Student Activism and Campus Politics in China, 1957

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Student Activism and Campus Politics in China, 1957 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, IRVINE Blooming, Contending, and Staying Silent: Student Activism and Campus Politics in China, 1957 DISSERTATION submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in History by Yidi Wu Dissertation Committee: Professor Jeffrey Wasserstrom, Chair Professor Susan Morrissey Professor Paul Pickowicz 2017 © 2017 Yidi Wu DEDICATION To All my interviewees, who kindly shared their time, experience and wisdom with me. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS iv CURRICULUM VITAE v ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION vi CHAPTER 1: Introduction: Student Activism in 1957’s China 1 CHAPTER 2: 1919, 1957, 1966, and 1989: Student Activism in Twentieth-Century China 14 CHAPTER 3: From Moscow to Beijing: Chinese Students Learn from Crises in the Soviet Bloc 39 CHAPTER 4: Student Activism as Contentious Politics at Peking University I: Contentious Repertoire and Framing Techniques 78 CHAPTER 5: Student Activism as Contentious Politics at Peking University II: Political Opportunity and Constraint, Organization and Mobilization, and Divisions 131 CHAPTER 6: Variations across Campuses: Similarities and Differences in Beijing, Wuhan and Kunming 168 CHAPTER 7: Stand in Line: Classification of College Students’ Political Reliability in the Anti-Rightist Campaign 205 CHAPTER 8: Epilogue: The Past Has Not Passed 257 REFERENCES 269 APPENDIX: Interview List 274 iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to express sincere gratitude to my dissertation committee. I could not ask for a better advisor, as Professor Wasserstrom has continued to help me connect with various people in the field, and he has provided opportunities for co-authorship in several publications. Professor Pickowicz generously included me in the UC San Diego Chinese history research seminar and the joint conference at East China Normal University, Shanghai. Professor Morrissey gave me copious comments and critiques, which will help me beyond the dissertation. I believe that it is not accidental that both of us received our bachelors from Oberlin College and wrote our dissertations about students. I would also thank several professors who have offered useful comments for chapter drafts, including Professor Joseph Esherick, Professor Emily Baum, and Professor Réne Goldman. Among friends and fellow China historians-in-training, Kyle David and Steven Pieragastini have read my dissertation in full, and I cannot appreciate more of their timely feedback. I have presented Chapter 3 and Chapter 7 in a number of conferences, and I thank my panel discussants, especially Professor Steven Smith and Professor Fabio Lanza, for their comments and the audience for their questions. For my dissertation research and writing, I have received external fellowships from the National Academy of Education / Spencer Foundation, the American Council of Learned Society, the Association for Asian Studies China and Inner Asia Council, Harvard-Yenching library, Oberlin Graduate Alumni Association, and UC Berkeley Center for Studies in Higher Education. At UC Irvine, I have received support from Dean’s Dissertation Fellowship, UC Humanities Research Institute, Humanities Commons Individual Graduate Research, Humanities Collective Individual Graduate Grant, Center for Asian Studies, and Charles Quilter Research and Travel Grant. I would not be able to write my dissertation without the help of people who have provided sources and interview contacts. Among them, I owe tremendously to Song Yongyi, the chief editor of the Anti-Rightist Campaign Database, and Wu Yisan, manager of the 57 Association HK who gave me a list of contacts. Finally, I thank my family and my partner for their patience and support while I finish my dissertation. iv CURRICULUM VITAE Yidi Wu 2011 B.A. in History, Oberlin College 2012 M.A. in History, University of California, Irvine 2012-13 Teaching Assistant, History Department, University of California, Irvine 2015-16 National Academy of Education/ Spencer Dissertation Fellow 2016-17 UC Berkeley, Center for Studies in Higher Education David Gardner Fellow 2017 Ph.D. in History, University of California, Irvine FIELD OF STUDY Student activism, social movement, modern Chinese history PUBLICATIONS Wu, Yidi. “Chinese Documentaries.” In Popular Culture in Asia and Oceania, edited by Kathy Nadeau and Jeremy Murray. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2016. Wu, Yidi. “延安的铁菩萨:在整风运动中抓特务” [Yan’an’s Iron Bodhisattva: Hunting Spies in the Rectification Movement] in 1943: 中国在十字路口 [1943: China at the Crossroads], translated by Xiao Chen and edited by Joseph Esherick and Matt Combs, Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian chubanshe, 2016. Wu, Yidi. “Yan’an’s Iron Bodhisattva: Hunting Spies in the Rectification Movement,” 1943: China at the Crossroads, edited by Matt Combs and Joseph Esherick, 203-241. Ithaca, NY: Cornell East Asia Series, 2015. Wasserstrom, Jeffrey, and Yidi Wu. “You Say You Want a Revolution: Revolutionary and Reformist Scripts in China, 1898-2012.” In Scripting Revolution: A Historical Approach to the Comparative Study of Revolutions, edited by Keith Baker and Dan Edelstein, 231-250. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2015. Wasserstrom, Jeffrey, and Yidi Wu. “1989 People's Movement.” In Oxford Bibliographies in Chinese Studies, edited by Tim Wright. New York: Oxford University Press, 2014. v ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Blooming, Contending, and Staying Silent: Student Activism and Campus Politics in China, 1957 By Yidi Wu Doctor of Philosophy in History University of California, Irvine, 2017 Professor Jeffrey Wasserstrom, Chair What are the continuities and changes of student activism throughout twentieth-century China? How did students carry out contentious politics during political campaigns of the Maoist era? Scholarships on Chinese student activism have concentrated on two major events: the 1919 May Fourth Movement and the 1989 Tiananmen Protests. Others have also paid attention to student protests in the Republican era, as well as the Red Guards in the Cultural Revolution. However, studies of student activism in the 1950s have been missing, a decade which was presumably dominated by Communist political campaigns, thus leaving little space for social dissent. There has been no short of research on elite politics regarding the Hundred Flowers and the Anti-Rightist Campaigns of 1956-57, though a bottom-up approach to the topic would reveal a different picture of the events. My dissertation fills the gap by investigating the spectrum of college student participation in the political campaigns of 1957, including activists, loyalists and those who stayed silent, from Peking University, Wuhan University and Yunnan University. My sources come from declassified archival documents, digital database, documentary films, student journals, official newspapers, memoirs and oral history interviews I conducted in 2014-15 with around sixty vi college students from the late 1950s. I use social movement theories to treat this episode of student activism as contentious politics, and look at student repertoire, organization and mobilization, framing technique, and political opportunity and constraint. Overall, my dissertation argues that Chinese students in 1957 carried out and passed on similar repertoire and framing technique in comparison to other episodes of student activism, but what made it distinctive was the ambiguous political opportunity and divisions among students that consumed the brief yet intense activism. My dissertation contributes to the ongoing scholarly challenge of the 1949 divide by connecting student activism in the Republic era and the Communist reign, and sheds light on grassroots contentious politics in the Maoist era. As 2017 commemorates the sixtieth anniversary of the Hundred Flowers and the Anti-Rightist Campaigns, student activism of 1957 deserves a bright spot as it has been forgotten for too long. vii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION: STUDENT ACTIVISM IN 1957’S CHINA Peking University (Beida) students made posters asserting that “it is the right time” to move. They openly criticized the privilege of Party cadres, and started a journal called Public Square. Many observers would think that these activities happened in 1989, the year of the Tiananmen Protests. In fact, these events occurred in 1957 during the Rectification Campaign, which came between Chairman Mao’s famous speech to “let a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred schools of thought contend” and the subsequent Anti-Rightist Movement which stifled dissent. For the first time since the foundation of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), 1957 saw student activists claim that they were carrying forward the May Fourth spirit of 1919, hold a movement of their own, and pay a huge price for doing so. Drawing upon archival sources from both central and local levels, digital database of the Anti-Rightist Campaign, oral histories, student memoirs and documentary footages, my research investigates student activism and campus politics in 1957’s China. I situate China in the Communist world history after Khrushchev’s secret speech of 1956; I use social movement theories to examine political opportunity, repertoire, framing and organization of this episode of student activism; and I pay attention to variations across campuses and among students. More broadly, I consider 1957 as a crucial year of student activism in twentieth-century China by comparing and contrasting with the May Fourth Movement of 1919, the Red Guards Movement in the Cultural Revolution of 1966-1968, and the Tian’anmen Protests
Recommended publications
  • Study on Hydrodynamic Characteristics and Environmental Response in Shantou Offshore Area
    Journal of Marine Science and Engineering Article Study on Hydrodynamic Characteristics and Environmental Response in Shantou Offshore Area Yuezhao Tang 1,2 , Yang Wang 1,*, Enjin Zhao 2,* , Jiaji Yi 1, Kecong Feng 1, Hongbin Wang 1 and Wanhu Wang 1 1 Haikou Marine Geological Survey Center, China Geological Survey, Haikou 570100, China; [email protected] (Y.T.); [email protected] (J.Y.); [email protected] (K.F.); [email protected] (H.W.); [email protected] (W.W.) 2 Marine Geological Resources Laboratory, China University of Geosciences, Wuhan 430074, China * Correspondence: [email protected] (Y.W.); [email protected] (E.Z.) Abstract: As a coastal trading city in China, Shantou has complex terrain and changeable sea conditions in its coastal waters. In order to better protect the coastal engineering and social property along the coast, based on the numerical simulation method, this paper constructed a detailed hydrodynamic model of the Shantou sea area, and the measured tide elevation and tidal current were used to verify the accuracy of the model. Based on the simulation results, the tide elevation and current in the study area were analyzed, including the flood and ebb tides of astronomical spring tide, the flood and ebb tides of astronomical neap tide, the high tide, and the low tide. In order to find the main tidal constituent types in this sea, the influence of different tidal constituents on tide elevation and tidal current in the study area was analyzed. At the same time, the storm surge model of the study area was constructed, and the flow field under Typhoon “Mangkhut” in the study area was simulated by using the real recorded data.
    [Show full text]
  • Confession, Redemption, and Death: Liu Xiaobo and the Protest Movement of 1989
    Confession, Redemption, and Death: Liu Xiaobo and the Protest Movement of 1989 Geremie Barmé1 There should be room for my extremism; I certainly don’t demand of others that they be like me... I’m pessimistic about mankind in general, but my pessimism does not allow for escape. Even though I might be faced with nothing but a series of tragedies, I will still struggle, still show my opposition. This is why I like Nietzsche and dislike Schopenhauer. Liu Xiaobo, November 19882 I FROM 1988 to early 1989, it was a common sentiment in Beijing that China was in crisis. Economic reform was faltering due to the lack of a coherent program of change or a unified approach to reforms among Chinese leaders and ambitious plans to free prices resulted in widespread panic over inflation; the question of political succession to Deng Xiaoping had taken alarming precedence once more as it became clear that Zhao Ziyang was under attack; nepotism was rife within the Party and corporate economy; egregious corruption and inflation added to dissatisfaction with educational policies and the feeling of hopelessness among intellectuals and university students who had profited little from the reforms; and the general state of cultural malaise and social ills combined to create a sense of impending doom. On top of this, the government seemed unwilling or incapable of attempting to find any new solutions to these problems. It enlisted once more the aid of propaganda, empty slogans, and rhetoric to stave off the mounting crisis. University students in Beijing appeared to be particularly heavy casualties of the general malaise.
    [Show full text]
  • Knowledge Control and Social Contestation in China's
    Science in Movements This book analyzes and compares the origins, evolutionary patterns and consequences of different science and technology controversies in China, including hydropower resistance, disputes surrounding genetically modified organisms and the nuclear power debate. The examination combines social movement theories, communication studies, and science and technology studies. Taking a multidisciplinary approach, the book provides an insight into the interwoven relationship between social and political controls and knowledge monopoly, and looks into a central issue neglected by previous science communication studies: why have different con- troversies shown divergent patterns despite similar social and political contexts? It is revealed that the media environment, political opportunity structures, knowledge-control regimes and activists’ strategies have jointly triggered, nur- tured and sustained these controversies and led to the development of different patterns. Based on these observations, the author also discusses the significance of science communication studies in promoting China’ssocialtransformation and further explores the feasible approach to a more generic framework to understand science controversies across the world. The book will be of value to academics of science communication, science and technology studies, political science studies and sociology, as well as general readers interested in China’s science controversies and social movements. Hepeng Jia is a professor of communication at Soochow University, Suzhou, China. He has worked as a leading science journalist for 20 years and is also a pioneering researcher in the field of science journalism and communication in China. Chinese Perspectives on Journalism and Communication Series Editor: Wenshan Jia is a professor of communication at Shandong University and Chapman University. With the increasing impact of China on global affairs, Chinese perspectives on journalism and communication are on the growing global demand.
    [Show full text]
  • Analysis of Tidal Prism Evolution and Characteristics of the Lingdingyang
    MATEC Web of Conferences 25, 001 0 6 (2015) DOI: 10.1051/matecconf/201525001 0 6 C Owned by the authors, published by EDP Sciences, 2015 Analysis of Tidal Prism Evolution and Characteristics of the Lingdingyang Bay at Pearl River Estuary Shenguang Fang, Yufeng Xie & Liqin Cui Key laboratory of the Pearl River Estuarine Dynamics and Associated Process Regulation, Ministry of Water Resources, Guangzhou, Guangdong, China ABSTRACT: Tidal prism is a rather sensitive factor of the estuarine ecological environment. The historical evolution of the Lingdingyang water area and its shoreline were analyzed. By using remote sensing data, the evolution of the water area of the bay was also calculated in the past 30 years. Due to reclamation, the water area was greatly decreased during that period, and the most serious decrease occurred between 1988 and 1995. Through establishing the two-dimensional mathematical model of the Pearl River estuary, the tidal prism of the Lingdingyang bay has been calculated and analyzed. The hybrid finite analytic method of fully implicit scheme was adopted in the mathematical model’s dispersion and calculation. The results were verified though the method of combining the field hydrographic data and empirical formula calculation. The results showed that the main tidal entrance of the bay is the Lingdingyang entrance, which accounts for about 87.7% of the total tidal prism, while Hong Kong’s Anshidun waterway accounts for only 12.3% or so. Combining the numerical simulations and the historical evolution analysis of the water area and tidal prism, and compared with that in 1978, it showed that the tidal prism of the bay was greatly decreased, and the reduced area was mainly the inner Lingdingyang bay, which accounted for 88.4% of the whole shrunken areas.
    [Show full text]
  • Mao's War Against Nature: Politics and the Environment In
    Reviews Mao’s War Against Nature: Politics and the Environment in Revolutionary China, by Judith Shapiro, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (2001), xvii, 287 pp. Reviewed by Gregory A. Ruf, Associate Professor, Chinese Studies and Anthropology Stony Brook State University of New York In this engaging and informative book, Judith Shapiro takes a sharp, critical look at how development policies and practices under Mao influenced human relationships with the natural world, and considers some consequences of Maoist initiatives for the environment. Drawing on a variety of sources, both written and oral, she guides readers through an historical overview of major political and economic campaigns of the Maoist era, and their impact on human lives and the natural environment. This is a bold and challenging task, not least because such topics remain political sensitive today. Yet the perspective Shapiro offers is refreshing, while the problems she highlights are disturbing, with significant legacies. The political climate of revolutionary China was pervaded by hostile struggle against class enemies, foreign imperialists, Western capitalists, Soviet revisionists, and numerous other antagonists. Under Mao and the communists, “the notion was propagated that China would pick itself up after its long history of humiliation by imperialist powers, become self-reliant in the face of international isolation, and regain strength in the world” (p.6). Militarization was to be a vehicle through which Mao would attempt to forge a ‘New China.’ His period of rule was marked by a protracted series of mass mobilization campaigns, based around the fear of perceived threats, external or internal. Even nature, Shapiro argues, was portrayed in a combative and militaristic rhetoric as an obstacle or enemy to overcome.
    [Show full text]
  • April 28, 1969 Mao Zedong's Speech At
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified April 28, 1969 Mao Zedong’s Speech at the First Plenary Session of the CCP’s Ninth Central Committee Citation: “Mao Zedong’s Speech at the First Plenary Session of the CCP’s Ninth Central Committee,” April 28, 1969, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Jianguo yilai Mao Zedong wengao, vol. 13, pp. 35-41. Translated for CWIHP by Chen Jian. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/117145 Summary: Mao speaks about the importance of a united socialist China, remaining strong amongst international powers. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Chinese Contents: English Translation What I am going to say is what I have said before, which you all know, and I am not going to say anything new. Simply I am going to talk about unity. The purpose of unity is to pursue even greater victory. Now the Soviet revisionists attack us. Some broadcast reports by Tass, the materials prepared by Wang Ming,[i] and the lengthy essay in Kommunist all attack us, claiming that our Party is no longer one of the proletariat and calling it a “petit-bourgeois party.” They claim that what we are doing is the imposition of a monolithic order and that we have returned to the old years of the base areas. What they mean is that we have retrogressed. What is a monolithic order? According to them, it is a military-bureaucratic system. Using a Japanese term, this is a “system.” In the words used by the Soviets, this is called “military-bureaucratic dictatorship.” They look at our list of names, and find many military men, and they call it “military.”[ii] As for “bureaucratic,” probably they mean a batch of “bureaucrats,” including myself, [Zhou] Enlai, Kang Sheng, and Chen Boda.[iii] All in all, those of you who do not belong to the military belong to this “bureaucratic” system.
    [Show full text]
  • Wei Jingsheng and the Democracy Movement in Post-Mao China Merle David Kellerhals Jr
    Old Dominion University ODU Digital Commons Institute for the Humanities Theses Institute for the Humanities Summer 1998 Wei Jingsheng and the Democracy Movement in Post-Mao China Merle David Kellerhals Jr. Old Dominion University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/humanities_etds Part of the Asian History Commons, and the Political History Commons Recommended Citation Kellerhals, Merle D.. "Wei Jingsheng and the Democracy Movement in Post-Mao China" (1998). Master of Arts (MA), thesis, Humanities, Old Dominion University, DOI: 10.25777/7pt4-vv58 https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/humanities_etds/13 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Institute for the Humanities at ODU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Institute for the Humanities Theses by an authorized administrator of ODU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WEI JINGSHENG AND THE DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT IN POST-MAO CHINA by Merle David Kellerhals, Jr B A. May 1995, College of Charleston A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Old Dominion University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS HUMANITIES OLD DOMINION UNIVERSITY August 1998 Approved by: Jin Qiu (Director) hen Jie (Member) David Putney (Member) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UMI Number: 1391982 Copyright 1999 by Kellerhals/ Merle David, Jr. All rights reserved. UMI Microform 1391982 Copyright 1998, by UMI Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner.
    [Show full text]
  • January 14, 1950 Telegram, Mao Zedong to Hu Qiaomu
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified January 14, 1950 Telegram, Mao Zedong to Hu Qiaomu Citation: “Telegram, Mao Zedong to Hu Qiaomu,” January 14, 1950, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Zhonggong zhongyang wenxian yanjiushi, ed., Jianguo yilai Mao Zedong wengao (Mao Zedong’s Manuscripts since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China), vol. 1 (Beijing: Zhongyang wenxian chubanshe, 1987), 237; translation from Shuguang Zhang and Jian Chen, eds.,Chinese Communist Foreign Policy and the Cold War in Asia: New Documentary Evidence, 1944-1950 (Chicago: Imprint Publications, 1996), 137. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/112672 Summary: Mao Zedong gives instructions to Hu Qiaomu on how to write about recent developments within the Japanese Communist Party. Original Language: Chinese Contents: English Translation Scan of Original Document [...] Comrade [Hu] Qiaomu: I shall leave for Leningrad today at 9:00 p.m. and will not be back for three days. I have not yet received the draft of the Renmin ribao ["People's Daily"] editorial and the resolution of the Japanese Communist Party's Politburo. If you prefer to let me read them, I will not be able to give you my response until the 17th. You may prefer to publish the editorial after Comrade [Liu] Shaoqi has read them. Out party should express its opinion by supporting the Cominform bulletin's criticism of Nosaka and addressing our disappointment over the Japanese Communist Party Politburo's failure to accept the criticism. It is hoped that the Japanese Communist Party will take appropriate steps to correct Nosaka's mistakes.
    [Show full text]
  • Submitted for the Phd Degree at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London
    THE CHINESE SHORT STORY IN 1979: AN INTERPRETATION BASED ON OFFICIAL AND NONOFFICIAL LITERARY JOURNALS DESMOND A. SKEEL Submitted for the PhD degree at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 1995 ProQuest Number: 10731694 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10731694 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 A b s t ra c t The short story has been an important genre in 20th century Chinese literature. By its very nature the short story affords the writer the opportunity to introduce swiftly any developments in ideology, theme or style. Scholars have interpreted Chinese fiction published during 1979 as indicative of a "change" in the development of 20th century Chinese literature. This study examines a number of short stories from 1979 in order to determine the extent of that "change". The first two chapters concern the establishment of a representative database and the adoption of viable methods of interpretation. An important, although much neglected, phenomenon in the make-up of 1979 literature are the works which appeared in so-called "nonofficial" journals.
    [Show full text]
  • China's Dual Circulation Economy
    THE SHRINKING MARGINS FOR DEBATE OCTOBER 2020 Introduction François Godement This issue of China Trends started with a question. What policy issues are still debated in today’s PRC media? Our able editor looked into diff erent directions for critical voices, and as a result, the issue covers three diff erent topics. The “dual circulation economy” leads to an important but abstruse discussion on the balance between China’s outward-oriented economy and its domestic, more indigenous components and policies. Innovation, today’s buzzword in China, generates many discussions around the obstacles to reaching the country’s ambitious goals in terms of technological breakthroughs and industrial and scientifi c applications. But the third theme is political, and about the life of the Communist Party: two-faced individuals or factions. Perhaps very tellingly, it contains a massive warning against doubting or privately minimizing the offi cial dogma and norms of behavior: “two-faced individuals” now have to face the rise of campaigns, slogans and direct accusations that target them as such. In itself, the rise of this broad type of accusation demonstrates the limits and the dangers of any debate that can be interpreted as a questioning of the Party line, of the Centre, and of its core – China’s paramount leader (领袖) Xi Jinping. The balance matters: between surviving policy debates on economic governance issues and what is becoming an all-out attack that targets hidden Western political dissent, doubts or non-compliance beyond any explicit form of debate. Both the pre-1949 CCP and Maoist China had so-called “line debates” which science has seen this often turned into “line struggles (路线斗争)”: the offi cial history of the mostly as a “fragmented pre-1966 CCP, no longer reprinted, listed nine such events.
    [Show full text]
  • Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (Ii): the Battle Over "The People" and the Business Community in the Transition to Chinese Rule
    HONG KONG'S ENDGAME AND THE RULE OF LAW (II): THE BATTLE OVER "THE PEOPLE" AND THE BUSINESS COMMUNITY IN THE TRANSITION TO CHINESE RULE JACQUES DELISLE* & KEVIN P. LANE- 1. INTRODUCTION Transitional Hong Kong's endgame formally came to a close with the territory's reversion to Chinese rule on July 1, 1997. How- ever, a legal and institutional order and a "rule of law" for Chi- nese-ruled Hong Kong remain works in progress. They will surely bear the mark of the conflicts that dominated the final years pre- ceding Hong Kong's legal transition from British colony to Chinese Special Administrative Region ("S.A.R."). Those endgame conflicts reflected a struggle among adherents to rival conceptions of a rule of law and a set of laws and institutions that would be adequate and acceptable for Hong Kong. They unfolded in large part through battles over the attitudes and allegiance of "the Hong Kong people" and Hong Kong's business community. Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule ("Endgame I") focused on the first aspect of this story. It examined the political struggle among members of two coherent, but not monolithic, camps, each bound together by a distinct vision of law and sover- t Special Series Reprint: Originally printed in 18 U. Pa. J. Int'l Econ. L. 811 (1997). Assistant Professor, University of Pennsylvania Law School. This Article is the second part of a two-part series. The first part appeared as Hong Kong's End- game and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule, 18 U.
    [Show full text]
  • Deng Xiaoping in the Making of Modern China
    Teaching Asia’s Giants: China Crossing the River by Feeling the Stones Deng Xiaoping in the Making of Modern China Poster of Deng Xiaoping, By Bernard Z. Keo founder of the special economic zone in China in central Shenzhen, China. he 9th of September 1976: The story of Source: The World of Chinese Deng Xiaoping’s ascendancy to para- website at https://tinyurl.com/ yyqv6opv. mount leader starts, like many great sto- Tries, with a death. Nothing quite so dramatic as a murder or an assassination, just the quiet and unassuming death of Mao Zedong, the founding father of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). In the wake of his passing, factions in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) competed to establish who would rule after the Great Helmsman. Pow- er, after all, abhors a vacuum. In the first corner was Hua Guofeng, an unassuming functionary who had skyrocketed to power under the late chairman’s patronage. In the second corner, the Gang of Four, consisting of Mao’s widow, Jiang September 21, 1977. The Qing, and her entourage of radical, leftist, Shanghai-based CCP officials. In the final corner, Deng funeral of Mao Zedong, Beijing, China. Source: © Xiaoping, the great survivor who had experi- Keystone Press/Alamy Stock enced three purges and returned from the wil- Photo. derness each time.1 Within a month of Mao’s death, the Gang of Four had been imprisoned, setting up a showdown between Hua and Deng. While Hua advocated the policy of the “Two Whatev- ers”—that the party should “resolutely uphold whatever policy decisions Chairman Mao made and unswervingly follow whatever instructions Chairman Mao gave”—Deng advocated “seek- ing truth from facts.”2 At a time when China In 1978, some Beijing citizens was reexamining Mao’s legacy, Deng’s approach posted a large-character resonated more strongly with the party than Hua’s rigid dedication to Mao.
    [Show full text]