicide if her case were reported, presumably because she consented to the act. If defilement cases do get to court, there can also be the challenge of gathering key evidence, such as birth certificates to prove that the survivor is underage, as they may not even have genuine birth certificates.34 The practice of pre-bargaining in court cases, whereby perpetrators plead guilty and receive a lesser sentence to incarceration – e.g. community service – also acts as a deterrent to reporting for some survivors. The main differences between refugees and hosts for GBV reporting in urban areas is that when refugees do report GBV cases, it is to the OPM rather than to the police. OPM then refers them to the settlement referral services. However, even this is very seldom - only 6 cases referred in 2 years according to one key informant, working in the settlements.

34 LAP p22

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A note on GBV statistics in Uganda The Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development’s database for GBV incidents can record as little as two cases per quarter according to one key informant. Although a lot of cases do not get reported, this very low statistic should be read with caution because there is no reliable consolidated system or record of GBV data, in Uganda.

The MoGLSD has developed GBV data Standard Operating Procedures (SOP) whereby district authorities are required to collect GBV data from CSO databases to then feed through to the national level GBV database. In practice, however, GBV cases are recorded on several parallel databases – at CSO, government and UNHCR level – and there is no consolidated total overview of GBV cases in a single place.

Text Box 3 A Note on GBV Satistics in Uganda

When survivors manage to report their cases successfully, in collaboration with the police and health workers, there are further obstacles to deal with when it comes to the judiciary. There is the aforementioned problem of some witnesses refusing to testify. It can go even further than this when witnesses are intimidated to provide false evidence that would protect the perpetrator. Refugees can be at a particular disadvantage when the magistrates that are handling their cases are not familiar with the Refugee Act 2006. This is according to a key informant working in the justice sector who explained that magistrates who were awarded their license to practice law before the Act had been passed, are largely ignorant of its provisions today. For refugees and nationals alike, the challenge of aggressive and unprofessional cross-examination by the defendants’ legal teams can be intimidating and throw fair hearings off course. Finally, magistrates also ask for facilitation payments when they are required to travel to mobile courts, although this applies to remote locations, rather than to Arua and Gulu municipalities. There are problems with the JLOS and health sector in managing GBV cases and bringing justice to the survivors however, there are some promising developments in both Arua and Gulu towns, which could improve the support, services and structures available to GBV survivors. Both Arua and Gulu districts have established GBV networks and working groups, which are working to coordinate GBV services at district level. Arua’s GBV district network committee and Gulu’s GBV / Social Protection Working Group are led by their respective community development office (CDO) and hold regular meetings in which they gather stakeholders in local government, civil society organisations (CSO) and cultural and religious institutions to discuss GBV needs, and plans to addressing them. The municipalities of Arua and Gulu towns, however, are semi- autonomous entities and are not appropriately connected and aligned to the work and resources for GBV at the district level. These parallel and uncoordinated GBV structures at the municipal level on the one hand, and at the district level on the other, are compromising the effectiveness of how GBV cases are documented, resourced and responded to. It is important, going forward, to coordinate the governance of GBV structures and resources at the district and municipal level, whilst also ensuring that there are focused efforts at the municipal level to respond to specifically local needs.

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Conclusions and Recommendations This RGA sought to explore the positions of men, women, male and female youth from Ugandan and non-Ugandan poor communities in Arua and Gulu towns to help inform how best WAYREP can reach its goal of empowering women and female youth in particular, to become more resilient and live a life free from violence. It looked at how these different groups experience day-to-day life in terms of decision-making, division of labour, access to resources and their most pressing needs and ways of dealing with them. It then focused on exploring key GBV forms and drivers and the availability and quality of GBV services for GBV survivors in Arua and Gulu towns. Findings on Omugo settlement, drawn from an earlier RGA focusing on the settlement were included where relevant and possible. This RGA has largely found that the main gender issues, norms and challenges in the urban poor context are not vastly different from those of the rural or settlement context. Decision-making in the family and in the community tends to be male-led, and female youth on the younger side of the spectrum (less than 18 years old) are the most disenfranchised and marginalized in this respect. Division of labour between men and women still follows a patriarchal model whereby men are expected to be the breadwinners and providers and women are expected to care for the children, the family and the home, as well as to decide on nutrition and water collection. There are some whispers of change occurring whereby women are taking on more typically male roles and vice versa, mostly due to women’s empowerment and the greater voice and authority this has accorded to women. Where youth of school going age are concerned, many are forced to drop out and take on an IGA and contribute to household income. Access to resources is insufficient for all WAYREP target groups. Refugees rely on settlement distributions and remittances, and, along with nationals, engage in petty business and other IGAs in the market, in construction, by driving boda bodas. Ugandan women and female youth, in particular, are targeted for development and women’s economic programmes spearheaded by INGO, the GoU and MFIs. Other more harmful ways of accessing resources is through transactional sex, exploitative labour and gambling and betting. The key need for all target groups is cash and livelihood opportunities – this is particularly the case in the towns, which are based on a cash economy. Refugees have an additional challenge of finding accommodation in urban areas when they first arrive in towns and, if they do not speak the English or the local language, can have even more difficulty accessing services they are technically entitled to and finding work. Where GBV is concerned, the main forms amongst the urban poor are defilement, domestic violence and IPV, sexual assault, child marriage, forced marriage and transactional sex. Other forms include denial of education to children, denial of inheritance or land ownership to widows and women, physical abuse and verbal abuse to women and young girls in their commute to and from the market, or school, or water collection. The overwhelming driver of GBV is poverty but other important ones include some cultural and traditional beliefs and alcohol and substance abuse by perpetrators. GBV services in Arua and Gulu towns are problematic and insufficient. Underpinning all these GBV drivers is gender inequality – that is, the form, scope and volume of power a person is attributed because of their sex. A key issue with GBV services in both towns is that the existing GBV referral pathway has not been sufficiently disseminated and many service providers and duty bearers, in the police and in the health and legal sectors, are not well equipped to manage and process GBV cases. Key GBV response and protection services, such as PSS and shelter, are in very limited supply. GBV survivors themselves are not sensitized enough to their rights with regard to GBV and the services that they should seek - although the exception here is the PEP kits, for which there is disproportionately high uptake. With some small exceptions, such as the high rate of child marriage in the South Sudanese

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RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

community in Arua town, there was no discernable or verifiable patterns of difference in the incidence, forms and drivers of GBV between Ugandan and non-Ugandan urban poor communities. Based on the above findings, this RGA proposes the following recommendations for WAYREP design and programming: 1. Sensitize WAYREP target groups to gender equality and women and girls’ rights at different paces if necessary. WAYREP has planned to work closely with target group communities to sensitise them to gender equality and women and girls’ rights to protection and a life free from violence, through its Behavioural Change Strategy (BCC). There are two important findings to consider in planning work around this: first, the theme of the shift in gender roles in households resulting from women’s empowerment and how it has been affecting men and changing relations at the household level should be a central topic of discussion. Secondly, given that GBV is more normalized and some of its forms are more prevalent in some target groups rather than others, this could call for a differentiated approach and pace to the sensitization process across target groups. 2. Work with cultural institutions. This recommendation relates directly with the previous one. The influence of cultural institutions in Gulu and Arua towns alike on their communities’ behaviours can be very significant. They can be effective allies in spreading a message, especially if this message is to reach the more remote and disenfranchised communities. WAYREP should work closely with these cultural institutions, to ensure the highest potential of local ownership for the programme. The female cultural leaders in Gulu town on particular could be very relevant partners in any activities on women’s empowerment or leadership. 3. Engage highly mobile men and male youth. To avoid backlash against women and female youth for participating in empowerment programming, it is important to ensure that their spouses are consulted. Yet, many of them are absent from their homes, working in other parts of Uganda and abroad. One suggestion for engaging with these mostly absent men could be to see if there are any key dates when most of them are likely to return to their families (e.g. religious celebrations) and plan WAYREP start up activities in this period. Another is to identify and engage with the community leaders to whom these absent men may have deferred household decision-making to. 4. Support the development of GBV coordination mechanism at municipal level and work with existing GBV networks at district level. While both Arua and Gulu districts have established, respectively, a GBV network and a GBV working group, there is no similar mechanism at municipal level, nor is there a structure which could connect or integrate the two. This calls for a two pronged approach to GBV coordination which would i. establish a framework for managing GBV cases at the municipal level whilst also ii. connect it to the existing district-level GBV structures. 5. Conduct a GBV services mapping. A first and crucial step to improving GBV response in Arua and Gulu towns is to know what is currently available and to whom, in terms of GBV services. This RGA found that there was no such record of GBV services and recommends to conduct an in-depth, detailed and updated GBV services mapping in Arua and Gulu towns as a priority activity for WAYREP. 6. Train GBV services providers. Many service providers in the police, in healthcare and in the judiciary are ill equipped to managing GBV cases. Training is required for them both in terms of basic administration and processes in GBV case management and in terms professional behavioural conduct to prevent gender harmful practices. This should include

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RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

training on the Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development (MoGLSD) framework for GBV data management and GBV data guidelines to ensure that, in future, GBV data and statistics are more reliable and recorded in a single, consolidated database. 7. Engage existing women leaders in activities with female youth. Young women, especially those younger than 18, are the most disenfranchised and vulnerable group amongst the WAYREP target groups. Safe spaces, where they can engage in group activities would help increase their confidence and wellbeing, and help them have a greater voice in decision making. Women leaders in the community are valuable partners in this endeavor and should be included in activities with these young women to share their experiences and inspire them as role models. 8. Provide PSS activities to men. Many men report perceiving women’s empowerment as a threat to their masculinity and to not benefitting from social networks in the same way women who are part of associations or savings groups, have. While the former can be a trigger for violence against women (VAW), the latter can make men more isolated and vulnerable in their communities. PSS activities in self-esteem and social connectedness can help increase men’s wellbeing and reduce their resistance to the shifts in gender norms, which are disrupting the patriarchal status quo. 9. Take care in working with different target groups. There can be tensions amongst target groups – namely between the Dinka and Nuer South Sudanese tribes in Arua and Gulu towns, and between hosts and refugees in Omugo settlement. This requires some care in the initial set up of activities, in the selection of participants. In the longer term, WAYREP may consider introducing peacebuilding activities to overcome this iss

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RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

Annexes

Annex 1 – Literature for Desk Review

 Inter-Agency Rapid Gender Analsyis and GBV Assessment - DRC Refugee Influx, Uganda, March 2018, Holly Robinson.  Rapid Gender Analysis on Power, Omugo Settlement , CARE Uganda West Nile, 1 March 2019, version 1 (includeng Annexes), Tam O’Neil and Isadora Quay.  CARE Rapid Gender Analysis: South Sudan refugee crisis, West Nile, Uganda, March 2017  Inter-Agency Assessment on Sexual and Gender Based Violence among refugees in Uganda, June 2019, UNHCR  The Uganda Social Institutions & Gender Index Country Report, 2015, OECD  Guidance for Gender Based Violence (GBV) Monitoring and Mitigation within Non-GBV Focused Sectoral Programming, October 2014. Authors: Shelah Bloom, Jessica Levy, Nidal Karim, Leigh Stefanik, Mary Kincaid, Doris Bartel, Katie Grimes  Monthly Protection Update Sexual and Gender Based Violence (SGBV) October 2018, UNHCR  Monthly Protection Update - Urban Protection Response - from Jan 2018 to March 2019, UNHCR  Arua GBV Network Local Action Plan 2019 -2024  Mental Health and Psychosocial Support SPOT Project General Presentation UNHCR  Gender Issues in Uganda: an analysis of GBV, asset ownership and employment. March 2019, Uganda Bureau of Statistics  Joint Multi-Sector Needs Assessment: Identifying humanitarian needs among refugee and host community populations in Uganda, August 2018, REACH Initiative  A life free from violence: an evidence-based value proposition for CARE’s Gender-Based Violence programming in the Great Lakes region, 2018, Sarah Gillingham  The politics of promoting gender equity in contemporary Uganda: Cases of the Domestic Violence Law and the policy on Universal Primary Education, 2015, Josephine Ahikire and Amon A. Mwiine November  Women’s rights in Uganda: gaps between policy and practice, 2012, FIDH and FHRI  GBV Experiences of South Sudanese Women and Girls on the Run to Uganda A Case Study from Busia to Imvepi, Arua District, Uganda September 2017  Monthly Protection Update SGBV October 2018, UNHCR  Urban Protection Response Monthly Update Uganda January-September 2018  Monthly Protection Update Urban Protection Response October 2018, UNHCR  Monthly Protection Update Urban Protection Response March 2019, UNHCR  Monthly Protection Update Urban Protection Response February 2019, UNHCR

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 Monthly Protection Update Urban Protection Response January 2019, UNHCR  Monthly Protection Update Urban Protection Response November/December 2018, UNHCR  Strategy for the Development of Gender Statistics 2018/19 – 2019/20  National priority gender equality indicators (NPGEIs)  Build towns instead of camps: Uganda as an Example of Integrative Refugee Policy (German Development Institute)  Their Suffering, Our Burden? How Congolese Refugees Affect the Ugandan Population  Uganda's Self-Reliance Model: Does it work? University of Oxford, Refugees Studies Centre  Gender Assessment of the South Sudanese Refugee Crisis in Uganda, Protection Working Group 25 October 2018  Gender Analysis - South Sudan Refugee response in Northern Uganda. Oxfam in Uganda. September-October 2017, Luisa Dietrich  Recommendations to enhance gender responsiveness - South Sudan Refugee response in Northern Uganda - September October 2017, Luisa Dietrich  Inequality and Injustice: the deteriorating situation for women and girls South Sudan’s war - A Progressive Gender Analysis: 2013 – 2016, December 2016CARE  Refugees in Rhino Camp Refugee Settlement and Arua Town, Refugee Law Project Briefing Paper, October 2006  Assessing and mitigating risks of GBV in cash based interventions through story: a focus group discussion and interview guide, February 2018, Women's Refugee Commission  Minutes of National Refugee Protection Working Group (NRPWG) Meeting June 2019  US Embassy Trafficking in Persons report, 2018  Gulu National Population and Housing Census 2014, April 2017, Uganda Bureau of Statistics  Arua National Population and Housing Census 2014, April 2017, Uganda Bureau of Statistics  Arua Municipality Population Update 2019 - provided by Municipality Planner during field mission

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RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

Annex 2 - Focus Group Discussion Questions

Focus Group Discussion Purpose: Gather information about the opinions, beliefs, practices and attitudes of a group of people towards a specific topic of interest. Guided questions in this Focus Group Discussion (FGD) relate to the roles and responsibilities of women, men, boys and girls; control and access to resources; vulnerabilities and needs; coping; and security concerns.

Tool Notes: This tool should be used during small group discussions. The group should be made of people from similar backgrounds or experiences and should not include more than 10-12 participants. The groups should also be separated by sex and age. The FGD is led by a facilitator who introduces the topics of discussion and helps to ensure that all members participate evenly in the discussions. The facilitator should assure participants that all information shared will remain confidential.

Sector specific questions can be included to gather more detailed information on specific topics relevant to your context or situation.

Geographic Location: Interview date: Translation necessary for the interview: Yes No KEY DATA: Number of participants Number of women Number of men If a women’s group, how many are HoH

Time living in Arua town – please note down as x to y years if responses differ: Location prior to arriving in Arua

Name of facilitator(s):

Name of note taker:

Introduction

Please refer to Guidance Note for RAs ______

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RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

Discussion Questions35 ______

RAPID GENDER ANALYSIS

We would like to ask you about the roles and responsibilities of women, men, boys and girls in your community.

DECISION-MAKING 1. What kind of decisions do women and men take within a family? Has this changed in the last 5 years (host), since displacement (refugees)?

2. What kind of decisions do women and men take within your community? Has this changed in the last 5 years (host), since displacement (refugees)?

Examples for probing for questions 1 and 2:

Cash, assets, resources, food production, utilization of assistance received, going to hospital, movement outside the family, children’s education, marriage.

3. What could explain the differences in decision making between men and women? Please distinguish between refugee men, refugee women, host women, host men.

Guidance for probing: Are there any traditional reasons, cultural practices or norms that explain different power of decision between women and men? If so, please give detail on them and explain them. Exposure to new surroundings.

DIVISION OF LABOUR

4. Please explain how roles and responsibilities are shared between men and women within the family? Please distinguish between refugee men, refugee women, host women, host men.

Guidance for probing: who does household chores, water collection, paid jobs (in construction, other manual labour etc). 5. Has this changed in the last 5 years (host) since displacement (refugees). If so, why?

6. Are there roles and responsibilities at the household level that you would like you do but cannot? If so, why? Please probe on barriers to women / men / boys / girls taking on roles or responsibilities that they would like to have.

7. Please explain how roles and responsibilities are shared between men and women within your community? Please distinguish between refugee men, refugee women, host women, host men.

8. Has this changed in the last 5 years (host) since displacement (refugees). If so, why?

9. Are there roles and responsibilities at the community level that you would like you do but cannot? If so, why? Please probe on barriers to women / men / boys / girls taking on roles or responsibilities that they would like to have.

35 Multi-Agency Gender and Protection Assessment (2014), ‘Kobane Refugee Gender and Protection Assessment Report.

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RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

CONTROL AND ACCESS TO RESOURCES 10. Do girls, women, boys and men have equal access to resources and life opportunities (Cash income, Cash credit, food, health, education, clothes, transport etc..)? Support your answer with two concrete examples

11. Please comment/ explain why some groups do not access to/or benefit from the above resources? E.g. are there traditional reasons, practices or norms that explain this inequality?

Other examples for probing: Priority is given to men, no female staff providing services, lack of sufficient medicines at health facilities, girls/women not permitted to access their services by their families, not safe for girls/women to travel to the service sites, locations of services are not convenient for girls/women, hours are not convenient for girls/women

12. What is your main source of income?

13. Do you have any additional sources of income / support e.g. remittances, humanitarian assistance, support from relatives? Probe to draw information on other programmes / projects that respondents are or have been involved in.

14. Do you share your income with your husband / wife? Yes, all my income is shared I share only a part of my income with the family and I keep a part for my personal use I manage the income I earn and I decide how it will be spent

15. Are you satisfied with this arrangement? If not, why and what would you change?

NEEDS AND COPING

I would like to ask you about who is in need, and what the specific needs of women, men, boys and girls are.

16. What are the most pressing needs of women, men, boys and girls?

17. Of these, who are the most vulnerable? What are the different vulnerabilities of women, men, boys and girls? Probing: ask about persons with disabilities, elderly, pregnant. Try and capture new types of vulnerabilities.

We would now like to ask you about how women, men, boys and girls are coping 18. What are the different coping strategies that are used by women, men, boys and girls?

19. What resources or support are they relying on? Probing: to capture innovative ways of dealing with problems (e.g. creation of clubs / groups) and also harmful coping mechanisms (e.g. alcohol and substance abuse).

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RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

GBV ASSESSMENT – PLEASE REFER TO THE GUIDANCE NOTE

We would like to ask you a few questions about the safety of women and girls/men and boys (ask the women and girls specific questions in women and girl’s Focus Group Discussions, and men and boys specific questions in men and boys FGDs).

20. What is your understanding of GBV? Please provide examples of GBV. Please introduce the forms of violence listed in the table below once respondents have given you their responses.

21. What are the most common forms of gender based violence that girls, women, boys and men face in your community? Tic the boxes that apply in the list below:

Comments (e.g. PWD, has anything changed over time) GBV risks Women Men Boys Girls Child/Human trafficking – Please get as much information on Human Trafficking as possible Kidnapping / abduction Exploitation and abuse Physical violence Slavery Domestic violence Sexual assault Rape Transactional sex Child marriage / forced marriage Denial of access to resources or opportunities (land ownership, inheritance, education, etc) Traditional harmful practices (widowhood rites, FGC) Other (please specifcy)

22. For each group, what are two major forms of violence and Why? a. Women: b. Girls: c. Boys: d. Men:

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RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

23. Explain where or under which circumstances GBV usually happens:

At home Women Boys Men Girls On the way to / from market At the toilet/latrines At school – on the way to / from school At the water point / on the way to /from the water point At health centre At community meetings At police / local authorities When hawking Don’t know Other

24. What do women and girls do to protect themselves from violence? What does the community do to protect women and girls from violence?

25. Without naming the person, can you describe one example of the above violence that you remember? Use this example to collect the answer to the questions below – Avoid sign and indication that will identify the survivor

26. If a woman / girl (ask this to women FGDs) or man / boy (ask about men/boys to men / boys FGDs) experiences GBV, do they usually seek help? If yes, from whom?

Examples for probing:

Family member Friend Chief of the community Religious leader Police Humanitarian actors Don’t know Other – please specify

If no, explain why they won’t seek help.

27. Are you aware of organisations providing GBV services in your community? If so, which organisations? And which services do they provide. a. Women and girls: b. Men and boys:

Guidance for probing: please distinguish between services in health, psychosocial support, legal, economic.

28. Are these services adequate / sufficient? Provide details on strengths and weaknesses of service provision (e.g. language, costs etc)

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RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

29. Are there any barriers to access to services? The previous question could bring some mention of barriers but please develop on any barriers that are mentioned.

30. What usually happens to perpetrators of sexual violence? Are they identified and punished? If not, why not? Is this different for perpetrators against men and boys, and women and girls?

OTHER –

31. Are there women/men organisations (civil society, community groups, etc.) in this community? If yes what organisations? Are they functional? (Running meetings and/or activities?)

32. Are there any other safe spaces where women, men, boys and girls gather?

33. What do you suggest in order to create a safe environment for women and girls in this community?

34. What do you suggest in order to prevent GBV from happening in this community?

35. What could be done in this community to increase the status of women and girls (role, participation in decision -making, access and control over resources and opportunities…)?

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RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

Annex 3 – Key Informant Interview Questions

Rapid Gender Analysis: Assessment Tools Key Informant Interview Purpose: To discover information about people's opinions, beliefs and practices relating to the crisis36. It allows you to collect information about changes within the community as a result of the crisis, available services, and present protection concerns. It can be used with both community members and community leaders/service providers.

Tool Notes: This tool uses the format of semi-structured interviews. It has two sections: Part 1 is designed to understand the most significant changes to gender relations that are identified for the individual (if appropriate) or for the community; Part 2 is designed for community leaders or service providers (i.e., doctor, teachers, village chief, camp leader, women’s committee leader, etc.). Some of these questions are culturally sensitive; you should review ethical considerations prior to the interview. Fill out the relevant sections in regard to your key informant. Supplemental questions can be found in the Sector Specific document.

Geographic Location: Name (optional): Interview date: Place of interview: Translation necessary for the interview: Introduction ______1. Thank the participant(s) for accepting to participant in the study 2. Introduce yourself 3. Explain the objectives and expectations of the interview 4. Outline the amount of time interview will take 5. Obtain the informant’s consent to record the interview and/or take pictures

Sex of key informant: Male Female Age of key informant:

36 CARE Gender Toolkit, ‘Surveys and Interviews’ ’ http://gendertoolkit.care.org/pages/survey%20and%20interviews.aspx

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Key informant’s position/role in the community:

RAPID GENDER ANALYSIS • What is your/ your organisation understands of gender/GBV and do you / your organization work on any issues related to it? • What are the main needs of women and girls, and of men and boys in your community? In other words, what are some of the major problems that they are facing. o Refugee men and boys o Refugees women and girls o Host men and boys o Refugee women and girls • What are the 3 priority needs, which are the most urgent to address? o Men and boys (host) o Men and boys (refugee) o Women and girls (host) o Women and girls (refugee) • What are women, girls, boys and men doing to generate income to meet basic needs? o Men and boys (host) o Men and boys (refugee) o Women and girls (host) o Women and girls (refugee) Examples for probing: market, domestic work, begging, sex in exchange for money, domestic work • How are the urban poor coping with their unmet needs? o Men and boys (host) o Men and boys (refugee) o Women and girls (host) o Women and girls (refugee) • What social/cultural structures does the community use to make decisions? How do women and men participate in these? o Men and boys (host) o Men and boys (refugee) o Women and girls (host) o Women and girls (refugee) • What services are safely available to men, women, boys and girls in this community? o Men and boys (host) o Men and boys (refugee) o Women and girls (host) o Women and girls (refugee) Guidance for probing: food aid / distribution, shelter, women-friendly spaces, non-food items (specify which), healthcare, hygiene, education, clean water, other. If any of the above services are not available in the community, ask the informant to specify (if possible) where the community goes to access some of the above services. If any of the above services are not available in the community, ask the informant to specify (if possible) where the community goes to access some of the above services.

GBV ASSESSMENT • What are the main forms of GBV that exist in the community? o Men and boys (host) o Men and boys (refugee) o Women and girls (host) o Women and girls (refugee)

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Probing priority: we know very little about human trafficking in urban areas as a form of GBV and KIIs are the best opportunity to find out about HT. Please do probe on this, and find out as much as possible: e.g. how common it is, any specific examples the informant may have, how it works / the different stages / the process.

• What are the main drivers of GBV in the community? • What GBV services exist are available to GBV survivors? Probe on different types of services (legal, health, PSS, economic) o Men and boys (host) o Men and boys (refugee) o Women and girls (host) o Women and girls (refugee) • Are these services adequate and effective? Please probe on strengths and weaknesses of existing services, as well as on any gaps in services. • Do survivors have access to these services? If not, why not? o Men and boys (host) o Men and boys (refugee) o Women and girls (host) o Women and girls (refugee) • What happens to perpetrators of GBV? Guidance for probing: are they reported on, punished, rehabilitated? Please explain the answers (if not, why not?). Are there differences between refugee and host perpetrators?

• What are the main challenges to tackling GBV in the community? o Men and boys (host) o Men and boys (refugee) o Women and girls (host) o Women and girls (refugee) • Do you have any recommendations on effective programming in supporting urban poor (refugee and poor) in your community? o Men and boys (host) o Men and boys (refugee) o Women and girls (host) o Women and girls (refugee) Guidance for probing: please probe on any good practices and lessons learned, from key informant’s own experience or observation. If they know of or mention any past or current programmes, please take note of the details.

• Can you recommend any other stakeholders for us to speak with? Please make a note of names, titles / profession and contact details. Other: ______GENERAL • Who is in charge of managing refugees in this community ? • Can you share any data on refugee and host demographics? o Geographic repartition of wealth in cities (where are the slums) o Population data per wealth category o Data on numbers of urban refugees o Spaces where they meet / engage and can be reached o Other: e.g. Congolese refugees / economic migrants / camp refugees working in town • What is the relationship between refugee and host communities generally like? Probe for any tensions, conflicts, solidarity groups or alliances.

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RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

Annex 4 - GBV District Network Committee’s GBV Referral Pathway

REFERRAL PATHWAY FOR GBV CASES IN ARUA. According to the Uganda Demographic and Health Survey (UDHS), 2011 56% of women between 15-49 years have at least experienced physical violence. 28% have experienced sexual violence compared to men of only 9%. This calls for a more aggressive prevention and response mechanism in the district. Key stakeholders Local council(s) Probation and social welfare officer Medical/ health workers Local Council 1 (LC1) Police forwards to court Ensure immediate safety for the survivor, Civil society organisations (CSOs) Preserve evidence for support options & concerns must be addressed immediately to avoid evidence loss,

Refer to appropriate security actors such as police, probation office,

Where a child is involved, she is referred.

Police Psychosocial service Traditional/ religious/ provider (CSOs, CBOs, community leaders Ensure immediate safety for the Legal Aid clinics) survivor,

Provide psychosocial support. Help survivors/victims overcome Preserve evidence for success of court action, In case of defilement/rape, the trauma and social stigma, survivor/victim must be taken Psychosocial support should be for medical examination within Defilement/rape victims must be taken confidential, 72 hours to prevent HIV for medical examination within 72

infection and within 3 days to hours to prevent HIV infection, and to Help survivor/victim understand the avoid unwanted pregnancies. avoid unwanted pregnancies, within 3 legal options & necessary steps to days, pursue justice.

May refer a victim to a shelter or for psychosocial counselling .

Medical/Health Practitioner

Offer requisite medical assistance to victim/survivor,

Ensure treatment for prevention of HIV/AIDS/STIs (PEP) within 72 hours where appropriate,

Ensure treatment for prevention of pregnancy within 3 days,

If you suspect domestic violence, accurately document the visit of the victim/survivor,

Inform the victim/survivor of options available within the 51 Rapid Gender Analysis & Gender Basedjudicial Assessment system. | Arua District & Gulu Town

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Key Actors in tracking cases of violence against children. 1. Head teachers 2. Student leaders- through their Prefects and School clubs 3. Parents 4. Community and Religious leaders 5. Local Governments Technical Officials in particular the District 6. Education Officers (DEOs), Inspectors of Schools, Probation and Social 7. Welfare Officers, Health workers, Police (Child and Family Protection Unit, SGBV and Children Related Offences Department 8. Community Child Protection Committees 9. Civil Society Organisations and Activists advocating for the protection of child rights 10. Local Councillors 11. Resident District Commissioners 12. 10)District Attorney 13. Traditional/ Cultural Institutions

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Annex 5 - RGA on Power, Omugo Settlement, CARE Uganda West Nile, 1 March 2019 (Draft Version 1).

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63 Rapid Gender Analysis & Gender Based Assessment | Arua District & Gulu Town

RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

64 Rapid Gender Analysis & Gender Based Assessment | Arua District & Gulu Town

RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

65 Rapid Gender Analysis & Gender Based Assessment | Arua District & Gulu Town

RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

66 Rapid Gender Analysis & Gender Based Assessment | Arua District & Gulu Town

RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

67 Rapid Gender Analysis & Gender Based Assessment | Arua District & Gulu Town

RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

68 Rapid Gender Analysis & Gender Based Assessment | Arua District & Gulu Town

RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

69 Rapid Gender Analysis & Gender Based Assessment | Arua District & Gulu Town

RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

70 Rapid Gender Analysis & Gender Based Assessment | Arua District & Gulu Town

RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

71 Rapid Gender Analysis & Gender Based Assessment | Arua District & Gulu Town

RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

72 Rapid Gender Analysis & Gender Based Assessment | Arua District & Gulu Town

RGA & GBV Assessment Arua District & Gulu Town

CARE International in Uganda P.O. Box 7280, 2nd Floor, Kalamu House Plot 1B Kira Road Kampala, Uganda Tel: +256 312 258 100 Web: www.careuganda.org

CARE Österreich (Austria) Lange Gasse 30/4 1080 Wien Österreich Tel: +43 / 1 / 715-0-715-0 Fax: +43 / 1 / 715-0-715-12 E-mail: [email protected] Web site: http://www.care.at

73 Rapid Gender Analysis & Gender Based Assessment | Arua District & Gulu Town