Evolution and Culture
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Multilinear Euo Lution: Eaolution and Process'
'1. Multilinear Euolution: Eaolution and Process' THEMEANING Of EVOLUIION Cultural evolution, although long an unfashionable concept, has commanded renewed interest in the last two decades. This interest does not indicate any seriousreconsideration of the particular historical reconstructions of the nineteenth-century evolutionists, for thesc were quite thoroughly discredited on empirical grounds. It arises from the potential methodological importance of cultural evolution for con- temporary research, from the implications of its scientific objectives, its taxonomic procedures, and its conceptualization of historical change and cultural causality. An appraisal of cultural evolution, therefore, must be concerned with definitions and meanings. But I do not wish to engage in semantics. I shall attempt to show that if certain distinc- tions in the concept of evolution are made, it is evident that certain methodological propositions find fairly wide acceptance today. In order to clear the ground, it is necessaryfirst to consider the meaning of cultural evolution in relation to biological evolution, for there is a wide tendency to consider the former as an extension of, I This chapter is adapted lrom "Evolution and Process," in Anthropology Today: An Encyclopedic Inaentory, ed. A. L. Kroeber (University of Chicago Press, 1953), pp. 313-26, by courtesy of The University of Chicago Press. l1 12 THEoR'- oF cuLTURE cIIANGE and thercfore analogousto, the latter. There is, of course,a relation- ship betrveen biological and cultural evolution in that a minimal dcvclopment of the Hominidae was a prccondition of culture. But cultural cvolution is an extension of biological evolution only in a chronological sense (Huxley, 1952). The nature of the cvolutionary schemesand of the devclopmental processesdiffers profoundly in. -
Three Faces of Cruelty: Towards a Comparative Sociology of Violence Author(S): Randall Collins Source: Theory and Society, Vol
Three Faces of Cruelty: Towards a Comparative Sociology of Violence Author(s): Randall Collins Source: Theory and Society, Vol. 1, No. 4 (Winter, 1974), pp. 415-440 Published by: Springer Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/656911 Accessed: 12/06/2009 07:41 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=springer. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Springer is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Theory and Society. http://www.jstor.org 415 THREE FACES OF CRUELTY: TOWARDS A COMPARATIVE SOCIOLOGYOF VIOLENCE RANDALL COLLINS To the comparativesociologist, history shows itself on two levels. -
Theoretical Pluralism and Sociological Theory
ASA Theory Section Debate on Theoretical Work, Pluralism, and Sociological Theory Below are the original essay by Stephen Sanderson in Perspectives, the Newsletter of the ASA Theory section (August 2005), and the responses it received from Julia Adams, Andrew Perrin, Dustin Kidd, and Christopher Wilkes (February 2006). Also included is a lengthier version of Sanderson’s reply than the one published in the print edition of the newsletter. REFORMING THEORETICAL WORK IN SOCIOLOGY: A MODEST PROPOSAL Stephen K. Sanderson Indiana University of Pennsylvania Thirty-five years ago, Alvin Gouldner (1970) predicted a coming crisis of Western sociology. Not only did he turn out to be right, but if anything he underestimated the severity of the crisis. This crisis has been particularly severe in the subfield of sociology generally known as “theory.” At least that is my view, as well as that of many other sociologists who are either theorists or who pay close attention to theory. Along with many of the most trenchant critics of contemporary theory (e.g., Jonathan Turner), I take the view that sociology in general, and sociological theory in particular, should be thoroughly scientific in outlook. Working from this perspective, I would list the following as the major dimensions of the crisis currently afflicting theory (cf. Chafetz, 1993). 1. An excessive concern with the classical theorists. Despite Jeffrey Alexander’s (1987) strong argument for “the centrality of the classics,” mature sciences do not show the kind of continual concern with the “founding fathers” that we find in sociological theory. It is all well and good to have a sense of our history, but in the mature sciences that is all it amounts to – history. -
The Great Debate
01-Sernau.qxd 4/11/2005 11:32 AM Page 3 1 The Great Debate An imbalance between rich and poor is the oldest and most fatal ailment of all republics. —Plutarch, Greek philosopher (c. 46–120 A.D.) Inequality, rather than want, is the cause of trouble. —ancient Chinese saying The prince should try to prevent too great an inequality of wealth. —Erasmus, Dutch scholar (1465–1536) Consider the following questions for a moment: Is inequality a good thing? And good for whom? This is a philosophical rather than an empirical question—not is inequality inevitable, but is it good? Some measure of inequality is almost universal; inequalities occur everywhere. Is this because inequality is inevitable, or is it just a universal hindrance (perhaps like prejudice, intolerance, ethnocentrism, and violence)? Is inequality necessary to motivate people, or can they be motivated by other factors, such as a love of the common good or the intrinsic interest of a par- ticular vocation? Note that not everyone, even among today’s supposedly highly materialistic college students, chooses the most lucrative profession. Volunteerism seems to be gaining in importance rather than disappearing among college students and recent graduates. Except for maybe on a few truly awful days, I would not be eager to stop teaching sociology and start emptying wastebaskets at my university, even if the compensation for the two jobs were equal. What is it that motivates human beings? 3 01-Sernau.qxd 4/11/2005 11:32 AM Page 4 4 PART I ❖ ROOTS OF INEQUALITY Inequality by what criteria? If we seek equality, what does that mean? Do we seek equality of opportunities or equality of outcomes? Is the issue one the process? Is inequality acceptable as long as fair competition and equal access exist? In many ways, this might be the American ideal. -
Leslie White (1900-1975)
Neoevolutionism Leslie White Julian Steward Neoevolutionism • 20th century evolutionists proposed a series of explicit, scientific laws liking cultural change to different spheres of material existence. • Although clearly drawing upon ideas of Marx and Engels, American anthropologists could not emphasize Marxist ideas due to reactionary politics. • Instead they emphasized connections to Tylor and Morgan. Neoevolutionism • Resurgence of evolutionism was much more apparent in U.S. than in Britain. • Idea of looking for systematic cultural changes through time fit in better with American anthropology because of its inclusion of archaeology. • Most important contribution was concern with the causes of change rather than mere historical reconstructions. • Changes in modes of production have consequences for other arenas of culture. • Material factors given causal priority Leslie White (1900-1975) • Personality and Culture 1925 • A Problem in Kinship Terminology 1939 • The Pueblo of Santa Ana 1942 • Energy and the Evolution of Culture 1943 • Diffusion Versus Evolution: An Anti- evolutionist Fallacy 1945 • The Expansion of the Scope of Science 1947 • Evolutionism in Cultural Anthropology: A Rejoinder 1947 • The Science of Culture 1949 • The Evolution of Culture 1959 • The Ethnology and Ethnography of Franz Boas 1963 • The Concept of Culture 1973 Leslie White • Ph.D. dissertation in 1927 on Medicine Societies of the Southwest from University of Chicago. • Taught by Edward Sapir. • Taught at University of Buffalo & University of Michigan. • Students included Marshall Sahlins and Elman Service. • A converted Boasian who went back to Morgan’s ideas of evolutionism after reading League of the Iroquois. • Culture is based upon symbols and uniquely human ability to symbolize. • White calls science of culture "culturology" • Claims that "culture grows out of culture" • For White, culture cannot be explained biologically or psychologically, but only in terms of itself. -
Mode of Production and Mode of Exploitation: the Mechanical and the Dialectical'
DjalectiCalAflthropologY 1(1975) 7 — 2 3 © Elsevier Scientific Publishing Company, Amsterdam — Printed in The Netherlands MODE OF PRODUCTION AND MODE OF EXPLOITATION: THE MECHANICAL AND THE DIALECTICAL' Eugene E. Ruyle In the social production of their life, men enter into definite relations that are indispensable and independent of their will, relations of production which correspond to a definite stage of development of their material produc- tive forces. The sum total of these relations of production constitutes the economic structure of society, the real foundation, on which rises a legal and political superstruc- ture and to which correspond definite forms of social consciousness. The mode of production of material life conditions the social, political and intellectual life process in general. It is not the consciousness of men that deter- mines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being that determines their consciousness.2 The specific economic form, in which unpaid surplus labor is pumped out of the direct producers, determines the relation of rulers and ruled, as it grows immediately out of production itself and in turn reacts upon it as a determining agent. .. It is always the direct relation of the owners of the means of production to the direct producers which reveals the innermost secret, the hidden foundation of the entire social structure.3 In the first of these two passages, Marx in crypto-Marxist bourgeois social science, and appears to be arguing for the sort of techno- then by exploring the possibilities of supple- economic determinism which has become menting the "mode of production" approach increasingly fashionable in bourgeois social with a "mode of exploitation" analysis. -
SOCIOLOGY of RELIGION Robert Wuthnow These Readings Will Expose You to the Central Ideas That Have Shaped the Sociology of Relig
SOCIOLOGY OF RELIGION Robert Wuthnow These readings will expose you to the central ideas that have shaped the sociology of religion. The list emphasizes major theoretical and theoretically informed substantive contributions, including some from anthropology and history as well as sociology. The basic readings are starred (*) and should be read carefully. Following each set of basic readings is a short selection of supplementary readings. These are meant to provide more recent and/or advanced understanding of how the core perspective has been extended or applied, or in some cases to suggest alternative approaches and applications. You should pick one of these supplementary readings from each section. In most instances, you may pick either a more theoretically oriented reading or a more empirically oriented study, depending on your interests. Mastering the basic readings and one supplementary reading from each section will give you about 90 percent of what you need to know for the General Examination in sociology of religion. The remaining 10 percent should be composed of recent literature in a sub- area related to your dissertation interests. The reading course will meet each week for one to one and a half hours. Please write and circulate a two-page memo in advance summarizing your thoughts about what you have read and raising questions for discussion. If the week's readings are new to you, focus on the basic readings; if you are already familiar with the basic readings, review them and come prepared to make a short presentation about one of the supplementary readings. For an extensive bibliography and sampling of topics covered in an undergraduate course in sociology of religion, see Meredith McGuire, Religion: The Social Context, 5th ed. -
05 Neo-Evolutionism
Paper No. : 10 Theories and methods in social and cultural Anthropology Module : 05 Neo-Evolutionism Development Team Principal Investigator Prof. Anup Kumar Kapoor Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi Paper Coordinator Prof. Anup Kumar Kapoor Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi Vineet Kumar Verma Content Writer Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi Prof. Subir Biswas, Department of Anthropology, West Content Reviewer Bengal State University, Barasat, West Bengal 1 Theories and methods in social and cultural Anthropology Anthropology Neo-Evolutionism Description of Module Subject Name Anthropology Paper Name 10 Theories and methods in social and cultural Anthropology Module Name/Title Neo-Evolutionism Module Id 05 2 Theories and methods in social and cultural Anthropology Anthropology Neo-Evolutionism Table of Contents Introduction 1. Early anthropological theory 2. History of nineteenth-century classical evolutionists 3. Neo-evolutionist 4. Neo-evolutionists Scholars V. Gordon Childe (England) Julian Steward (U.S.A) Leslie White (U.S.A) Summary Learning Objective To introduce history of anthropological thought by tracing its historical development To classify the course of historical development, academic, and Anthropological importance in terms of its development An attempt to look Methodological approaches to the origin of culture 3 Theories and methods in social and cultural Anthropology Anthropology Neo-Evolutionism Introduction A theoretical orientation is usually a general attitude about how cultural phenomena are to be explained. A number of thinkers during this period began to discuss evolution and how it might occur. The prevailing theoretical orientation in anthropology during the 19th century was based on a belief that culture generally evolves in a uniform and progressive manner; that is, most societies were believed to pass through the same series of stages, to arrive ultimately at a common end. -
SM 3 History of the Personality of Anthropology
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by eVols at University of Hawaii at Manoa Savage Minds Occasional Papers No. 3 The History of the Personality of Anthropology By Alfred Kroeber Edited and with an introduction by Alex Golub First edition, 18 October, 2013 Savage Minds Occasional Papers 1. The Superorganic by Alfred Kroeber, edited and with an introduction by Alex Golub 2. Responses to “The Superorganic”: Texts by Alexander Goldenweiser and Edward Sapir, edited and with an introduction by Alex Golub 3. The History of the Personality of Anthropology by Alfred Kroeber, edited and with an introduction by Alex Golub Copyright information This original work is copyright by Alex Golub, 2013. The author has issued the work under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 United States license. You are free • to share - to copy, distribute and transmit the work • to remix - to adapt the work Under the following conditions • attribution - you must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author • noncommercial - you may not use this work for commercial purposes • share alike - if you alter, transform, or build upon this work, you may distribute the resulting work only under the same or similar license to this one This work includes excerpts from Kroeber, Alfred. 1959. The history of the personality of anthropology. American Anthropologist 61 (3): 398-404. American Anthropological Association article content published before 1964 is in the public domain and may be used and copied without permission. For more information see http:// www.aaanet.org/publications/permissions.cfm. The original article appears at http:// onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1525/aa.1959.61.3.02a00040/abstract. -
Sociocultural Evolution 1 Sociocultural Evolution
Sociocultural evolution 1 Sociocultural evolution Sociocultural evolution(ism) is an umbrella term for theories of cultural evolution and social evolution, describing how cultures and societies have changed over time. Note that "sociocultural evolution" is not an equivalent of "sociocultural development" (unified processes of differentiation and integration involving increases in sociocultural complexity), as sociocultural evolution also encompasses sociocultural transformations accompanied by decreases of complexity (degeneration) as well as ones not accompanied by any significant changes of sociocultural complexity (cladogenesis).[1] Thus, sociocultural evolution can be defined as "the process by which structural reorganization is affected through time, eventually producing a form or structure which is qualitatively different from the ancestral form.... Evolutionism then becomes the scientific activity of finding nomothetic explanations for the occurrence of such structural changes".[2] Although such theories typically provide models for understanding the relationship between technologies, social structure, the values of a society, and how and why they change with time, they vary as to the extent to which they describe specific mechanisms of variation and social change. Historically, Europeans had tried to explain the meaning of "primitive" societies, with some arguing that primitive peoples had degenerated from a "barbarous" to an even lower "savage" state. These observers often saw European society as symbolizing the highest state of "civilization."[3] Over time, important commentators like Edward Burnett Tylor, Lewis Henry Morgan, Franz Boas, Leslie White, and Julian Steward elaborated on this thinking with theories from unilinear evolution to the "culture history" approach.[3] Sociocultural modeling[4] is an umbrella term for theories of cultural and social evolution, which aims to describe how cultures and societies have developed over time. -
Notes and References
Notes and References 1. Introduction 1. Seasonal variation and the division of labour among hunter-gatherers receives detailed attention in Chapter 5 (see also Condon, 1983). The particular point in this passage comes from the ethnographie film entitled People ofthe Seal, by Asen Balikci (see also Balikci, 1970). The famous Northwest Coast potlatch does not receive detailed treatment in this book, but some traditional analyses as weIl as new findings should be mentioned. Some traditional sources include: Boas, 1897, 1966; Drucker, 1955, 1965; DeLaguna, 1972; Oberg, 1973; Sapir and Swadesh, 1939; Codere, 1950; Mitchell and Donald, 1988. The fact that post-contact Northwest Coast economies encompass a complex mix of organisational features is documented by Donald (1984) and Mitchell 1984 (see also Isaac, 1988). The literature on the Trobriand Islands is substantial. The specific reference here is to Bronislaw Malinowski, Argonauts of the Western Pacifie (1922) and Coral Gardens and Their Magie (1935); see also Uberoi (1962). For material on the Dani see Karl Heider (1979). Barbara Myerhoff's book, Number Dur Days (1978), is the reference for the elderly Californian. On the Mudurucu see Murphy and Murphy (1974). The description ofthe Mexican grand mother's multiple roles is in Friedlander (1976). 2. Patch exploitation refers to optimal foraging models of hunter-gatherer economies. I deal more extensively with elements of optimal foraging models in Chapter 4. Discussions of classical political economy (Adam Smith and others) and of marginal utility economics (Alfred Marshall and others), I leave to the historians of economic thought. I elaborate the meaning of the concept of institution in the discussion of the institutional paradigm in Chapter 3. -
Gerhard Lenski Some False Oppositions
For Sociological Theory, 2004 Gerhard Lenski, Some False Oppositions, and The Religious Factor Craig Calhoun Isaiah Berlin famously declared that there are two kinds of intellectuals: hedgehogs and foxes. The former have one big idea, stick to it throughout their careers, and find it significant for all issues.1 The latter flit from idea to idea, theme to theme, glorying more in diversity and range than in depth or perseverance. The opposition is illustrative but Gerry Lenski proves it too simple.2 Lenski wrote three great books on three different important subjects: religion, stratification, and social evolution. There is indeed a unifying theme, since all are concerned in significant part with the social organization and implications of inequality. But only one has that as its primary subject. The Religious Factor may say more about 1 'The fox knows many things, but the hedgehog knows one big thing'. The line comes from the Greek poet Archilochus; see Berlin (1953). Berlin originally entitled his essay “Leo Tolstoy’s Historical Skepticism,” but George Weidenfeld suggested the new and vastly more evocative title. “For there exists a great chasm between those, on one side, who relate everything to a single central vision, one system less or more coherent or articulate, in terms of which they understand, think and feel-a single, universal, organizing principle in terms of which alone all that they are and say has significance-and, on the other side, those who pursue many ends, often unrelated and even contradictory, connected, if at all,