Student Activism and Campus Politics in China, 1957
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Study on Hydrodynamic Characteristics and Environmental Response in Shantou Offshore Area
Journal of Marine Science and Engineering Article Study on Hydrodynamic Characteristics and Environmental Response in Shantou Offshore Area Yuezhao Tang 1,2 , Yang Wang 1,*, Enjin Zhao 2,* , Jiaji Yi 1, Kecong Feng 1, Hongbin Wang 1 and Wanhu Wang 1 1 Haikou Marine Geological Survey Center, China Geological Survey, Haikou 570100, China; [email protected] (Y.T.); [email protected] (J.Y.); [email protected] (K.F.); [email protected] (H.W.); [email protected] (W.W.) 2 Marine Geological Resources Laboratory, China University of Geosciences, Wuhan 430074, China * Correspondence: [email protected] (Y.W.); [email protected] (E.Z.) Abstract: As a coastal trading city in China, Shantou has complex terrain and changeable sea conditions in its coastal waters. In order to better protect the coastal engineering and social property along the coast, based on the numerical simulation method, this paper constructed a detailed hydrodynamic model of the Shantou sea area, and the measured tide elevation and tidal current were used to verify the accuracy of the model. Based on the simulation results, the tide elevation and current in the study area were analyzed, including the flood and ebb tides of astronomical spring tide, the flood and ebb tides of astronomical neap tide, the high tide, and the low tide. In order to find the main tidal constituent types in this sea, the influence of different tidal constituents on tide elevation and tidal current in the study area was analyzed. At the same time, the storm surge model of the study area was constructed, and the flow field under Typhoon “Mangkhut” in the study area was simulated by using the real recorded data. -
Confession, Redemption, and Death: Liu Xiaobo and the Protest Movement of 1989
Confession, Redemption, and Death: Liu Xiaobo and the Protest Movement of 1989 Geremie Barmé1 There should be room for my extremism; I certainly don’t demand of others that they be like me... I’m pessimistic about mankind in general, but my pessimism does not allow for escape. Even though I might be faced with nothing but a series of tragedies, I will still struggle, still show my opposition. This is why I like Nietzsche and dislike Schopenhauer. Liu Xiaobo, November 19882 I FROM 1988 to early 1989, it was a common sentiment in Beijing that China was in crisis. Economic reform was faltering due to the lack of a coherent program of change or a unified approach to reforms among Chinese leaders and ambitious plans to free prices resulted in widespread panic over inflation; the question of political succession to Deng Xiaoping had taken alarming precedence once more as it became clear that Zhao Ziyang was under attack; nepotism was rife within the Party and corporate economy; egregious corruption and inflation added to dissatisfaction with educational policies and the feeling of hopelessness among intellectuals and university students who had profited little from the reforms; and the general state of cultural malaise and social ills combined to create a sense of impending doom. On top of this, the government seemed unwilling or incapable of attempting to find any new solutions to these problems. It enlisted once more the aid of propaganda, empty slogans, and rhetoric to stave off the mounting crisis. University students in Beijing appeared to be particularly heavy casualties of the general malaise. -
Knowledge Control and Social Contestation in China's
Science in Movements This book analyzes and compares the origins, evolutionary patterns and consequences of different science and technology controversies in China, including hydropower resistance, disputes surrounding genetically modified organisms and the nuclear power debate. The examination combines social movement theories, communication studies, and science and technology studies. Taking a multidisciplinary approach, the book provides an insight into the interwoven relationship between social and political controls and knowledge monopoly, and looks into a central issue neglected by previous science communication studies: why have different con- troversies shown divergent patterns despite similar social and political contexts? It is revealed that the media environment, political opportunity structures, knowledge-control regimes and activists’ strategies have jointly triggered, nur- tured and sustained these controversies and led to the development of different patterns. Based on these observations, the author also discusses the significance of science communication studies in promoting China’ssocialtransformation and further explores the feasible approach to a more generic framework to understand science controversies across the world. The book will be of value to academics of science communication, science and technology studies, political science studies and sociology, as well as general readers interested in China’s science controversies and social movements. Hepeng Jia is a professor of communication at Soochow University, Suzhou, China. He has worked as a leading science journalist for 20 years and is also a pioneering researcher in the field of science journalism and communication in China. Chinese Perspectives on Journalism and Communication Series Editor: Wenshan Jia is a professor of communication at Shandong University and Chapman University. With the increasing impact of China on global affairs, Chinese perspectives on journalism and communication are on the growing global demand. -
Analysis of Tidal Prism Evolution and Characteristics of the Lingdingyang
MATEC Web of Conferences 25, 001 0 6 (2015) DOI: 10.1051/matecconf/201525001 0 6 C Owned by the authors, published by EDP Sciences, 2015 Analysis of Tidal Prism Evolution and Characteristics of the Lingdingyang Bay at Pearl River Estuary Shenguang Fang, Yufeng Xie & Liqin Cui Key laboratory of the Pearl River Estuarine Dynamics and Associated Process Regulation, Ministry of Water Resources, Guangzhou, Guangdong, China ABSTRACT: Tidal prism is a rather sensitive factor of the estuarine ecological environment. The historical evolution of the Lingdingyang water area and its shoreline were analyzed. By using remote sensing data, the evolution of the water area of the bay was also calculated in the past 30 years. Due to reclamation, the water area was greatly decreased during that period, and the most serious decrease occurred between 1988 and 1995. Through establishing the two-dimensional mathematical model of the Pearl River estuary, the tidal prism of the Lingdingyang bay has been calculated and analyzed. The hybrid finite analytic method of fully implicit scheme was adopted in the mathematical model’s dispersion and calculation. The results were verified though the method of combining the field hydrographic data and empirical formula calculation. The results showed that the main tidal entrance of the bay is the Lingdingyang entrance, which accounts for about 87.7% of the total tidal prism, while Hong Kong’s Anshidun waterway accounts for only 12.3% or so. Combining the numerical simulations and the historical evolution analysis of the water area and tidal prism, and compared with that in 1978, it showed that the tidal prism of the bay was greatly decreased, and the reduced area was mainly the inner Lingdingyang bay, which accounted for 88.4% of the whole shrunken areas. -
Mao's War Against Nature: Politics and the Environment In
Reviews Mao’s War Against Nature: Politics and the Environment in Revolutionary China, by Judith Shapiro, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (2001), xvii, 287 pp. Reviewed by Gregory A. Ruf, Associate Professor, Chinese Studies and Anthropology Stony Brook State University of New York In this engaging and informative book, Judith Shapiro takes a sharp, critical look at how development policies and practices under Mao influenced human relationships with the natural world, and considers some consequences of Maoist initiatives for the environment. Drawing on a variety of sources, both written and oral, she guides readers through an historical overview of major political and economic campaigns of the Maoist era, and their impact on human lives and the natural environment. This is a bold and challenging task, not least because such topics remain political sensitive today. Yet the perspective Shapiro offers is refreshing, while the problems she highlights are disturbing, with significant legacies. The political climate of revolutionary China was pervaded by hostile struggle against class enemies, foreign imperialists, Western capitalists, Soviet revisionists, and numerous other antagonists. Under Mao and the communists, “the notion was propagated that China would pick itself up after its long history of humiliation by imperialist powers, become self-reliant in the face of international isolation, and regain strength in the world” (p.6). Militarization was to be a vehicle through which Mao would attempt to forge a ‘New China.’ His period of rule was marked by a protracted series of mass mobilization campaigns, based around the fear of perceived threats, external or internal. Even nature, Shapiro argues, was portrayed in a combative and militaristic rhetoric as an obstacle or enemy to overcome. -
April 28, 1969 Mao Zedong's Speech At
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified April 28, 1969 Mao Zedong’s Speech at the First Plenary Session of the CCP’s Ninth Central Committee Citation: “Mao Zedong’s Speech at the First Plenary Session of the CCP’s Ninth Central Committee,” April 28, 1969, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Jianguo yilai Mao Zedong wengao, vol. 13, pp. 35-41. Translated for CWIHP by Chen Jian. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/117145 Summary: Mao speaks about the importance of a united socialist China, remaining strong amongst international powers. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Chinese Contents: English Translation What I am going to say is what I have said before, which you all know, and I am not going to say anything new. Simply I am going to talk about unity. The purpose of unity is to pursue even greater victory. Now the Soviet revisionists attack us. Some broadcast reports by Tass, the materials prepared by Wang Ming,[i] and the lengthy essay in Kommunist all attack us, claiming that our Party is no longer one of the proletariat and calling it a “petit-bourgeois party.” They claim that what we are doing is the imposition of a monolithic order and that we have returned to the old years of the base areas. What they mean is that we have retrogressed. What is a monolithic order? According to them, it is a military-bureaucratic system. Using a Japanese term, this is a “system.” In the words used by the Soviets, this is called “military-bureaucratic dictatorship.” They look at our list of names, and find many military men, and they call it “military.”[ii] As for “bureaucratic,” probably they mean a batch of “bureaucrats,” including myself, [Zhou] Enlai, Kang Sheng, and Chen Boda.[iii] All in all, those of you who do not belong to the military belong to this “bureaucratic” system. -
Wei Jingsheng and the Democracy Movement in Post-Mao China Merle David Kellerhals Jr
Old Dominion University ODU Digital Commons Institute for the Humanities Theses Institute for the Humanities Summer 1998 Wei Jingsheng and the Democracy Movement in Post-Mao China Merle David Kellerhals Jr. Old Dominion University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/humanities_etds Part of the Asian History Commons, and the Political History Commons Recommended Citation Kellerhals, Merle D.. "Wei Jingsheng and the Democracy Movement in Post-Mao China" (1998). Master of Arts (MA), thesis, Humanities, Old Dominion University, DOI: 10.25777/7pt4-vv58 https://digitalcommons.odu.edu/humanities_etds/13 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Institute for the Humanities at ODU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Institute for the Humanities Theses by an authorized administrator of ODU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WEI JINGSHENG AND THE DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT IN POST-MAO CHINA by Merle David Kellerhals, Jr B A. May 1995, College of Charleston A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Old Dominion University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirement for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS HUMANITIES OLD DOMINION UNIVERSITY August 1998 Approved by: Jin Qiu (Director) hen Jie (Member) David Putney (Member) Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UMI Number: 1391982 Copyright 1999 by Kellerhals/ Merle David, Jr. All rights reserved. UMI Microform 1391982 Copyright 1998, by UMI Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. -
January 14, 1950 Telegram, Mao Zedong to Hu Qiaomu
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified January 14, 1950 Telegram, Mao Zedong to Hu Qiaomu Citation: “Telegram, Mao Zedong to Hu Qiaomu,” January 14, 1950, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Zhonggong zhongyang wenxian yanjiushi, ed., Jianguo yilai Mao Zedong wengao (Mao Zedong’s Manuscripts since the Founding of the People’s Republic of China), vol. 1 (Beijing: Zhongyang wenxian chubanshe, 1987), 237; translation from Shuguang Zhang and Jian Chen, eds.,Chinese Communist Foreign Policy and the Cold War in Asia: New Documentary Evidence, 1944-1950 (Chicago: Imprint Publications, 1996), 137. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/112672 Summary: Mao Zedong gives instructions to Hu Qiaomu on how to write about recent developments within the Japanese Communist Party. Original Language: Chinese Contents: English Translation Scan of Original Document [...] Comrade [Hu] Qiaomu: I shall leave for Leningrad today at 9:00 p.m. and will not be back for three days. I have not yet received the draft of the Renmin ribao ["People's Daily"] editorial and the resolution of the Japanese Communist Party's Politburo. If you prefer to let me read them, I will not be able to give you my response until the 17th. You may prefer to publish the editorial after Comrade [Liu] Shaoqi has read them. Out party should express its opinion by supporting the Cominform bulletin's criticism of Nosaka and addressing our disappointment over the Japanese Communist Party Politburo's failure to accept the criticism. It is hoped that the Japanese Communist Party will take appropriate steps to correct Nosaka's mistakes. -
Submitted for the Phd Degree at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London
THE CHINESE SHORT STORY IN 1979: AN INTERPRETATION BASED ON OFFICIAL AND NONOFFICIAL LITERARY JOURNALS DESMOND A. SKEEL Submitted for the PhD degree at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 1995 ProQuest Number: 10731694 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10731694 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 A b s t ra c t The short story has been an important genre in 20th century Chinese literature. By its very nature the short story affords the writer the opportunity to introduce swiftly any developments in ideology, theme or style. Scholars have interpreted Chinese fiction published during 1979 as indicative of a "change" in the development of 20th century Chinese literature. This study examines a number of short stories from 1979 in order to determine the extent of that "change". The first two chapters concern the establishment of a representative database and the adoption of viable methods of interpretation. An important, although much neglected, phenomenon in the make-up of 1979 literature are the works which appeared in so-called "nonofficial" journals. -
China's Dual Circulation Economy
THE SHRINKING MARGINS FOR DEBATE OCTOBER 2020 Introduction François Godement This issue of China Trends started with a question. What policy issues are still debated in today’s PRC media? Our able editor looked into diff erent directions for critical voices, and as a result, the issue covers three diff erent topics. The “dual circulation economy” leads to an important but abstruse discussion on the balance between China’s outward-oriented economy and its domestic, more indigenous components and policies. Innovation, today’s buzzword in China, generates many discussions around the obstacles to reaching the country’s ambitious goals in terms of technological breakthroughs and industrial and scientifi c applications. But the third theme is political, and about the life of the Communist Party: two-faced individuals or factions. Perhaps very tellingly, it contains a massive warning against doubting or privately minimizing the offi cial dogma and norms of behavior: “two-faced individuals” now have to face the rise of campaigns, slogans and direct accusations that target them as such. In itself, the rise of this broad type of accusation demonstrates the limits and the dangers of any debate that can be interpreted as a questioning of the Party line, of the Centre, and of its core – China’s paramount leader (领袖) Xi Jinping. The balance matters: between surviving policy debates on economic governance issues and what is becoming an all-out attack that targets hidden Western political dissent, doubts or non-compliance beyond any explicit form of debate. Both the pre-1949 CCP and Maoist China had so-called “line debates” which science has seen this often turned into “line struggles (路线斗争)”: the offi cial history of the mostly as a “fragmented pre-1966 CCP, no longer reprinted, listed nine such events. -
Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (Ii): the Battle Over "The People" and the Business Community in the Transition to Chinese Rule
HONG KONG'S ENDGAME AND THE RULE OF LAW (II): THE BATTLE OVER "THE PEOPLE" AND THE BUSINESS COMMUNITY IN THE TRANSITION TO CHINESE RULE JACQUES DELISLE* & KEVIN P. LANE- 1. INTRODUCTION Transitional Hong Kong's endgame formally came to a close with the territory's reversion to Chinese rule on July 1, 1997. How- ever, a legal and institutional order and a "rule of law" for Chi- nese-ruled Hong Kong remain works in progress. They will surely bear the mark of the conflicts that dominated the final years pre- ceding Hong Kong's legal transition from British colony to Chinese Special Administrative Region ("S.A.R."). Those endgame conflicts reflected a struggle among adherents to rival conceptions of a rule of law and a set of laws and institutions that would be adequate and acceptable for Hong Kong. They unfolded in large part through battles over the attitudes and allegiance of "the Hong Kong people" and Hong Kong's business community. Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule ("Endgame I") focused on the first aspect of this story. It examined the political struggle among members of two coherent, but not monolithic, camps, each bound together by a distinct vision of law and sover- t Special Series Reprint: Originally printed in 18 U. Pa. J. Int'l Econ. L. 811 (1997). Assistant Professor, University of Pennsylvania Law School. This Article is the second part of a two-part series. The first part appeared as Hong Kong's End- game and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule, 18 U. -
Deng Xiaoping in the Making of Modern China
Teaching Asia’s Giants: China Crossing the River by Feeling the Stones Deng Xiaoping in the Making of Modern China Poster of Deng Xiaoping, By Bernard Z. Keo founder of the special economic zone in China in central Shenzhen, China. he 9th of September 1976: The story of Source: The World of Chinese Deng Xiaoping’s ascendancy to para- website at https://tinyurl.com/ yyqv6opv. mount leader starts, like many great sto- Tries, with a death. Nothing quite so dramatic as a murder or an assassination, just the quiet and unassuming death of Mao Zedong, the founding father of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). In the wake of his passing, factions in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) competed to establish who would rule after the Great Helmsman. Pow- er, after all, abhors a vacuum. In the first corner was Hua Guofeng, an unassuming functionary who had skyrocketed to power under the late chairman’s patronage. In the second corner, the Gang of Four, consisting of Mao’s widow, Jiang September 21, 1977. The Qing, and her entourage of radical, leftist, Shanghai-based CCP officials. In the final corner, Deng funeral of Mao Zedong, Beijing, China. Source: © Xiaoping, the great survivor who had experi- Keystone Press/Alamy Stock enced three purges and returned from the wil- Photo. derness each time.1 Within a month of Mao’s death, the Gang of Four had been imprisoned, setting up a showdown between Hua and Deng. While Hua advocated the policy of the “Two Whatev- ers”—that the party should “resolutely uphold whatever policy decisions Chairman Mao made and unswervingly follow whatever instructions Chairman Mao gave”—Deng advocated “seek- ing truth from facts.”2 At a time when China In 1978, some Beijing citizens was reexamining Mao’s legacy, Deng’s approach posted a large-character resonated more strongly with the party than Hua’s rigid dedication to Mao.