The British Empire in the Nineteenth Century
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Colony and Empire, Colonialism and Imperialism: a Meaningful Distinction?
Comparative Studies in Society and History 2021;63(2):280–309. 0010-4175/21 © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History doi:10.1017/S0010417521000050 Colony and Empire, Colonialism and Imperialism: A Meaningful Distinction? KRISHAN KUMAR University of Virginia, Charlottesville, VA, USA It is a mistaken notion that planting of colonies and extending of Empire are necessarily one and the same thing. ———Major John Cartwright, Ten Letters to the Public Advertiser, 20 March–14 April 1774 (in Koebner 1961: 200). There are two ways to conquer a country; the first is to subordinate the inhabitants and govern them directly or indirectly.… The second is to replace the former inhabitants with the conquering race. ———Alexis de Tocqueville (2001[1841]: 61). One can instinctively think of neo-colonialism but there is no such thing as neo-settler colonialism. ———Lorenzo Veracini (2010: 100). WHAT’ S IN A NAME? It is rare in popular usage to distinguish between imperialism and colonialism. They are treated for most intents and purposes as synonyms. The same is true of many scholarly accounts, which move freely between imperialism and colonialism without apparently feeling any discomfort or need to explain themselves. So, for instance, Dane Kennedy defines colonialism as “the imposition by foreign power of direct rule over another people” (2016: 1), which for most people would do very well as a definition of empire, or imperialism. Moreover, he comments that “decolonization did not necessarily Acknowledgments: This paper is a much-revised version of a presentation given many years ago at a seminar on empires organized by Patricia Crone, at the Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton. -
Routledge Handbook of Southeast Asian History the Colonial Intrusion
This article was downloaded by: 10.3.98.104 On: 26 Sep 2021 Access details: subscription number Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: 5 Howick Place, London SW1P 1WG, UK Routledge Handbook of Southeast Asian History Norman G. Owen The Colonial Intrusion Publication details https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.4324/9780203763117.ch3 Remco Raben Published online on: 23 Sep 2013 How to cite :- Remco Raben. 23 Sep 2013, The Colonial Intrusion from: Routledge Handbook of Southeast Asian History Routledge Accessed on: 26 Sep 2021 https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.4324/9780203763117.ch3 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR DOCUMENT Full terms and conditions of use: https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/legal-notices/terms This Document PDF may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproductions, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The publisher shall not be liable for an loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. 3 THE COLONIAL INTRUSION Boundaries and structures R e m c o R a b e n Global changes The late eighteenth century saw a sequence of deep shifts in the political layout of Southeast Asia. On the mainland the demise of the old ruling dynasties in Burma (Myanmar), Siam (Thailand), and Vietnam, and in maritime Southeast Asia the increasing assertion of colonial powers changed not only the political layout and economic patterns, but also the landscape and the lives of the people. -
Empire and English Nationalismn
Nations and Nationalism 12 (1), 2006, 1–13. r ASEN 2006 Empire and English nationalismn KRISHAN KUMAR Department of Sociology, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, USA Empire and nation: foes or friends? It is more than pious tribute to the great scholar whom we commemorate today that makes me begin with Ernest Gellner. For Gellner’s influential thinking on nationalism, and specifically of its modernity, is central to the question I wish to consider, the relation between nation and empire, and between imperial and national identity. For Gellner, as for many other commentators, nation and empire were and are antithetical. The great empires of the past belonged to the species of the ‘agro-literate’ society, whose central fact is that ‘almost everything in it militates against the definition of political units in terms of cultural bound- aries’ (Gellner 1983: 11; see also Gellner 1998: 14–24). Power and culture go their separate ways. The political form of empire encloses a vastly differ- entiated and internally hierarchical society in which the cosmopolitan culture of the rulers differs sharply from the myriad local cultures of the subordinate strata. Modern empires, such as the Soviet empire, continue this pattern of disjuncture between the dominant culture of the elites and the national or ethnic cultures of the constituent parts. Nationalism, argues Gellner, closes the gap. It insists that the only legitimate political unit is one in which rulers and ruled share the same culture. Its ideal is one state, one culture. Or, to put it another way, its ideal is the national or the ‘nation-state’, since it conceives of the nation essentially in terms of a shared culture linking all members. -
Read Ebook {PDF EPUB} on Art and Life by John Ruskin History of the Victorian Art Critic and Writer John Ruskin
Read Ebook {PDF EPUB} On Art and Life by John Ruskin History of the Victorian Art Critic and Writer John Ruskin. Ruskin200.com is no longer available here. Please visit ruskinprize.co.uk/manchester instead. Who Was John Ruskin? John Ruskin was undoubtedly a fascinating character, one of the most famous art critics of the Victorian era. His many talents included philosophy, philanthropy, and writing. His books spanned many genres, including geology, myths, and literature. Ruskin's Personal Life. Ruskin had a complex personality and today would be described as bipolar, as he often suffered bouts of depression. For long periods, the state of his mental health rendered him powerless to do anything. His first relationship was a failure. He was said to be disgusted by his wife's body, leading to a divorce on the grounds of consummation not having happened. A second love affair was marred by tragedy as the object of his affections died of anorexia at the age of 27. Ruskin's Books. A prolific writer, Ruskin, published several important works on a great many subjects. His first volume of Modern Painters was a very influential piece, written when he was only 24. His alternative views on popular artists brought him to the attention of the art establishment. The Stones of Venice was published in 1851 and discussed Ruskin's love of Venice and its architecture. His beliefs that the classical style represented a need to control civilisation are still studied today. There is much to learn about John Ruskin, and there is a museum dedicated to him, located in the Lake District. -
Notes to the Introduction I the Expansion of England
NOTES Abbreviations used in the notes: BDEE British Documents of the End of Empire Cab. Cabinet Office papers C.O. Commonwealth Office JICH journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History Notes to the Introduction 1. J. C. D. Clark, '"The Strange Death of British History?" Reflections on Anglo-American Scholarship', Historical journal, 40: 3 (1997), pp. 787-809 at pp. 803, 809. 2. S. R. Ashton and S. E. Stockwell (eds), British Documents of the End of Empire, series A, vol. I: Imperial Policy and Colonial Practice, 1925-1945, part I: Metro politan Reorganisation, Defence and International Relations, Political Change and Constitutional Reform (London: HMSO, 1996), p. xxxix. Some general state ments were collected, with statements on individual colonies, and submitted to Harold Macmillan, who dismissed them as 'scrappy, obscure and jejune, and totally unsuitable for publication' (ibid., pp. 169-70). 3. Clark,' "The Strange Death of British History"', p. 803. 4. Alfred Cobban, The Nation State and National Self-Determination (London: Fontana, 1969; first issued 1945 ), pp. 305-6. 5. Ibid., p. 306. 6. For a penetrating analysis of English constitutional thinking see William M. Johnston, Commemorations: The Cult of Anniversaries in Europe and the United States Today (New Brunswick and London: Transaction Publishers, 1991). 7. Elizabeth Mancke, 'Another British America: a Canadian Model for the Early Modern British Empire',]ICH, 25: 1 (January 1997), pp. 1-36, at p. 3. I The Expansion of England 1. R. A. Griffiths, 'This Royal Throne ofKings, this Scept'red Isle': The English Realm and Nation in the later Middle Ages (Swansea, 1983), pp. -
Bertrand Russell on Aesthetics 51
Bertrand Russell on Aesthetics CARL SPADONI Introduction "What is your attitude toward art today?" "I have no view about art today." 1 That is Bertrand Russell's reply when he was asked in 1929 to comment on modern art. Itis a confession ofignorance and not false modesty. In contrast to his profound contributions to other areas of philosophy, he made no major attempt to answer the fundamental questions of aesthetics questions such as: What is a work ofart? Whatis the nature ofbeauty? What constitutes an aesthetic experience? What are the nature, function and justification ofartistic criticism? When we examine Russell's correspondence of the 1950S and 1960s on this subject, we encounter statements such as the following: I doubt whether I shall have an opinion of any value as regards your essay on beauty, for beauty is a subject about which I have never had any views whatever. 2 I am not sufficiently competent to make judgments on painting.... I feel I cannot sponsor or publicly promote paintings because I do not have a professional knowledge ofthe field. 3 I have no views whatsoever in connection with the graphic arts.... The philosophy ofart is a subject which I have not studied, so that any views expressed by me would be oflittle value. 4 49 50 Carl Spadoni Bertrand Russell on Aesthetics 51 You ask why I have not written on the subject of painting. The chief "good" is to be interpreted subjectively as an attempt to universalize our reason is that I suffer from an inadequate appreciation of pictures. I get desires. -
Urban Pastorals
Urban Pastorals By Clive Wilmer Worple Press When I heard Clive Wilmer read his Urban Pastorals last Monday evening in the Cambridge University Library I was moved. There was a quiet solemnity about the delivery but it was tinged with wistfulness and a gentle wry humour that had echoes of Alan Bennett talking of his Yorkshire childhood. Peter Carpenter’s Worple Press has published these short pieces of nostalgic insight into a childhood spent in the South London of Tooting Bec and I recommend everyone to get a copy. The Press is based at Achill Sound, 2b Dry Hill Road, Tonbridge, Kent TN9 1LX and is well-known for excellent productions (including volumes by Iain Sinclair). When D.W. Harding wrote his seminal essay on nostalgia for the first issue of F.R. Leavis’s Quarterly Review, Scrutiny, in 1932 he referred to ‘simple homesickness’ being ‘an aspect of social life’ where the home that one yearns for ‘comprises the whole familiar framework—objects and institutions as well as people—within which one lives and in dealing with which one possesses established habits and sentiments.’ It is an established truth that no man is the author of himself and in moments of clarity, and humility, we can recognise how much we are the result of everything that has happened to us. This awareness is, of course, a far cry from some regressive tendencies that can be bound up within the world of nostalgia: ‘regressive because the ideal period seems to have been free from difficulties that have to be met in the present, and nostalgic because the difficulties of the present are seldom unrelated to the difficulty of living with an uncongenial group.’ (Harding) Clive Wilmer’s beautifully poised writing never runs the danger of forfeiting its tone of recognition: the past’s importance is registered precisely because it is the past. -
Ethnicity, Development and the Dynamics of Political Domination in Southern Matabeleland
IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 19, Issue 4, Ver. III (Apr. 2014), PP 137-149 e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845. www.iosrjournals.org Ethnicity, Development and the Dynamics of Political Domination in Southern Matabeleland Clifford Mabhena Institute of Development Studies- National University of Science and Technology-Bulawayo, Zimbabwe Abstract: This article argues that the hegemony of the Shona people in Zimbabwe has been largely influenced by ethnicity and the quest to dominate Matabeleland politically, socially and economically. Development marginalisation of Matabeleland region, I argue has been influenced by ethnicity and politics of revenge. The study used ethnography to collect data and hence in-depth interviews were used as data collection tools. The results of the study indicate that Matabeleland has been largely dominated by the Shona ethnic group, and arguments advanced by scholars for this dominance, it is argued, Ndebele dominated the Shona people in the 19th and 20th centuries. This was due to conquest by the marauding Ndebele warriors under the leadership of King Mzilikazi and latter on King Lobhengula. The ascendance of the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANUPF) in the 1980 independence elections opened the gates for the ascendancy of the Shona people as the party was pre-dominantly Shona speaking. The march to state house by the ZANUPF dominated party created a lot of tension between the two ethnic groups; Ndebele and Shona, and hence the lashing out of the fifth brigade in 1983 and 1984 in Matabeleland and Midlands provinces of the country. Key words: Hegemony, ethnicity, internal colonisation, marginalisation I. -
The Labour Party and the Idea of Citizenship, C. 193 1-1951
The Labour Party and the Idea of Citizenship, c. 193 1-1951 ABIGAIL LOUISA BEACH University College London Thesis presented for the degree of PhD University of London June 1996 I. ABSTRACT This thesis examines the development and articulation of ideas of citizenship by the Labour Party and its sympathizers in academia and the professions. Setting this analysis within the context of key policy debates the study explores how ideas of citizenship shaped critiques of the relationships between central government and local government, voluntary groups and the individual. Present historiographical orthodoxy has skewed our understanding of Labour's attitude to society and the state, overemphasising the collectivist nature and centralising intentions of the Labour party, while underplaying other important ideological trends within the party. In particular, historical analyses which stress the party's commitment from the 1930s to achieving the transition to socialism through a strategy of planning, (of industrial development, production, investment, and so on), have generally concluded that the party based its programme on a centralised, expert-driven state, with control removed from the grasp of the ordinary people. The re-evaluation developed here questions this analysis and, fundamentally, seeks to loosen the almost overwhelming concentration on the mechanisms chosen by the Labour for the implementation of policy. It focuses instead on the discussion of ideas that lay behind these policies and points to the variety of opinions on the meaning and implications of social and economic planning that surfaced in the mid-twentieth century Labour party. In particular, it reveals considerable interest in the development of an active and participatory citizenship among socialist thinkers and politicians, themes which have hitherto largely been seen as missing elements in the ideas of the interwar and immediate postwar Labour party. -
Article BRTLT
A SPECTRAL TURN AROUND VENICE By Luke Jones I spent several days, during a recent trip to Venice, in conversation with a ghost. The writer and critic John Ruskin became my spectral guide, and his commentary on the buildings that we visited transformed my experience of those spaces. What follows is an account of my time with him. This ‘conversation’, if it were a conceit on my part, had the aim of finding a productive way of addressing his difficult, extraordinary, vast Stones of Venice in light of the deeply, but incompletely, felt affection which many have for it. The book is a history of Venice as a sort of epic tragedy narrated by its buildings, and it is simultaneously a polemic against the previous three hundred years of European architecture, directed particularly against London, and proposing a revolution in architectural style. It is commonly viewed as a heroic, rousing failure. Kenneth Clark said of it that ‘even now […], when the cause it advocates is dead, we cannot read it without a thrill, without a sudden resolution to reform the world’ (Clark 1964, 181), and Colin Amery reveals a typical ambivalence when he writes that ‘the trouble is that Ruskin was wrong […] [yet] we need a voice like his again’ (Amery 2001, viii-ix). The effect of invoking Ruskin in the manner of a haunting is not simply to convey a measure of sympathy for him, as a figure, or his work. Rather, I am trying to approach, however obliquely, the subtle and intriguing way in which Ruskin’s rhetoric, which is concerned with portraying contemporary Venice as a ruin, also starts to reveal within itself the ruin of Ruskin’s ideals. -
Mentioned Resolution of the Organization of Afri- Can Unity; “5
143 -.Part II mentioned resolution of the Organization of Afri- it was necessary that the Council should consider the can Unity; situation as a matter or urgency. It further stated that “5. Requests all States to assist the Organization despite resolutions 1747 (XVI), 1760 (XVII), 1883 of African Unity in the attainment of this objective; (XVIII) and 1889 (XVIII) of the General Assem- bly, the efforts of the Special Committee established “6. Requests the Organization of African Unity, under resolution 1654 (XVI) and of the United Nn- in accordance with Article 54 of the Charter of the tions Secretary-General, and the repeated appeals made United Nations, to keep the Security Council fully by the African Heads of State and Government, the informed of any action it may take under the present United Kingdom had done nothing to apply resolu- resolution; tion 15 14 (XV) to “its colony of Southern Rhodesia”. “7. Requc,s~s the Secretary-General of the United Moreover, the intensification of repressive measures Nations to follow the situation in the Congo and against the African nationalist leaders, the decision to to report to the Security Council at the appropriate hold elections on the basis of the Constitution of time.” 1961, and the threats of “the so-called Prime Minister The question remained on the list of matters with of the Territory to proclaim the independence” of which the Security Council is seized.‘O” Southern Rhodesia without regard for the opinion of the African inhabitants, had resulted in a deterioration SITUATION IN SOUTHERN RHODESIA of the situation, and had been characterized as consti- Ihxision of 6 May 1965 (1202nd meeting): tuting “a threat to international peace and security”. -
October 2019 PAPER 6: BRITISH POLITICAL HISTORY SINCE 1880
1 October 2019 PAPER 6: BRITISH POLITICAL HISTORY SINCE 1880 Sources clockwise from top left: United Ireland, The British Library, Jeff Johnston, Tony Withers, Imperial War Museum. FACULTY READING LIST AND LIST OF CORE AND SURVEY LECTURES Between 1880 and the beginning of the twenty-first century, the United Kingdom became a full political democracy based on universal suffrage, and witnessed major party-political realignments as well as the rise of social rights, identity politics and new non-governmental movements. The UK also experienced civil war (in Ireland, 1916-1923 and in Northern Ireland from 1972 to 1998), total war (in 1914-18 and 1939-45), and the loss of a global empire. Throughout the period there was a vigorous debate on the role of the state and the freedom of the markets in a globalized and deeply unequal economic system. This 1 2 was accompanied by struggles over what it meant to be a citizen of the United Kingdom and who had the right to belong. All had profound political consequences, although these have not always been immediately obvious. The party system and much of the constitution remains in place, parliamentary democracy has survived the challenges of Fascism and Communism apparently unscathed, and politicians have spent much of the past hundred years congratulating themselves on the country’s remarkable capacity to ‘return to normal’ in the aftermath of major crises. Many recent or on-going political controversies, such as devolution, the future of the House of Lords, or Britain’s relationship with Europe have obvious parallels with late Victorian debates.