Race Riots Matter The lack of attention for the 1919 race riots by white newspapers, the NAACP and scholars

Ishany Sherany Gaffar

MA American Studies Thesis Dr. Eduard van de Bilt University of 2017-2018

“If you have built castles in the air, your work need not be lost; that is where they should be. Now put the foundations under them.”

- Henry David Thoreau

“Not everything that is faced can be changed, but nothing can be changed until it is faced.”

- James Baldwin

“Geduld en volharding zijn de sleutels der overwinning.”

- R. M. A. K. Gaffar

1

Index

The Red Summer of 1919 ...... 3 The Red Summer of 1919 ...... 3 Media coverage during the Red Summer ...... 5 NAACP actions during the 1919 riots ...... 7 My thesis ...... 9

Chapter one: “Did you read it in the newspapers?” ...... 13 1.1 May 10, 1919: Race Riot in Charleston, ...... 13 1.2 June 13, 1919: Race Riot in Memphis, & New , Connecticut ...... 17 1.3 , 1919: Race Riot in Bisbee, ...... 18 1.4 , 1919: Race Riot in , ...... 21 1.5 , 1919: Race Riot in , Louisiana ...... 22 1.6 August 21, 1919: Race Riot in , ...... 24 1.7 , 1919: Race Riot in Elaine, ...... 25 Conclusion ...... 28

Chapter two: All race riots are equal? ...... 30 2.1 The NAACP before 1919 ...... 30 2.2 The NAACP fight for eight race riots of the 1919 Red Summer ...... 32 2.3 The NAACP during 1919 ...... 38 Conclusion ...... 40

Chapter Three: Race riots can’t stand alone ...... 43 3.1 How many? What to call them? Who to blame? ...... 43 3.2 The Red Summer as starting point for the ...... 46 3.3 White newspapers, black NAACP and interracial scholars? ...... 48 Conclusion ...... 51

Conclusion ...... 53 Bibliography ...... 55 Appendix 1 ...... 59 Appendix 2 ...... 63 2

The Red Summer of 1919 More than 20 race riots in six months’ time throughout America

‘ is an important aspect of racial history and racial inequality in America, because it was visible, it was so public, it was so dramatic, and it was so violent.’1

These words were spoken by social justice activist Bryan Stevenson during a 2014 interview about his fight for social justice for the African American community. Stevenson has never made a secret of his belief that the race riots had to endure during the past centuries play a vital role in the subsequent high rate of death sentences among African Americans in the South. Although Stevenson points out the openness and visibility in which these race riots occurred many stories about these cruelties are still unheard. The now well-known Tulsa Race Riot of 1921, which left more than 300 deaths and 10.000 homeless, was rarely mentioned in American history for over 70 years. The last decade of the twentieth century saw the 1921 Tulsa race riot further investigated and brought under wider attention. This same pattern could be noticed for the 1919 Red Summer in which more than 25 race riots occurred in only 6 months’ time. Over the past decade scholars have taken more interest in the 1919 Red Summer. However, their studies show the lack of documentation about the 1919 race riots. Whereas one could understand why 1919 would want to cover up these riots, it seems odd African Americans have not documented these riots properly. Moreover, scholarship about the 1919 Red Summer has been focused on a small part of these riots, leaving many riots undiscussed while claiming to discuss the 1919 Red Summer.

The Red Summer of 1919 When it comes to race riots and lynching the Tulsa Riot (1921), the Rodney King riot (1992), the riot (1943) and the riots evolving after the dead of Martin Luther King Jr. (1968) seem part of our common knowledge. Not many people know about the approximately 26 riots between June and , labeled as the Red Summer. Interracial clashes and African American resistance were not new at the beginning of the 20th century but the growing number of these incidents throughout the South, their occurrence in northern cities and the effort of

1Alex Carp, “Bryan Stevenson: Walking with the Wind”, Guernica, accessed April 3, 2017, https://www.guernicamag.com/walking-with-the-wind/. 3 black public figures to shape Americans’ understandings of them indeed were. The Red Summer was the result of black people not accepting the idea of anymore and the white population saw this as the overthrowing of the existing racial order. In this climate, more than 25 race riots occurred during 1919. William Tuttle, the nation’s leading scholar on racial violence in 1919, created awareness about the race riot in . The Chicago race riot is one of the seven biggest race riots of 1919 together with Longview, Washington D.C., Knoxville, Omaha, Phillip and Charleston. These seven riots have gotten the most attention when it comes to the Red Summer. Yet, the Red Summer has been mostly used as part of a macrohistory instead of a microhistory. Scholars have used the 1919 Red Summer in their research of race riots in the 20th century. There has also been much interest in the relation between the Red Summer and the Red Scare: scholars focused on the question whether Marx’s communist manifesto echoed loudly in African American actions and discussed the possible consequences of the South linking the New Movement to a communist conspiracy.2 However, most research has been focused on the 1919 race riots as a joint event, crucial to understand the Movement. Ann Collins, in All Hell Broke Loose (2012), argues that “the race riots have been acts of political violence and reveal much about American cultural attributes of freedom and repression”.3 According to Collins, the occurrence of race riots in 1919 is based on three factors: structural factors, cultural framing and precipitating events. The structural factors are events in the American landscape that led to great changes between black and white Americans. Collins names the Great Migration, , reluctant authorities and the fight and return of black soldiers after as the most important structural factors. Collins is not the only scholar who sees a significant role for these events in the outbreak of the Red Summer, especially the return of black soldiers in 1918.4 As President encouraged American soldiers to ‘fight for democracy’ oversees many black soldiers were ready to continue fighting for democracy back in America. The New Negro Movement was born and this scared white

2 Barbara Foley, Spectre of 1919. Class and Nation in the Making of the New Negro (University of Press: Illinois, 2003); Jeff Woods, Black Struggle, Red Scare. Segregation and Anti- in the South, 1948-1968 (LSA Press: Louisiana, 2003). 3 Ann Collins, All Hell Broke Loose. American Race Riots from the Progressive Era through World War II (ABC-CLIO: California, 2012), introduction. 4 Cameron McWirther, Red Summer 1919. The Summer of 1919 and The Awakening of Black America (Henry Holt and Company: New York, 2011); Jan Voogd, Race & Resistance. The Red Summer of 1919 (Peter Lang Publishing: New York, 2008); David F. Krugler, 1919, The Year of Racial Violence. How African Americans Fought Back (Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 2014); Kidada E. Williams, They Left Great Marks on Me. African Americans Testimonies of Racial Violence from Emancipation to World War I (New York University Press: New York, 2012). 4

Americans to the point that racial violence intensified. The precipitating event has an individual character for every riot and can be seen as the catalyzer that started the riot. Yet, according to Collins, a riot always had to do with either actual/alleged , sexual acts or infractions. The cultural framing includes the (false) reports made by newspapers. Studies about the Red Summer have given the media coverage much attention as it has been viewed as one of the reasons for the long-duration of the 1919 Red Summer.

Media coverage during the Red Summer Collins’s cultural framing refers to the influence of the American press, both black and white. White and black newspapers spread rumors about alleged or actual crimes and about , riots and their aftermath. Collins gives an overview of how both black and white newspapers used to get their messages across. White newspapers, like , Washington Times, Harold Times and Chicago Tribune, blamed black Americans for the riots and often falsely accused a black person for a crime which instigated the riot. Furthermore, they spread word about white supremacy and how the white working class was being threatened by the black community. The Washington race riot saw and the Washington Times stirring up the fire surrounding the riot. Both newspapers reported in the heat of the moment about an alleged lynching taking place.5 This stimulated parties even more in continuing the race riot. Black newspapers, like , Messenger, and Crisis, tried to correct the words of the white newspapers but also made themselves guilty of propaganda by encouraging black Americans to keep fighting for their rights and sometimes falsely reporting about violence used by whites to. Jan Voogd argues that the race riots are the result of caste rupture and challenges to a caste system. She includes twenty-five Red Summer race riots to defend her claim. Through her research of these race riots Voogd sees four categories from which the riots erupted: 1. They occur because of a threatened, perceived or actual rupture of the local racial caste system 2. Riots involved personnel as rioters or targets; 3. They were related to local politics and a ‘boss’ or political machine; or 4. Occurred in relation to a labor dispute Voogd sees a crucial role for the press in relation to the origin and continuation of race riots. For both the Chicago and the Omaha riot she distills how the press reported the riot and how both

5 Collins, All Hell Broke Loose, 93. 5 reports aroused both black and white parties even more, which led to continuation of the violence. Together with the race riot in Washington DC., these two riots and specifically the role of the press in them have had full attention among scholars.6 Voogd applies Stanley Cohen’s ‘politics of denial’ to the behavior of the American white press during these race riots and argues that the white newspapers went through several stages during the 1919 Red Summer. The first stage covers outright denial, meaning that the press did not report about the riots as an outburst or part of a larger problem but reduced it to a minor issue. Stage two sees the press discrediting both the sources and information, which is followed (in stage three) by not using the word ‘riot’ but renaming it with the help of words like incident, altercation and conflict. Stage four sees the press not denying the occurrence of the riots any longer but at the same time seeking justification for them, which not included racism. The economic situation and aggression of blacks are most commonly used here. Stage five and six see

Source 1: Stanley Cohen’s stages of ‘politics of denial’

Feeling the disturbing emotions these Outright denial Recognizing wrong acknowledgement would generate

Discrediting (sources Acknowledging the Accepting and information) facts responsibility

Renaming (using Taking action in Justification (for the euphemisms to response to this riots) describe incidents) knowledge the press acknowledging the fact that racism plays a role in the race riots but also sees the press struggling in its coverage with the disturbing emotions this acknowledgment generates. In this stage racism is mentioned but without explicitly pointing the finger at white Americans or the

6 William Tuttle, Race Riot: Chicago in the Red Summer of 1919 (University of Illinois Press, 1970); Orville D. Menard has covered the in different editions of the History; The Washington race riot of 1919 has had a lot of coverage in works by Cameron McWhirter, Jan Voogd, Ann Collins and Kidada Williams. 6 biased coverage of white newspapers. The latter does happen in the stage hereafter, ‘recognizing wrong,’ while stage eight sees the press accepting the responsibility that it is also in its own power to change racial tension and violence. The final stage sees the press explicitly naming white racism as reason for the race riots, depicting black people as the victims of this racism and trying to inform its readers how this idea of white supremacy must change to stop the race riots. Voogd’s use of Cohen’s model shows the process of awareness among the white press in America about racism and the race riots. Yet, Voogd uses the methodology on a rather grand scale, depicting how the press went through these stages throughout the Red Summer. She does not apply it to individual riots or individual newspapers for a closer look at the development of the stages or to see whether different race riots see different stages being covered or skipped.

NAACP actions during the 1919 riots David Krugler in his 1919, the Year of Racial Violence (2015) argues that the NAACP not only created awareness among black Americans to fight for their rights but also took the fight to court to get justice for the many black victims of the 1919 race riots. The NAACP used these court cases as propaganda to make the world know about the atrocities of the race riots. Interesting, however, is the fact that the NAACP was very selective in cases to ‘make the world know’. The NAACP judged the lynching of Marie Scott in 1914 as insufficiently convincing to use in its campaign to create awareness about the mistreatment of black people.7 As the NAACP was already rather conscious in its selection of campaign events in 1914 it is likely it made similar decisions during 1919. This is a loophole in the work of Krugler: he does not mention the possible selectiveness of the NAACP and the ways this selection procedure influenced the African American three-front fight which he argues was fought in the street, press and court. The NAACP and the 1919 race riots are intertwined as it was NAACP member who defined the race riots of 1919 collectively as the ‘Red Summer’. Furthermore, scholars like McWhirter have depicted the Red Summer as the beginning of the Civil Rights Movement by arguing that 'the Red Summer is a story of destruction but it is also a story of the beginning of a freedom movement'.8 Scholars claim that the NAACP used its influence and money to create awareness for the race riots, pay for lawyers and court cases, make sure the black community was well informed about its rights and most prominently to have the

7 Kidada Williams, They Left Great Marks on Me, 197. 8 McWhirter, Red Summr 1919, 271. 7 local, state and federal politicians take actions against racial inequality. However, these overall conclusions are mostly based on a few 1919 riots. After the race riot in Washington the NAACP urged the to investigate the riot itself and the role of the Washington Post in provoking the riot. Although the police declined to do this, this is an example of how the NAACP used its influence to the advancement of the colored people during the Red Summer.9 Most documented has been the involvement of the NAACP in the Elaine race riot. This riot saw 12 black men, ‘the Elaine Twelve’, being convicted for murder and sentenced to death while another 110 blacks were charged with various crimes related to the riot. Over the course of four years the NAACP not only had members going undercover to investigate the case, the organization also hired and payed for lawyers and court cases. This resulted in the NAACP winning the release of the ‘Elaine Twelve’. The release of ‘The Elaine Twelve’ is often referred to by scholars when arguing about the significant role of the NAACP during the Red Summer. However, the involvement of the NAACP in the Elaine race riot is not representative of the actions of the NAACP during the 1919 Red Summer. Apparently, scholars take a higher interest in race riots which include lynching. Their scholarship implies that the NAACP had the same attitude. When the political and legal influence of the NAACP is discussed, scholars include the Elaine and Omaha race riots but shift mostly to cases of lynching.10 At the beginning of 1919 the NAACP published Thirty Years of Lynching, in which it listed the black Americans who had been lynched during 1889-1918. The organization worked together with artists to create awareness among African Americans about the atrocities of lynching. Moreover, the organization urged local and state government to act against lynching. Its approach worked, although many local governors argued they needed help on the federal level.11 Next to a yearly conference on the subject of lynching the NAACP invested in networking with federal politicians, stimulating them to discuss the subject of lynching in Congress. Finally, the NAACP saw a rise in letters from its subscribers about lynching in 1919.12 What sparked this rise is not clear but it shows how black people bonded with the NAACP on the topic of lynching. This does not apply to the issue of race riots as the rise in race riots saw no rise in messages for the NAACP. Yet, it is difficult to draw bold conclusions here as the distinction between a race riot and lynching is not always clear. Jan Voogd argues that scholars

9 Collins, All Hell Broke Loose, 93. 10 Collins, All Hell Broke Loose; McWirther, Red Summer 1919; Krugler, 1919, the Year of Racial Violence. 11 Collins, All Hell Broke Loose, 210. 12 Collins, All Hell Broke Loose, 211. 8 have used both words interchangeably despite the clear differences. Riot participation crossed lines of age and gender while lynching did not. Furthermore, a riot targeted the entire community directly while a lynching did this indirectly. Third, a lynching was highly ritualized while a riot was less organized, more chaotic and random. Moreover, Voogd argues that despite its popularity during the Red Summer race riots never attained the social “approval” that lynching did. Lastly, when it comes to the question of guilt a riot suggests both parties are to blame while a lynching does not. Therefore, David Krugler claims ‘riot’ is not the right word to use as he sees only white Americans as guilty. Voogd differs from Krugler as she does not focus on the question of guilt but on the presence and use of violence of both blacks and whites. As a result, she argues ‘riot’ is the correct word to use for the 1919 Red Summer. Here, the words ‘riot’ and ‘lynching’ are used to characterize separate events along the lines suggested by Voogd: a ‘riot’ represents an unorganized and chaotic act of racial violence in which lines of age and gender are crossed, the communities are targeted directly and the question of guilt is not crystal clear.

My thesis Although during the last decade scholars came up with important claims and insightful information about the 1919 Red Summer, they did not cover all race riots and did not discuss them fully. In this sense they resemble the NAACP at the time. Voogd mentions as many as twenty-five race riots but she does not discuss the role of the press and the NAACP for most of them. Krugler does a magnificent job showing how the NAACP fought for justice in court after many riots but focusses mainly on the seven riots and includes cases of lynching. Scholars like Williams, Collins and Whitaker focus on individual 1919 race riots while McWhirter tries to place the Red Summer in the history of the Civil Rights Movement. As a result there are still many stories whose histories remain untold. As a result, I agree with Jan Voogd, who argues: “The unfortunate tendency of scholars to subscribe to a hierarchy of suffering has allowed the smaller riots to remain hidden, but all of the Red Summer riots deserve examination. Each of the Red Summer race riots exists as part of a pattern, and the differences and similarities among them have something to tell us, regardless of how many people were killed, or homes destroyed, or lives disrupted by injury or fear.”13 Therefore, I want to focus on the smaller race riots of 1919. My aim is to bring the lesser known race riots to life. Furthermore, the question rises why many Red Summer race riots are unknown. There has been far more attention for the 1919 cases of

13 Voogd, Race Riots & Resistance, 3. 9 lynching than race riots. This pattern cannot only be seen in 1919 but also in the scholarship about the Red Summer this last decade. Research has shown how white newspapers denied the role racism played in the race riots and how they reduced the significance of these race riots. At the same time, research showed the NAACP creating awareness about and fighting for equal rights during these race riots. Yet, it is striking that there is not much known about many 1919 race riots through documentation of the NAACP. Why did the NAACP refuse to inform the public about all race riots, small or big, in an era that saw the organization creating awareness about racial inequality? In this study, I argue that the race riots of the 1919 Red Summer have been underexposed by 1919 white newspapers, the NAACP in the same period and scholars in the decades after. While racism seems the obvious answer why the 1919 Red Summer is underexposed in white newspapers this study will argue that the 1919 Red Summer race riots are indeed covered in 1919 white newspapers. However, in reporting about these race riots, bias and the idea of white supremacy are present. Most striking, however, is the fact that a few of the investigated race riots are not mentioned at all in those newspapers. While racism could here be the answer for the absence of those specific 1919 race riots in white newspapers this is harder to claim for the NAACP and scholars who wrote about the riots during the recent decades. The lack of reporting about the exact same race riots in white newspapers is absent in the coverage of the NAACP and the work of scholars. Within this study I will try to find out how the NAACP decided that race riots were less valuable than, for example, lynching for its campaign efforts. Because the question of guilt is not as clear in a race riot as it is in a lynching, the NAACP may have seen a race riot as less helpful than a lynching in creating awareness among white Americans about the unequal position of African Americans and the racial violence they had to endure. This same claim can be made about scholars and the reason why they neglect the race riots in their work about the 1919 Red Summer. They focus mostly on the race riots in which a lynching took place and the question of guilt can clearly be placed on the side of white Americans. The sensitivity of the subject and ‘white guilt’ also play an important part in scholarship about the 1919 Red Summer as most of the scholars investigating the 1919 Red Summer are white. As I will argue that the 1919 Red Summer race riots are underexposed I need to address the coverage of these race riots. I will focus in the press response only on white newspapers. With the help of the NAACP I will discuss the black response. I am aware of the limitations involved. The newspapers used in this research can be found in appendix 1. The methodology I will use in

10 analyzing these newspapers is based on the model of Stanley Cohen (the stages-theory) as applied by Jan Voogd and discussed earlier in this chapter. By using this methodology, I will study whether the newspapers changed their way of reporting about the race riots over time and evaluate the biases that may characterize their reporting. When analyzing how the NAACP dealt with the race riots, I will use the existing scholarship on the NAACP’s role during the 1919 Red Summer and its magazine to see how the organization covered the race riots. The issues used within this research can be found in Appendix 2. In my discussion of the scholarship I will focus only on the scholars who investigated the 1919 Red Summer as a self-contained event.14 As much as I would like to include as many race riots as possible in this thesis this is not feasible here. Therefore, I have chosen the following race riots:

Place Date of race riot Charleston, South Carolina May 10, 1919 Memphis, Tennessee June 13, 1919 New London, Connecticut June 13, 1919 Bisbee, Arizona July 3, 1919 New Orleans, Louisiana July 23, 1919 Norfolk, Virginia July 21, 1919 New York City, New York August 21, 1919 Elaine, Arkansas October 1, 1919

The decision to choose these race riots has been based on the desire to cover riots in different geographical places; Furthermore, these riots and their timespan also make sure that the transition of changing coverage and awareness throughout the Red Summer can be investigated. This study will fill in gaps in the knowledge about certain race riots of the 1919 Red Summer that are only mentioned by scholars in their list of 26 race riots but never elaborated on. I will look at the role of the white press during these “minor” riots, to see if the riots were relatively insignificant, and differ from the major ones, and how they contribute to our understanding of the 1919 events. As the NAACP played a crucial role during the Red Summer and many scholars refer to the organization when describing the different race riots, it is

14 By this I mean as a subject of its own and not as part of a greater subject or theme, like the history of African- American violence or the Civil Rights Movement. 11 interesting to look at the organization’s handling of the lesser known race riots of 1919. With this study, I will add to the scholarship about the role of the NAACP during the 1919 Red Summer and the claims about the propaganda the NAACP used in achieving its goals of justice and civil rights for the black community. Furthermore, by analyzing the way scholars write about the 1919 Red Summer and specifically the race riots, I will raise awareness about the scholarship about the 1919 Red Summer and the underexposed role these race riots play within this historical event. Overall, this thesis will add to the scholarship on race riots and their neglected position in comparison to cases of lynching in the Civil Rights campaigns and scholarship about African American history. Chapter one will include a brief overview of the eight race riots discussed, followed by an analysis of their coverage by white newspapers. Chapter two will analyze the coverage of the NAACP during these race riots and its campaign for justice and civil rights in these race riots and in cases of lynching. Chapter three will take on the existing scholarship with a specific interest in the claims made by Ann Collins, Jan Voogd and David Krugler. This analysis aims to show how scholars, in their treatment of the 1919 Red Summer, focus on the major race riots in which cases of lynching are to be found while neglecting the other race riots. To summarize: this study aims to show that race riots of the 1919 Red Summer are unjustifiably neglected not only in their own time by white newspapers but also by the NAACP and in recent scholarship.

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Chapter One: “Did you read it in the newspapers?” The coverage of the 1919 Race Riots in Charleston, Memphis, New London, Bisbee, New Orleans, Norfolk, New York & Elaine in White newspapers.

‘We return. We return from fighting. We return fighting. Make way for Democracy! We saved it in , and by the Great Jehovah, we will save it in the of America, or know the reason why.’15

These are the words W. E. B. Du Bois wrote in the issue of the NAACP magazine the Crisis. During World War I president Woodrow Wilson spoke about the fight for democracy. After the war, African American soldiers thought they would see Civil Rights in their own country as they had just risked their lives for the rights of others. Yet, this was something white Americans would not let happen although (or, better perhaps, because) they became scared of the new black man returning from war. This New Negro listened to the words of Du Bois and started asking for Civil Rights and justice. The time of subservience was over as black Americans would not just silently live the life white Americans wanted them to. This resulted in the black and white communities being diametrically opposed and the outbreak of more than 20 race riots throughout the United States. In this chapter, I will argue that the race riots in Charleston, New London, Bisbee, New Orleans, Norfolk, New York and Elaine were underexposed by white newspapers and that this was not only the result of racism. I will analyze how white newspapers reported and covered the seven race riots mentioned above. In the analysis of these newspapers, the stages of Stanley Cohen’s ‘politics of denial’ will be used as described by Jan Voogd in her Race Riots & Resistance: The Red Summer of 1919 (2008). Prior to analyzing the newspapers, I will give a brief overview of the most important and factual events happening during those race riots.

1.1 May 10, 1919: Race Riot in Charleston, South Carolina In 1919 Charleston numbered around 80.000 people of whom more than half were black. On the evening of May 10th, a racial conflict started when a black man got into an altercation with a white sailor. It is said that the black man pushed the white sailor off the sidewalk and fled to a nearby house. A group of white sailors and civilians chased him to the house where the riot started

15 W. E. B. Du Bois, “Returning Soldiers”, Crisis, April 1919. 13 as both white and black sides threw bricks and bottles at each other. A black civilian then fired four shots. Although no one got injured the riot grew and spread all over the city. The Charleston Navy Yard helped in restoring the order. In the aftermath, it became clear that eighteen black and five white men were seriously injured; three black men did not survive their gunshot wounds. Not long after the riot the navy report was published and it indicated that this was a serious case of white violence against the black community. It even mentioned names of white sailors and civilians who played a huge part in the riot and could be held responsible for the death of the three black men.16 It is not only interesting to see how newspapers covered this riot but also, with an official document that the navy report is, it is interesting to see if newspapers changed their tone after this report was published.

Big names like the New York Times and the Washington Post do not mention anything about the Charleston race riot in their 1919 papers. Yet, the newspapers that do cover the race riot do it mainly on their front page. On May 11, the Times, Evening Star and Arizona Republican report about the riot. The Los Angeles Times leaves a little spot open on page four with the headline “Six killed in South Carolina Race riots”. Using the plural form of riot the Los Angeles Times indicates South Carolina saw more than one riot. In reporting about the riot the newspaper is very careful in choosing its words. Every piece of information is preceded by its source as it is stated that two sailors and four “negroes” are reported killed and that it has been said that the riot started with the shooting of a sailor by a “negro” in a downtown poolroom. The paper closes with the information that it took several hours before the rioting could be quelled. The Evening star, a Washington newspaper, makes room on the front page to headline “Six killed in race riot”. Whereas the Los Angeles Times was specific in naming its sources the Evening Star does not do this and just gives the information. It mentions ‘two “bluejackets” and four negroes were killed, while many wounded, including eight severely in a race riot that broke out here late last night and continued until early morning’.17 The Arizona Republican has almost the exact same report as the Evening Star. With the headline “Six killed in race riot at Charleston S.C.,” the race riot is mentioned on the front page in no more than 8 lines with the report that the navy came in to help and it cost several hours to quell the riot. Although the race riot in Charleston has been depicted as the first riot of the Red Summer; it is interesting to see how little attention there is

16 Voogd, Race & Resistance, 82-98. 17 “Six killed in race riot”, Evening Star, May 11, 1919, accessed on May 4, 2017. 14 given to this race riot. Also interesting is the fact that these three reports seem to fall outside of Cohen’s notion of “politics of denial” as they are stating what happened without making more of the riot or denying it existence. On May 12, the Bennington Evening Banner reports about the riot on its front page. The article is very focused on the situation for the blacks and not the whites; apparently the editors were supporters of the black civil rights movement. Mentioning the killing of two blacks and the more than 17 injured African Americans the Bennington Evening Banner writes that it has also been reported that seven whites were wounded. The difference here is that the injured blacks are reported as a fact while the injured whites are mentioned as more doubtful: as simply reported (and not confirmed). Whereas the Los Angeles Times named the shooting of a sailor by an African American as the start of the riot, the Bennington Evening Banner turns it around and states the trouble began when Isaac Doctor, a black, was fatally shot after he killed a sailor. The Bennington Evening Banner chooses to write from the black perspective and blame white people. It reports, ‘in a short wihle (sic) nearly 2000 soldiers were on the streets and in the rioting many innocent negroes were shot and beaten. One of the negroes was dragged from a street car and badly wounded while a crowd in front of a café looked on’.18 As a white newspaper supporting the civil rights movement the paper is focused on the treatment of blacks instead of the wounded whites. The Bennington Evening Banner is clearly acknowledging the fact that white racism plays a big role in the race riot and therefore is much further in its understanding and reporting of race riots than other periodicals and newspapers. Yet, the paper is not outspoken in blaming white racism for the race riot or seeking any action. Its report mainly shows how it wants to raise attention to the brutal condition of blacks. This makes the paper part of Cohen’s stage of feeling the disturbing emotions the acknowledgement (of white racism) generates, as it is still unsure how to handle white racism in its reporting. “Few Charleston Men participated in race rioting” is the headline on page nine of the New York Tribune on May 13. The New York Tribune is most interested in telling how very few civilians took part in the race riot as it was mostly between sailors and soldiers. Focusing on the fact that not many civilians participated indicates that the New York Tribune tries to reduce the race riot to a simple military problem. It also reports about many rioters appearing in court and getting fined for their actions. With this approach the New York Tribune fits perfectly into the stage of “outright denial” as it is reported as an isolated race riot without many civilians being involved: as the rioters

18 “Race riot in Charleston”, Bennington Evening Banner, May 12, 1919, accessed on May 4, 2017. 15 get their sentences in court the case seems closed for the New York Tribune. South Carolina’s own newspaper The County Record pays much attention to the race riot in its May 15 issue. The front-page reads “Serious race riot in Charleston” while the subtitle states: “Sailors wage war on colored people- two are killed and many injured”. Although it is not known how the owner viewed the civil rights discussion in America, The County Record puts the focus, just like the Bennington Evening Banner, on the consequences for blacks and not the whites. It sees the race riot as a result of ‘scores of attacks on negroes’. The paper names the two black men who were killed as Isaac Doctor and James Talbert while not doing the same for the white sailor who was killed. The Major of Charleston is quoted as saying he will investigate the riot as the city would pay for the damage done to a black barbershop as “negroes must be protected”.19 Interesting is how The County Record states that the race riot started when a clash broke out between negroes and sailors without mentioning anything about this clash. After this clash other sailors and citizens joined in and hunted down blacks. Whereas all other newspapers see the incident between Isaac Doctor and the sailor as the trigger of the race riot, the The County Record mentions that an African American presumably shooting a sailor could be seen as triggering white sailors to use violence. While it is not known in what particular order things evolved on May 10, it is significant that The County Record is the only one reporting that the Mayor of Charlestown took responsibility for the race riot. The County Record itself recognizes the wrong done to blacks and accepts its responsibility through the words of the Mayor of Charleston. Most significant is the mention of the Charleston race riot on the front page of the Cayton’s Weekly on May 17, in which the editor writes:

Yes, dear readers, there was a race riot in Charleston S. C., last Saturday, and while such riots are not uncommon in that section of this land of the free and home of the brave, yet this one was more or less uncommon from the fact that both sides were led by black and white soldiers and sailors recently returned from overseas, where they have been fighting to make the world safe for democracy”.20

Answering his readers and stating that race riots were not uncommon suggest that the editor wants to know why there was not a mention of the Charleston race riot in a previous issue. Referring to

19 “Serious race riot in Charleston”, The County Record, May 15, 1919, accessed on May 4, 2017. 20 Cayton’s Weekly, May 17, 1919, accessed on May 4, 2017. 16

The Star-Spangled Banner and the irony of fighting overseas for democracy the Cayton’s Weekly tries to show its readers how big a contradiction is occurring in America. But by stating ‘race riots are not uncommon in that section of this land’, the Cayton’s Weekly closes its eyes for the effects of race riots and white racism in all of America. Calling the riots not uncommon also suggests that the newspaper therefore sees no reason to cover them all. Uncommon about the Charleston race riot is the involvement of sailors and soldiers: this is the reason why it was mentioned in the foreword by the editor. The Cayton’s Weekly is clearly part of Cohen’s stage of ‘outright denial’ as it acknowledges race riots happening in America but considers them as parts of a particular section in the country and not worth paying too much attention to. The navy report about the Charleston riot was published on May 27 and while it would have been interesting to see how newspapers dealt with its conclusions this cannot be analyzed as no newspaper mentioned this investigation or reported back on the Charleston race riot after covering the actual event. Although nothing seems to be analyzed here, the silent treatment of newspapers, after new information about the race riot had been released, is significant and of high relevance. Their way of handling cannot be named ‘outright denial’ as the papers admitted the riots happened through their coverage of them. Yet, it also cannot be labelled “discrediting” as the papers do not even mention the information and its sources. This would mean that Cohen’s “Politics of denial” is not fully covering all dimensions of denial as the stage of “withholding” is not mentioned while this is what American newspapers did with the navy report about the Charleston race riot.

1.2 June 13, 1919: Race Riot in Memphis, Tennessee & New London, Connecticut Memphis has been known for its race riot in 1866 in which more than 40 black civilians died while homes, churches and schools were burned down. The race riot in this town around June 13, 1919 is far less known. It is mentioned on the list of race riots occurring during the Red Summer but other than this there is no information. Yet, June 13, 1919, also saw a race riot occur in New London, Connecticut, and about this race riot there is more information. In the build-up to the race riot both white and black sailors got into a conflict. The black sailors accused the white sailors of attacking them while the white sailors accused the black soldiers of lying. Eventually the police arrested two white sailors for fighting; frustrated they could not get their friends out of jail, a few white sailors went to the hotel where the black sailors spent their time. It is then that the race riot occurred as the white navy men threw a few black men out into the street and started

17 fighting. For both sides sailors showed up to help in the fight. As the local police and fire department could not stop the riot, the marines were asked to help and they eventually restored order.

Both the Memphis and New London race riots of June 13 are part of the official 1919 Red Summer list. While scholarship offers no information about the actual events happening during the riots, the newspapers do not give any insights either. On both riots, the newspapers remain silent in 1919. On June 13, the New York Times mentions a race riot in , but nothing on any riots happening in America. As I mentioned before, this analysis does not cover all American newspapers, which means one cannot conclude that no newspaper covered one or both race riots on June 13. Yet, this study includes well-known papers as well as newspapers on the state and local level. It is strange to have two race riots included in the Red Summer of 1919 not covered by the media. This does not indicate that I believe race riots can only be included when they are mentioned in the newspapers. It is possible that there are other official documents about these riots. But it also highly possible any documentation about the race riots is absent as many cities tried to cover up these riots and pay no attention to them.21 This would mean for the race riots in Memphis and New London that the American nation is engaged in the ‘outright denial’ stage. Because it cannot be determined whether the newspapers knew about the race riots and decided not to report about them or simply had no idea about them, it is hard to put the newspapers in one of Cohen’s stages. Yet, it seems strange that even local newspapers did not known about both race riots.

1.3 July 3, 1919: Race Riot in Bisbee, Arizona

Buffalo Soldier, Dreadlock Rasta: There was a in the heart of America, Stolen from Africa, brought to America, Fighting on arrival, fighting for survival - Buffalo Soldier, Bob Marley

Bisbee is known for its mining and has been called the “white man’s mining camp”. In 1919 Black troops of the Tenth Calvary, “Buffalo Soldiers”, served near Bisbee. On the evening of July

21 Voogd, Race & Resistance, 58, 93, 120-121. 18

3, 1919, these African American soldiers were in a club in Bisbee when white military policeman George Sullivan came in and exchanged hostile words with five of the Buffalo Soldiers. According to the official statement from Sullivan the black soldiers drew revolvers, knocked him down and took his weapon, after which bystanders came to his aid and the soldiers ran away. It is not known how the police got involved but they forced the black soldiers to turn in their weapons. As the Buffalo Soldiers refused, the police used fire to disarm all black people; the Calvary surrendered. The event led to fifty black soldiers in custody. The remaining soldiers were taken back to their camp with two police cars escorting them. During this trip a black soldier got on the nerve of a policeman and got shot in the lung. Chaos erupted as many shots were released and even bystanders were injured. Yet, the next day was Fourth of July and the Tenth Calvary was present during its parade in Bisbee. No word was spoken about the riot and it looked as if nothing had happened. This sudden and silent change from July 3 violence to celebration is remarkable and it is interesting to analyze whether newspapers saw this as remarkable too. Moreover, it is interesting to see if and how white newspapers reported about the Bisbee race riot and, most importantly, what their aim was in covering this story.

Although Bisbee tried to cover it up, the local Bisbee Daily review reported about the race riot on July 4. On its front-page the headline reads “five wounded in streets of Bisbee as police and Negroes exchange shots”. This headline indicates that the paper does not simply blame African Americans as “exchanging shots” does not refer to any one party as the instigator. Yet, the blame is put on blacks as the account of the Tenth Calvary men and officers argues: “it were an irresponsible few who fell under irresponsible influences”22 and “the occurrence was deeply deplored by practically the entire regiment”23. There is also a highly detailed account of the events happening during the race riot. The newspaper explains why there were shots on many different occasions during the race riots and why the race riot started. According to the Bisbee Daily review the riot started when blacks attacked military man George Sullivan and took his gun. The African Americans were taken to the police office but would not let go of their guns, resulting in the white officers disarming every African American of weapons. This led to shootings in which also civilians were part; a Mexican woman was shot in the head (the Bisbee Daily review states that she survived). This detailed account of what happened in Bisbee could be seen as part of Cohen’s

22 “Five wounded in streets of Bisbee as police and Negroes exchange shots”, Bisbee Daily, July 4, 1919, accessed on May 4, 2017. 23 Idem. 19 justification for the riot. Explaining in detail how things evolved during the riot and ending with the apology of the black soldiers the Bisbee Daily review “justify” the race riot without having to look deeper into the problem of white racism. The Arizona Republican has a little spot on the front- page for the Bisbee race riot. Yet, it is far less detailed than the Bisbee Daily review in its account of the riot. The newspaper reports about shots being fired after the Tenth Calvary refused to hand in their weapons. What happened beforehand is not made clear. This does not mean that the Arizona Republican sides with the whites: not mentioning that a white policeman was shot by an African American could also be seen as protecting the black community from getting the blame for instigating the race riot. However, it indicates that this feeling of justification is less present here as no details are given why the race riot got out of hand and no apology from the Tenth Calvary is given. Both the Rock Island Argues (Illinois) and The Chattanooga News (Tennessee) are more focused on the decision to allow the Tenth Calvary to participate in the 4th of July parade the next day. Both papers report about the Bisbee authorities “being undetermined” whether the Tenth Calvary was to do the parade. It is understandable that both papers seem to find it quite extraordinary that the Calvary participating in a race riot could parade the next day as if nothing happened. Yet, it is even more difficult to place their reaction in Cohen’s stages of denial as they are not in denial or discrediting sources. Both newspapers do not seem to understand that the enemy of the one day could be the friend on the other. This approach to a riot having an effect on other venues is not part of Cohen’s stages. On , the New York Times, Los Angeles Times, Washington Post and New York Tribune covered the . The focus is very much on justifying the race riot: the papers report why all shots were fired by the white policemen and officers. They report how military policemen George Sullivan advised a group of noisy blacks to go home, which resulted in him being attacked and disarmed by those blacks. The police tried to disarm the African Americans as shots were fired. This made them decide to disarm all African Americans. The New York Times even reports that the blacks also shot civilians, which resulted in a Mexican woman being shot in her head. This way of reporting about the race riot leaves no room for implications that race had anything to do with the actions of the civilians involved (although the event is depicted as a race riot). This makes it very clear that the newspapers are not yet ready to acknowledge the role of race in those riots and the part white racism plays in them. The New York Times seems one of the first getting to the stage of ‘acknowledging’ with the publication of a statement of the commander of the Tenth Calvary on page two of their newspaper. It reads that he denies his troopers began the riot. He

20 investigated the whole race riot and concluded that “local officials had planned deliberately to aggravate the negro troopers so that they would furnish an excuse for police and deputy sheriffs to shoot them down.”24 He acknowledges that blacks did indeed take a gun away from George Sullivan but only after a gun was taken away from them. The commander speaks of the confusion of the events happening afterwards but the blacks’ weapons were taken away and they were assaulted. He closes his statement by explaining it were civilians who shot the African Americans and not the other way around and it were also these civilians who shot the Mexican woman in the head. This statement by the commander of the Tenth Calvary, whether true or false, puts the blame on white racism. Although the New York Times does not voice an opinion in this respect, it shows by making room in its newspaper for this account that it is no longer in the stage of justification but open for the opinion of others and more importantly, it is not hiding for the argument that race and more specific white racism played a crucial part in the Bisbee race riot.

1.4 July 21, 1919: Race Riot in Norfolk, Virginia Americans came to the realization that race riots were part of a bigger problem after the race riot in Washington D.C., which began on July 20th 1919. A day later a riot broke out in Norfolk, Virginia. On the first day of a weeklong celebration to honor the return of black troops from World War I there was an altercation between white policemen and black Americans. As the policemen wanted to arrest the black persons, these latter got help from other black people showing up. Shots were fired injuring six people: four black men and two white policemen. The naval authorities were asked to restore the order; they succeeded at midnight. Yet, it is interesting to see how newspapers reported about this race riot, especially since it coincided with the riot in Washington.

Because the Norfolk race riot occurred at the time of the Washington race riot, newspapers did indeed report about this race riot. Both The New York Times and The Bossier Banner were determined to hold African Americans accountable for the riot. Pointing out that the race riot happened in the ‘negro section of the city’ and how it started when policemen attempted to arrest black men who were fighting amongst themselves, both papers clearly seek to ‘justify’ the riot. A few newspapers focused on the fact that the ‘welcome home’ festivities of black soldiers were disturbed during the race riot. “Rioting breaks out I Norfolk. Four shot, none dead, in clash as

24 The New York Times, July 22, 1919, 2, accessed on May 7, 2017. 21

Negro Soldiers are welcomed,”25 headlines the New York Tribune. The Sun and the Washington Times report something similar with the latter adding that during a conference city and police officials decided it was not necessary to take the drastic step of cancelling the festivities of the welcome- home party of the black troops. Those newspapers are not looking to justify the race riot but at the same time refuse to acknowledge the fact of white racism playing its part in the events. They are in between Cohen’s stages as no real claims are made or side is chosen in the coverage of this race riot. As the Washington race riot was still in its aftermath, a few newspapers coherently discuss both the Washington and Norfolk race riots. The Morning Tulsa, The Daily World, Arizona Republican, Norwich and Alexandria Gazette speak of a ‘serious riot’. In their reports about the race riot in Washington and its aftermath, they depict the Norfolk race riot as a serious one. This indicates that they distinguish serious and non-serious riots. Marking this July 21 race riot ‘serious’ puts these newspapers in the stage of outright denial. Cohen argues that this stage also includes the idea of the press making too much of certain riots. By distinguishing serious and non-serious race riots the above newspapers argue that some race riots are not sufficiently relevant to be discussed. Lastly, there is The City Times which explicitly mentions how the race riot happened in a southern city. This reference shows how the newspaper is in between acknowledging the fact of white racism and justifying the race riot. The idea that race riots are not a surprise when it comes to southern cities implies that these cities ‘attract’ race riots. Since many Americans believe that southern states are more racist than northern states, it is here that The Oklahoma City Times implies that white racism is part of the race riot problem. Yet, the paper does not acknowledge this in those exact words.

1.5 July 23, 1919: Race Riot in New Orleans, Louisiana When it comes to Race Riots in New Orleans one might think about 1866 or 1900. The 1919 Race Riot is difficult to find: it is absent in people’s memories but also in the existing scholarship. Summing up the Race Riots of the Red Summer, however, 1919 New Orleans makes the lists because it was one of the Race Riots highlighted by both the NAACP and the Work’s Tuskegee Institute. Yet, not much is known about this Race Riot and its content. According to research by David Krugler, “On , 1919, the War Department received a request from the chief of police in New Orleans: what help would he receive from troops at the Newton Jackson Barracks

25 “Rioting breaks out I Norfolk. Four shot, none dead, in clash as Negro Soldiers are welcomed”, New York Tribune, July 22, 1919, accessed on May 13, 2017. 22 should race riots break out?”26 This information leads to the question why the events of July 23, 1919 in New Orleans have been named a race riot while the New Orleans police saw what was happening not yet as a race riot. A close look at the coverage of newspapers could not only create insight about the coverage of newspapers but also fill in the gaps in knowledge of what presumably happened on the 23th July of 1919 in New Orleans.

Yet, just like the race riots on June 13 in Memphis and New London, the New Orleans race riot is nowhere to be found in newspapers. The difference, however, is that the Washington race riot happened during this same period. The end of saw all newspapers still covering the Washington race riot and its aftermath. A possible reason for newspapers to remain quiet about the riot in New Orleans could be the desire to avoid adding fuel to the ongoing turmoil in the capital. Furthermore, the New Orleans police depicted the events happening on July 23 not as part of a race riot although they eventually made the Red Summer list of race riots. On the one hand this generates vagueness about the use of the word ‘riot’ but on the other hand it is clear something did indeed occur on July 23 1919 in New Orleans. A reason why it is also difficult to find reports about the New Orleans race riot is the fact that newspapers after the Washington riots began to write their articles on race riots more in general terms than in terms of specific riots. Both the Los Angeles Times and the New York Tribune wrote many articles after the Washington race riot about racial violence and the race problems in the nation. On , 1919, the New York Tribune reports about the Washington race riot and states Washington was not alone: there were also race riots in Norfolk, Cardiff and Liverpool. However, New Orleans is not mentioned. Yet, on August 4, 1919, the same newspaper published an article about blacks uniting with whites to prevent race riots. Representatives of 30 churches and mission organizations held a convention in September with bishop Wilbur F. Thirkield representing churches in New Orleans. He is quoted as saying: “the serious city problem is no longer in New Orleans, Memphis or Birmingham, but in , , New York and Chicago.”27 The bishop argues that race riots were no longer simply the problem of the South. As New Orleans is mentioned, this indicates race riots did occur there. Most important, however, is the fact that the words used here are “no longer,” indicating New Orleans did not experience a race riot during the period Northern states faced them during the 1919 Red Summer. This puts the race riot in New Orleans on the same level as

26 Krugler, 1919, the Year of Violence, 200. 27 “Negroes Unite with Whites to Prevent Riots”, New York Tribune, August 4, 1919, accessed on May 13, 2017. 23 the riots in Memphis and New London: that is to say, it is hard to believe even local newspapers did not hear about the events happening in New Orleans (especially because of the official police report). A month after the Memphis and New London riots, the papers were still in the stage of ‘outright denial’ (although they indeed did cover the Bisbee race riot at the beginning of July). The question is then why the Bisbee race riot, which the Bisbee local police wanted to hide from the outside world, was mentioned in newspapers while the race riot in New Orleans, which was covered in a police document, is not mentioned at all. The answer could be the major race riot in the Capital around the same time. The Washington race riot intensified with every day and made the nation realize that the race problem was more problematic than people wanted to admit. This resulted in newspapers covering the race riots in a general way and opting for solutions to stop them instead of fueling them. As Bisbee, Arizona is located in the South of the nation, it was easy for the New York Times to report about the race riot here on July 3rd and show how the South instigated riots. Yet, the race riot in the Capitol showed how race problems were a ‘universal’ problem. Reporting about them now would mean not only referring to the South and its problems but possibly also stirring up the fire in the north.

1.6 August 21, 1919: Race Riot in New York City New York saw more than one race riot in 1919. Although these race riots are often mentioned by scholars, they are not so much explored. It is known that the July 21 race riot in Syracuse, New York, occurred due to labor conflicts.28 Less is known about the race riot on the 21st of August, 1919. August 21, 1919, New York makes the lists as it was one of the race riots highlighted by both the NAACP and the Work’s Tuskegee Institute. An analysis of white newspapers will fill the gap of what presumably happened during the 21th August of 1919 in New York City. Furthermore, as New York also saw the Syracuse race riot that same year it is interesting to analyze whether this earlier race riot played any part in the outbreak of the August race riot and whether white newspapers referred to this earlier race riot when reporting about the latter one.

The New York City race riot of August 21, 1919 is nowhere to be found in the newspapers. Just as we have seen before with the Memphis, New London and New Orleans race riots of 1919 there is no record in the papers of a potential race riot happening. It seems odd that papers like The

28 “Syracuse Race Riots: 1919 and 1967”, accessed on June 5, 2017, http://www.cnyhistory.org/2015/02/race- riots/. 24

New York Times and The New York Tribune did not write about the race riot in their own city. On July 22, The New York Tribune reports about a mob in a restaurant when two people had dinner and none of them wanted to pay the bill. One left the restaurant to come back a few minutes later and killed the other person. The article does not mention race and it seems strange that this incident would account as a race riot. The New York Times reports about a mob in North Carolina on July 21 where an African American was killed. He allegedly assaulted a farmer’s wife and as a result got shot in the head after which he was hanged. This is something that could be the start of a race riot but it happened in North Carolina. Yet, it seems strange that a New York City paper would mention this atrocity but writes nothing about a race riot in its own city. The Washington Post, on August 22, reports about a crime committed by a black man named George Cummings but it does not mention a riot. The only newspaper reporting a riot happening in New York on August 21 is The Sun. It speaks of a labor riot in which six people got hurt at the Turner Construction Company. Yet, this riot was depicted as a labor riot; the article did not mention the involvement of black people and, furthermore, the riot took place in City. As the August 22 race riot in New York City received no coverage in newspapers one would assume the same thing happened as in the Memphis, New London and New Orleans race riots. Yet the big question remains why New York City papers would not mention a race riot happening in their own city. It could be part of the ‘outright denial’ as New York does not want the rest of America to know that race riots are part of its northern society. Then again, this theory could have worked in the earlier days of the Red Summer but by the time of the Washington race riot this view had already been demolished. The remaining questions is how the New York City race riot became part of the Red Summer: where the information came from that a race riot occurred here on this August day.

1.7 October 1, 1919: Race Riot in Elaine, Arkansas Of all (known) race riots the one that occurred in Elaine saw the most deaths with around 5 whites and 200 black people being killed.29 Elaine was a rural area; many black people worked there as sharecroppers. Black people decided to form the Progressive Farmers and Household Union of America (PFU) to discuss their rights. On the evening of September 30, the PFU had a meeting in a church. What exactly happened at the church is still under debate. There was an altercation at the church between two white and one black man, in which the two white men were shot, one

29 This number is under debate; some reports say the number of dead black was approximately 800. 25 fatally. Led by the Elaine sheriff, many whites joined in to help stop an alleged black uprising. Federal troops were also called in. The next day the white mob got larger as many whites from surrounding counties joined in and attacked black citizens. The Elaine race riot lasted three days and left many dead and over 100 blacks prosecuted. Studying the newspapers about this race riot will not only offer insights about the press coverage of the last race riot of the Red Summer but also adds another perspective to the analysis: as this race riot lasted three days, one can try to figure out if the newspapers changed their coverage over this short period and what role they played in the duration of the riot. Furthermore, as scholars differ in terms of what caused the race riot it is interesting to analyze whether this disagreement also occurred in newspapers and what the causes of this could have been.

The reports on the Elaine race riot, listed as the last race riot of the 1919 Red Summer, show some remarkable views. Newspapers stay quiet about the cause of the race riot. The Los Angeles Times reports on October 2nd that white special agents went to the church and one of them was ambushed and was shot when he tried to arrest a black bootlegger. The New York Tribune reports that the agents went to the church to ‘arrest men from the Clem family as they were in a row among themselves’.30 Both the New York Times and the Grand Forks Herald report the same as The Los Angeles Times; it is particularly interesting how the Grand Forks Herald does not mention that a black person shot the special agent but states that he got shot ‘by unknown persons’. This indicates that the paper did not want to blame the race riot on black people or was not sure of the sources claiming this to be true. Either way, it implies that the Grand Forks Herald does not want to put negative attention on the blacks while uplifting the whites. This also becomes clear in the rest of the coverage as it writes that it was not until a posse (whites) approached the dead man that blacks fired upon them. The explicit use of until makes it seem that the death of the special agent was no reason for a race riot; the arrival of a group of white men was. It ends with stating a white man got arrested because he had ‘questionable literature’ with him. This report about a white man with ‘questionable literature’ is also mentioned in the Los Angeles Times, New York Tribune and the New York Times. Both the New York Tribune and the New York Times cover the Elaine race riot on multiple days and every time there is talk about white ‘influence’ in the race riot:

“the returning possess brought numerous stories, rumors and suspicious through all of which ran the belief

30 “Two Whites, 7 Negroes, Slain in Riot”, New York Tribune, , 1919, accessed on May 13, 2017. 26 that the rioting was due to propaganda distributed among the negroes by white men” – October 2, 1919 (New York Tribune)

“it is stated on good authority that negroes in the vicinity of Elaine have been holding secret meetings at night and that unidentified white men have been circulating literature among them” – October 2, 1919 (New York Times)

“meetings have been held between white officials and negro leaders and the latter have issued appeals to their race to abstain from any outbreaks, and to oppose any violence by fellow negroes” – , 1919 (New York Times)

“many of the negroes were returning back to work and charged that the uprising was due to white agitators and negro leaders who have been exploiting the blacks for their own gain” – , 1919 (New York Times)

The focus on white men inducing African Americans to riot is part of the stage of seeking justification for the race riot without accepting the fact that white racism has anything to do with it. The fact that the New York Times reports about a white man teaching blacks about social equality but not arguing whether this is wrong or right shows how the newspaper is not yet ready to acknowledge the fact that white racism is part of the race riots. It is used as justification, to say that the race riot only happened because white men used propaganda to lure African Americans to their side. The use of the word propaganda has negative connotations; this use could be seen as the New York Times indeed taking a stand and seeing the actions of the white men as wrong. While there is no actual acknowledgement of the fact that white racism is part of the problem it seems that both the New York Tribune and the New York Times altered to the stage of ‘disturbing emotions the acknowledgment of white racism would generate’. The latter published an NAACP letter on in which it is stated that a correspondent near the scene of the race riot said it was not ‘black insurrection that cost the race riot but it was the cotton prices’31 and that is why the white man with the ‘questionable literature’ tried to help them. Yet, this is published on page 22 of the paper. The New York Tribune ends its article on October 4, in which it reports about the race riot, with the news that the Red Cross opened a station ‘in order that the wounded negroes might be treated’. On November 28, the paper reports about an appeal made by blacks to

31 New York Times, October 13, 1919, accessed on May 23, 2017. 27

Woodrow Wilson about eleven African Americans who because of their involvement in the Elaine race riot were about to be executed on Friday. The New York Tribune also informs its readers about another request, a request to amend the railroad bill, “to abolish that greatest violation of democracy, the segregation of passengers for race, as applied to interstate travel”32. While these newspapers never explicitly say racism is a part of the race riots, it looks as if they acknowledge that black Americans have been treated unfairly and need an outlet to make people aware of this fact. On the one hand, black citizens get a voice; on the other hand these remarks are made on page 22 or are part of a brief sentence in a long article. However, it shows how newspapers struggle to give black people a voice in American society without criticizing their own white community; the disturbing emotion Cohen addresses in stage six of his politics of denial is clearly present here.

Conclusion The race riots were no new phenomenon during 1919. Yet, as the plural form already suggests, in a short period there was more than one race riot. The newspapers were well aware of this fact. This chapter analyzed how white newspapers covered these different race riots during the Red Summer beginning with the official first race riot in Charleston and ending with the official last race riot in Elaine. The Charleston race riot in April 1919 saw newspapers focusing on the factual information, which has no room in Cohen’s ‘politics of denial’. Yet, the stage of ‘outright denial’ was clearly visible in the newspapers that refused to admit the recurrence of race riots. However, the stage of ‘withholding’ information appears absent; just a few newspapers were guilty of not sharing the navy report stating that white navy representatives aggravated African Americans and started a riot. Thus, Cohen’s theory does not cover all actions taken by newspapers concerning the race riots. The Bisbee race riot saw the introduction of ‘justification’ for the riots as most newspapers were focused on telling its readers why white soldiers had to shoot and arrest so many blacks. The Norfolk and Elaine race riots in July and October showed that newspapers indeed made changes and hesitated between seeking justifications for the race riots and acknowledging the impact of white racism as the trigger for the race riots. The Elaine race riot showed how newspapers tried to include relatively sympathetic messages about African Americans in their articles about the race riot and sometimes even included an article depicting black self-defense or questioning white supremacy. Yet, none of the newspapers goes beyond Cohen’s stage of ‘disturbing emotions the acknowledgement of white racism generates’. However, the June 13

32 The New York Tribune, November 28, 1919, accessed on May 23, 2017. 28 riots in Memphis and New London, the race riot in New Orleans on the 23rd of July and the New York City race riot on August 21 showed how some riots are not covered at all in newspapers. Although this could be seen as ‘outright denial’, meaning newspapers did not want to admit race riots occurred, it seems strange that not even a local or state paper wrote about those riots. The New York City race riot is the most interesting riot in this respect as The New York Times and The New York Tribune do not mention anything at all about this riot while they do cover other violent acts during this period. Furthermore, it is interesting to see that no newspaper tried to depict race riots as anything else than a riot. Cohen suggests there is a stage of ‘renaming’ in which euphemisms are used to describe the riots. Throughout the Red Summer newspapers changed their coverage of the race riots. The Elaine race riot showed more newspapers supporting the black community through their coverage of the riot. However, no newspaper dared to speak publically about white supremacy or recognize the wrong in the way American society treated its black citizens.

29

Chapter Two: Are all race riots equal? The NAACP fight in the aftermath of the 1919 Race Riots

As the 1919 Red Summer saw race riots occurring all over the United States the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) played an important role. A few critics even argue that the outburst of white violence can be blamed on the NAACP and its way of publically calling out white supremacy in its fight for equality.33 Whether this is true or not, the many race riots during 1919 induced the NAACP to raise attention to them by making them public via newspapers, defending the African Americans being jailed and sentenced (for crimes they did not commit or committed in self-defense) and claiming civil rights for the African American community. A lot of time went into the effort to create this awareness.34 This chapter discusses how the NAACP handled the race riots by analyzing how the NAACP reacted in the aftermath of the Charleston, Bisbee, Memphis, New London, New Orleans, Norfolk, New York & Elaine race riots of 1919 and how this response fits into its overall fight for African Americans civil rights in 1919. It compares its reaction to the one of the white newspapers examined in the previous chapter and argues how the NAACP did not pay attention to the riots that the white newspapers failed to mention and even neglect more race riots than the white newspapers. Furthermore, it is argued that the NAACP only mentions the race riots when there is a convincing story of white guilt and wrongdoing which they can use in their campaign for Civil Rights. Of course, the NAACP was actively engaged in campaigns against race riots and lynching before the 1919 Red Summer. Therefore, this chapter will first give a brief overview of the NAACP’s stance on these issues before the 1919 Red Summer.

2.1 The NAACP before 1919 The 1908 race riot in Springfield, Illinois, shook the North. It was a city in the North that had not been a slave state; Abraham Lincoln had lived, and was buried, there. Oswald Garrison Villard, grandson of famous abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison, spoke out against the riot and

33 Krugler, 1919, The Year of Racial Violence, introduction. 34 In They left great marks on me (2012), Kidada Williams argues how the NAACP found the lynching of Mary Scott not suitable enough to ‘make the world know’; Michelle Alexander argues in The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the age of Colorblindness (2010) how women before Rosa Parks, like Claudette Colvin and Mary Louise Smith did the same thing as Parks but yet Parks was the NAACP symbol because she was a member. 30 so did Booker T. Washington. Yet no real action was taking against this re-emergence of racism. It was Southern socialist William English Walling who spoke out against this racial violence: he created attention to the disadvantages African Americans experienced and voiced his idea of a national organization ‘to help right the wrongs of the Negro’35. Mary White Ovington came in contact with Walling and expressed interest in joining him. Walling and Ovington, together with Henry Moskowitz, a social worker among immigrants, decided to begin their campaign officially on Lincoln’s birthday and to have Villard and Charles Edward Russell, a close friend of Walling’s, included as members. Soon after the organization was established, it became biracial as the two prominent black men, Bishop Alexander Walters and Reverend William Henry Brooks, joined it. The organization became known as the National Association for the Advancement of the Colored People (NAACP). It tried to create attention to the black cause on the basis of conferences and other types of publicity. W. E. B. Du Bois joined the organization and launched The Crisis in 1910 as the official organ of the association. Although the organization experienced quite a few conflicts36, it slowly began to invest in legal cases involving peonage, extradition and police brutality. Yet, the founding members realized more support was necessary for the association to have an impact. Prominent white and black people were enlisted and more branches created. Especially the membership of James Weldon Johnson (1916) and Walter White (1918) offered a boost to the NAACP.37 With the election of Woodrow Wilson in 1913 as America’s 28th president, which did not create much support for the NAACP’s cause, the organization changed its approach somewhat as it began to lobby in Congress. The focus was on legal cases and ordinances and bills, with an emphasis on segregation and discrimination in education, as the organization aimed for equal opportunity for black and white children. But since the NAACP was built upon the horrors of the Springfield race riot, from 1911 onwards it also focused on lynching and mob violence. In The Crisis the number of lynching was reported every year. The organization tried to help the unjustly accused, have those engaged in lynching punished, and attempted to prevent lynching by changing public opinion with the help of objective information. The organization also pressured national and state governments and fought for legislation to make

35 Charles Flint Kellog, NAACP: A History of the National Association of the Advancement of Colored People, 1909-1920, V1 (: John Hopkins University Press, 1973), 11. 36 In his NAACP (1973) Kellogg describes how Booker T. Washington got into a conflict with fellow NAACP member Du Bois. Du Bois himself got into conflict with fellow members about the tone of the organization and its magazine Crisis. This conflict led to the resignation of the founding member of the NAACP Oswald Garrison Villard. 37 Kidada Williams, They Left Great Marks on Me, 211. 31 lynching a federal crime. 1916 saw the NAACP investing in an Anti-Lynching Committee led by Walling. The NAACP used three cases of lynching to create more awareness and publicity for racial violence. The issue was much covered in The Crisis and the report the organization created was sent to other black and white newspapers to make sure that lynching became known as a national problem and became part of the public conscience. The St. Louis race riot of 1917 saw the NAACP investigate the race riot itself and defend the ten black people indicted for murder all the way to Supreme Court (where they lost the fight). Making sure these eruptions of violence received publicity all over the nation, the NAACP got Congress involved. With the involvement of the United States in the Great War in 1917 the NAACP fought against discrimination of black soldiers in the services. Even before 1919, the NAACP tried to bring lynching to the attention of federal government as its members wrote letters and telegrams and mentioned it during a White House interview. It resulted in Wilson making a public statement in 1918 in which he asked every man and woman to cooperate to bring an end to lynching. Yet, the lynching and race riots did not stop. The NAACP now tried to include the federal government much more in its fight and knew it had reached a far wider public than before: it would not back down until lynching and race riots were punished as a crime.

2.2 The NAACP fight for eight race riots in the 1919 Red Summer The year 1919 saw the NAACP continuing its fight against racial violence. It wanted the full story about the riots made known (or as we would nowadays say, get rid of the fake news about the events). By sending its people on trips to places where racial tension was high and race riots broke out the NAACP hoped to achieve its aim. Furthermore, the NAACP took the fight to court and defended many African American people who were prosecuted in the aftermath of the race riots. As for the eight race riots investigated in the previous chapter, the Elaine, Arkansas, race riot received the most attention from the NAACP. In its November issue of The Crisis the organization gives full coverage of the Arkansas race riot, stating that the riot was about labor and explaining how African Americans were disadvantaged by Southern labor laws. The Crisis mentions white lawyer Bratton, who helped blacks to change their miserable situation, and the fact that many African Americans were still jailed and sentenced to death. ‘Whites are stripping negroes to the bone’ is its conclusion. Yet, the NAACP does not mention any lawsuit or its efforts to release the many blacks who were imprisoned. A month after the race riot there was a trial (November 3) under very questionable conditions. No suspect was allowed to testify before the trial or was

32 formally charged. There were also no witnesses for the defense heard before the trial.38 NAACP members Walter White and Ida Wells-Barnett brought this all to light. Wells-Barnett went to prison and talked to the imprisoned black men. White was an African American who could pass for a white man and that is what he did to investigate the race riot in Arkansas. The Arkansas Governor Brough, thinking he invited a white reporter, allowed White to talk to many people in Arkansas, offering him a fuller story of the race riot as White gained insight on the system and its unfairness to Arkansas blacks. White even had to fear for his own life as rumor spread in Arkansas that there was a black person passing for white and infiltrating in its business.39 White got out on time and with plenty of information to use in court. The Crisis does not mention anything about these actions. But this is not strange since it may have considered how this type of information would jeopardies its defense in court or White’s safety. The information collected by White was used to show the court and public opinion that the Arkansas riot was based on white racism and the inequality of the labor system. In its 1920 February issue the Crisis mentions how white people in Arkansas were desperately trying to prove that the event was not a race riot and how they loved and cared for the ‘negro’. In its June issue that same year The Crisis mentions it received a letter from a black bishop who argued that the accused Robert L. Hill in the Arkansas riot should be returned to the place of trial and not held safe in another place. The NAACP does not acknowledge whether it protected him or helped him flee but it does take this moment to wonder how ‘a black man can put trust on government or state of law’.40 Clearly, the NAACP uses this letter and the criticism it may receive to its advantage and to appeal to the black conscience by asking what the law has done for blacks. Indirectly it asks its readers where they stand: whether they fight with the NAACP against the law or are fighting with the law against the NAACP. In the section ‘crime’ it is shortly reported how from the twelve African Americans convicted of murder six were granted a new trial. After the whole investigation by White it was the NAACP that not only covered the process of the Arkansas court case but also defended the convicted men. One of the lawyers who worked on the case was Scipio Jones. As a black lawyer, he was against the NAACP and its use of publicity to pressure white authorities to act. Yet, for the Elaine twelve he put this critical stance aside and worked together with the organization. Although he did all the work, the NAACP found it too risky to put a black man in front of an all-

38 Phillip Dray, At the hands of Persons Unknown. The lynching of Black America (New York: Modern Library, 2003) 239, 244. 39 Dray, At the hands of Persons Unknown, 241-243 40 The Crisis, , 71. 33 white jury and used a white attorney during the proceedings.41 In The Crisis reports how the Arkansas Supreme Court reserved the decision of the lower court and freed six of the twelve blacks. Yet, the remaining six were still on death row. The NAACP continued to fight for their release. Around The Crisis’ report about the Arkansas riot changes. While at first it was about giving an update on the case, the riot now became more of a symbol of black community resistance. In the February issue, there is at the beginning a full page about the activities of the NAACP in 1919 and how it freed 79 innocent African American men and gained freedom for six convicted to death. Headlining it ‘What a few have done’ shows how the NAACP wants its members to become aware what they could achieve if more than a few participate in the fight for equality. The Crisis has an extra article about the Arkansas riot focusing on freeing six blacks who were sentenced to death. It argues that this is not a case only effecting those six blacks as it is ‘a fight to determine whether or not men shall be sent to death solely because they are colored’.42 The Arkansas riot symbolizes the black fight, according to this article. It is also the periodical’s way of asking its members to contribute money to pay lawyers and appeal court decisions. By making the Arkansas riot a symbol for black resistance the NAACP shows how it fought for its own people and makes it hard for its readers not to become engaged. It is not just a riot wherein black people need (financial) help; it is the riot that represents the fight for black rights. A victory means a win for all black people. That money became a problem is very clear around the end of 1921. The Crisis puts in its November and December issues a message about the Arkansas case still being underway and how it is hopeful for a positive verdict. ‘The association is leaving no stone unturned in its efforts to secure justice for these men. We urgently appeal for contributions to the Arkansas Defense Fund to meet this critical moment in the defense of these innocent men,’ is the message in November, a message repeated in December.43 January sees the Crisis specifically mentioning the amount of money it needs: ‘Reader, we have already spent $11,299 to save these poor victims; we need $5,000 more. Can you help?’44 This high cost was also related to the illness and death of the white lawyer attached to the case. Scipio Jones was still very important in the case and doing all the work but the NAACP still wanted a white lawyer and found him in McHaney. (Whereas McHaney asked

41 Krugler, 1919, The Year of Racial Violence, 263. 42 The Crisis, February 1920, 207. 43 The Crisis, , 23. The Crisis, , 72. 44 The Crisis, , 117. 34 for 25.000 dollars, the NAACP made the deal at 5.000 dollars.45) It seems the NAACP got the money it needed: in 1922 there was no longer much attention for the Arkansas court case in its magazine. Only in March and September readers are reminded that the case is still ongoing; in the latter month readers are stimulated to distribute the magazine especially among white men ‘as they should know the facts about peonage and economic exploitation’.46 Yet there is no talk about financial contributions to the court case: the focus is very much on black and white awareness about the black plight in general. Only when the case reached the Supreme Court in did the organization bring up the “money” issue again. Although the NAACP invested another 8000 dollars in the trial, it was also the Citizens Defense Fund Commission that invested 10.000 dollars; moreover, black lawyer Scipio Jones raised 7000 dollars for this case. Although Jones made it through the whole process, he was not present during the Supreme Court case. Jones made the final notes that would be argued before the Court and he was told he would be co-counsel next to NAACP member Moorfield Stanley. Yet, at the last minute the organization wanted white lawyer U. S. Bratton next to Stanley.47 Although the NAACP stands for the advancement of colored people, not letting Jones be co-counsel meant that he did not become the first black man speaking in front of the Supreme Court. As the case moved on without Jones, however, the NAACP did score a victory as the Supreme Court in Moore vs. Dempsey stated that, due to fear of mob violence, the conviction of the (remaining six) black men was rushed and not done properly.48 It ordered the case back to lower court for a new trial and there the court set the last six blacks free. This victory was celebrated in the April and August issue of the Crisis, focusing on the long fight in this particular case and on the fact that not only the 12 men sentenced to death were now free of all charges but also that the other 67 blacks imprisoned after the riot were freed. The April issue reported there were ‘two more reasons far more important’ about this outcome than the men’s freedom.49 Firstly, by winning this case the idea of black men organizing to massacre white people had been successfully challenged. Secondly and most importantly, the case raised questions about the economic exploitation of African American and white farmers under the sharecropping and tenant farming systems in the South. It seems odd that saving the life of twelve men is seen as less important than questioning false rumors about black conspiracies

45 Krugler, 1919, The Year of Racial Violence, 263. 46 “Membership”, The Crisis, . 47 Krugler, 1919, The Year of Racial Violence, 263. 48 Dray, At the Hands of Persons Unknown, 244. 49 The Supreme Court and Arkansas”, The Crisis, . 35 and questioning exploitation. Yet it shows how the NAACP was fully focused on the greater good and not just the Arkansas prisoners. This could also be the reason why none of the other seven race riots of the 1919 Red Summer are mentioned in The Crisis. Throughout 1919 till 1923 there is no word on the race riots in Charleston, Memphis, New London, Bisbee, Norfolk, New Orleans and New York. While it makes sense that these riots do not receive individual attention and individual articles, it is odd that they are not even mentioned every month under the section ‘crime’ – something that happens with lynching every month. Since the NAACP aimed to create awareness that African American people were mistreated by white Americans, it would seem a good plan to outline for their readers the different cases (or domains) in which this mistreatment and racism come to light. The magazine’s failure or refusal to create attention for most of the riots is telling. While, as we have seen, no information about the race riots in Memphis, New London and New Orleans was given in white newspapers, the NAACP’s leading magazine does not try to correct these white omissions. However, it does report in its 1920 February issue about 74 lynching and 28 race riots happening in 1919. (It refers to 58 trials, which led to 46 acquittals; to six convictions, of which only two were given ‘heavy sentences’ and these two cases are being appealed.) Again, in March the magazine asks ‘What are YOU doing to help?’ It goes on about what the organization has done for the black community: helping in court, organizing conferences and communicating with government, raising money and coming to aid of accused. The magazine ends by telling how the organization also uses the press: ‘whenever there is news or anything else of interest they send the story to white and black newspapers’.50 The question this raises is whether the seven race riots were not seen as news and why this was the case. Since the NAACP wanted to establish more branches around the country and more people involved in the fight, one would expect the organization to spread the news about all the race riots that occurred in the hope that people from all those cities would get involved and start acting. As this did not happen, one suspects the NAACP was afraid the coverage of different riots would shift and dilute the attention of its members. Whether members get involved in one case or are asked to care for ten or eleven cases makes a big difference. For three years the NAACP readers closely followed the Arkansas case, getting to know those involved and their doubtful fate. They were asked to sympathize, contribute money and time and making others aware of the significance of this fight. The Arkansas race riot stood as a symbol for the 1919 Red Summer and

50 The Crisis, , 228, 244-245. 36 the fight the NAACP undertook for the advancement of colored people. Yet, it remains striking that not even a minor reference is made to the many different race riots happening during 1919 and that they are only collectively “summarized” in the issue to show what the organization accomplished. Putting this next to the abundant coverage the NAACP gave to the cause of lynching in the Crisis one cannot help but think there is more here than meets the eye. It looks as if the NAACP only covered the race riots in which there was a clear distinction between guilty and innocent. In the cases of lynching this is much easier to do than in race riots. The horror of a black person getting lynched and the visibility of the dead body make lynching for the NAACP the perfect example to show white racism and racial inequality and injustice. With the Arkansas race riot the NAACP could focus on the injustice of the law system and by freeing all convicted blacks add more value to its argument. However, a race riot suggests violence wherein the guilty one is not immediately clear. Moreover, there is visual damage caused by both sides and mostly also victims on both sides. The distinction between good and bad is not as quickly made as in a lynching. The Charleston race riot saw disagreement about who started the fight and in the Bisbee riot both black and white people were hurt. It looks as if the NAACP was careful covering the race riots because its main goal was to induce white authorities to act on behalf of the advancement for the colored people: many of these race riots could have led those authorities to believe the black community was dangerous and violent and undeserving of equal rights. Because it seems highly likely the NAACP took the Arkansas riot as the symbol of the 1919 Red Summer, one should ask if the NAACP remained simply silent about the other riots in 1919 or also refused to support the black men imprisoned in these riots. Nothing seems to support the conclusion that the NAACP was involved in the Bisbee, New London, Memphis, New Orleans and New York riots. However, The NAACP did indeed act after the Charleston race riot in May. The organization pressured the police and the navy to investigate the riot while its black attorneys did the civil suits. The organization raised funds and hired lawyers for the black defendants. It even proposed a bill to receive payments for all the damage that had been done during the Charleston riot. Unfortunately, Congress did not accept the bill. The Charleston branch of the NAACP under supervision of Edward C. Mickey organized a grievance committee and interviewed more than ten black people who witnessed the riot. These testimonies were sent to the navy investigators.51 Although a few sailors were dismissed from the service, eventually most

51 Krugler, 1919, The Year of Racial Violence, 312-314 and 218. 37 of the perpetrators got away with their actions.52 That the NAACP took on the Charleston race riot shows that it did not only investigate, and invest in, the Arkansas riot. That the Crisis makes no mention of the work done in Charleston and the riot happening there undermines the argument that the NAACP was only reporting the riots it was involved in. Yet, it supports the argument that the NAACP was working for the greater good and wanted its members to focus on one riot to have them empathize with the people involved and take part in the fight for their advancement. In addition, this lack of coverage suggests that in its efforts to lobby amongst white politicians for equal rights the NAACP considered the violence of race riots a problem.

2.3 The NAACP during 1919 Throughout the Red Summer James W. Johnson observed a new spirit of determination among African Americans. It was also Johnson who depicted the 1919 race riots as the Red Summer. Subscriptions to the NAACP and The Crisis increased and the organization had more than 90.000 members at the end of 1919. Branches were being established all over America to make the black voice heard. Yet, from the eight race riots investigated here only the Arkansas riot got attention in the Crisis. Although both the Charleston and Arkansas riots were supported through NAACP investigations and contributions, the Red Summer saw more than eight important race riots in 1919; the official number of riots is 27. Consequently, it is interesting to see whether the NAACP took notice of any of them in its magazine, supported black people involved in other race riots in 1919, and refused to focus only on the lesser known among them. At the beginning of 1919 the NAACP published its Thirty years of lynching in the United States 1889-1918. It shows how the organization was aware of racial violence even before the Red Summer had arrived. Yet in the Crisis nothing is said about the Red Summer race riots until . The May issue has the essay ‘we return fighting’ by Du Bois but although historians have later come to agree that this essay stirred up black resistance it had at the time no relevance to the race riots.53 The Washington () and the Chicago (July 27) riots saw the NAACP using its power to urge people to investigate the atrocities happening there. After the Washington riot the NAACP pressed people to help and intervene in the damaged city. In its investigation of the riot it had lawyers meet the black people who were arrested and spoke out on behalf of the black men

52 McWhirter, Red Summer 1919, 257-259. 53 W. E. B. Du Bois, “Returning Soldiers”, The Crisis, .

38 who got beaten in jail.54 However, the result of these court cases is unclear. The NAACP did not report about them in the Crisis although it referred at the beginning of 1920 to 58 trials (and 46 accused who were acquitted). It is unclear what these numbers are based on and whether the Chicago trials are included in these numbers. Significantly, the Crisis does not report anything about trials resulting from race riots other than the Arkansas riot. But it does make notice of the race riots that over the years have been categorized as the ‘biggest ones’. The August 1919 issue mentions in its crime section the Knoxville race riot, condemns lynching and mob rule, and asks state and federal powers ‘to put an end to these outrages throughout the country’.55 The September and October issues report about the Chicago, Washington and Longview race riots. The three riots are given their own article, stating how the riot occurred and how it ended. The October issue also contains the poem by McKay but as with the essay by Du Bois the poem had at the time no relevance for a specific race riot but expressed more a collective feeling about the black situation. In my investigations of the Crisis throughout 1923 other race riots are indeed mentioned. In February 1920 the magazine reported about the race riot in Nashville, Tennessee, that saw eighteen people die. In July and the Crisis covered the Tulsa and Springfield riots. In relation to the Tulsa riot it asks whether it must be seen as a symbol for black resistance. This indicates that the NAACP did not think about the Red Summer and riots in Chicago, Washington or Omaha as symbols of black resistance; not even the fully covered Arkansas riot and its aftermath were explicitly termed symbols of black resistance. In the 1922 February issue the reader finds a list about lynching between 1885 and 1922: again, lynching receives much more attention than race riots. Once more, it looks as if the NAACP was trying to sell the image of a civil black community to white authorities: race riots evoke images of radicalism and aggression, and of civil rights. A riot speaks of and resistance against the ruling order and of maladjustments to white values/standards. The lack of coverage of race riots aimed to suppress depictions of the black community as rebellious and aggressive. Yet, in the NAACP reports about the book A Negro in Chicago. A study of race relations and race riot. It shows that the NAACP still informed it readers about the race riots of 1919. But then again in February 1923 the magazine states something odd. In its reports about lynching and mob violence between 1900- and 1922 The Crisis states that this period saw 22 anti- “negro” mobs.56 The official number for the Red Summer alone is 27 and the NAACP mentions

54 McWhirter, Red Summer 1919, 110-111. 55 The Crisis, August 1919, 207. 56 The Crisis, January 1922, 168. 39 only 22 race riots in 22 years. This number could explain why many of the Red Summer riots were never mentioned in the magazine or did not prod the NAACP to act. As the NAACP has been known to exaggerate numbers concerning black victims,57 it seems odd it does not raise the number of anti-black mobs had it known about them. It is possible the NAACP did not want to give white people the feeling black violence was very common in the nation and that due to black awareness the number of riots had gone up the last years. If the NAACP truly did not know about the many race riots occurring during the Red Summer, the low coverage of riots in the Crisis does not need further explanation. The NAACP used a lot of its budget in 1919 to cover its lynching and mob violence campaigns. From a budget of $50,690 around $15,793 was spent fighting lynching and mob violence. Here, the organization does not distinguish lynching and mob violence: it shows that the NAACP was not turning its cheek on the Red Summer of 1919.

Conclusion The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People was officially founded on the birthday of Abraham Lincoln. The president who banished slavery stood for the direction the NAACP wanted to go. The idea of an organization came after the shock the Springfield, Illinois race riot of 1908 brought upon Northern Americans. Even in a Northern city, the city of Abraham Lincoln, a race riot could occur. It showed how badly America needed to do something about the race problem and the inequality of African American people. Through conferences and the recruiting of members the NAACP tried to build an efficient organization. From the start, it invested much in representing black people in legal cases. Furthermore, it invested heavily in the fight against lynching; the NAACP magazine the Crisis published every month and each year the number of lynching taking place. The 1917 St. Louis race riot saw the NAACP defend ten black men all the way to the Supreme Court. Although they lost, it showed how far the organization was willing to take this fight. But the same does not go for the Red Summer of 1919. Of the eight race riots in Charleston, Memphis, New London, Bisbee, New Orleans, Norfolk, New York and Elaine the NAACP only mentioned the Elaine race riot in the Crisis. This is the 1919 race riot the organization put most effort into and in which it was successful in freeing all black men convicted. Through the Crisis everyone was updated about the progress made in the Arkansas case and especially the fight that would continue for four years. People were also being asked to contribute to help ‘free these innocent men’. But in its coverage, the NAACP showed

57 Voogd, Race & Resistance, 135. 40 that the most important thing was not the saving of those twelve men but the “greater good” as it tried to show African American people were important in American society. Although none of the other seven riots were mentioned in the Crisis, the NAACP did play a role in the aftermath of the Charleston race riot. It pushed for investigations and stood by the victims with a grievance conference. The NAACP also made sure the accused African Americans got a lawyer. This shows that not being mentioned in the Crisis does not automatically mean that the NAACP did not know about the riot or did not fight for the black community affected by it. Beyond those eight race riot the Red Summer is mentioned through the Knoxville, Washington and Chicago race riots although the Crisis only informs it readers about the ‘true story’ and there is nothing said about legal actions taken against white people. Yet, the organization tries to raise awareness about the struggle of the African American and asks its readers to help. They are urged to create branches in their own cities. All this leads to two opposite claims about the absence of attention for the 1919 race riots in the Crisis and the help of the NAACP. As the NAACP asks for more branches, possibly there were not (enough) branches in the cities of the riots to raise awareness about the riots. Yet at the same time one has to wonder how a race riot in New York City goes unnoticed while the NAACP had multiple branches there. This is also why it seem odd that the organization would not mention race riots occurring in their most important channel of propaganda. And when they do in 1922 they come to a total of 22 anti-race mobs between 1900 and 1922: for the Red Summer only the official number is 27. At the same time the odd number could be the answer to the NAACP’s lack of interest in the riots. Another possibility is that the NAACP neglected reporting about those 1919 race riots because such reporting was not helpful in its goal of acquiring equal rights for African American people. Yet 1919 saw NAACP member James W. Johnson observing a new fight among blacks and this was answered by the NAACP as it invested 1/5 of its budget in fighting lynching and mob violence. This is where the biggest distinction lies. For 1919 there is much coverage in the Crisis about lynching. Every issue saw under the section ‘crime’ a list of all the lynching in that month while only the August issue included under the same section the Knoxville race riot. The NAACP had lynching as a main topic in its yearly conferences and published many pictures of these atrocities throughout 1919. It is true that lynching speaks more to the imagination of people than race riots. Talking about a boy of sixteen getting lynched and burned and showing a picture is more emotional for most people than hearing about a house burned down and seeing a picture of it. Moreover, lynching can be proved and, more importantly, cannot be covered up as a dead

41 man’s body is always going to be missed (and found). Yet a race riot could be covered up especially if no one died. It is what almost happened with the 1919 Bisbee race riot. And in a period wherein the NAACP saw so much happening to African American people choices had to be made to focus on: it seems the organization choose to represent the violence of the 1919 race riots through the Arkansas race riot but focus most on lynching to exhibit white racism and the inequality and injustice of the American law system and society.

42

Chapter Three: “Race riots can’t stand alone” Scholars and their lack of interest for the 1919 Race Riots.

The 1919 Red Summer received scholars’ attention from the moment it happened. Not even a year after its occurrence it was depicted as such (the ‘Red Summer’) by NAACP member James W. Johnson. Scholars published works about the different race riots in the years after.58 After the 1930s we see a decline in this coverage. Sporadically the summer received attention. Yet, the twenty-first century has seen a renewed interest in the 1919 Red Summer with a special interest in the race riots in Chicago, Washington, Omaha and Knoxville. Scholars also took an interest in the significance of 1919 as the year of racial violence and the catalyst for black resistance. Scholars have used the Red Summer to make claims about black resistance. Problematic about this approach is the lack of actual race riots they have investigated to make their arguments. The seven ‘major’ race riots receive attention but the other 19 riots are mostly left undiscussed. Furthermore, the 1919 race riots are linked to cases of lynching that overshadow them. As this chapter argues, scholars of the riots are internally split because covering the race riots as individual cases of racial violence does not depict African Americans solemnly as the victims of racial violence. As a result, the 1919 Red Summer race riots remain underexposed and are overshadowed by cases of lynching, which does receive wide attention in the 1919 Red Summer scholarship. Here, the focus lies on the way scholars define and analyze the race riots, where they place the blame for the riots, and how they fit the 1919 Red Summer into African American history.

3.1 How many? What to call them? Who to blame? Race riots were not a new phenomenon in 1919. Reports about race riots appeared as early as the 1890s. Since the late 19th century, black men and women armed themselves and showed their willingness to use weapons if necessary. This changed the confrontations with white civilians. The growing concentration of these confrontations was new around the beginning of the 20th century. The official number of race riots occurring during the 1919 Red Summer is listed at 26. Williams

58 Robert. T. Kerlin, Voice of the Negro: 1919 (New York: E. D. Dutton, 1920); Herbert J. Seligman, “The Press abets the Mob”, Nation 109:2831, October 4, 1919, 460-461; George E. Haynes, “Race riots in relation to Democracy”, Survey 42, August 9, 1919, 14-21. 43 list 25 race riots, Voogd names 26 riots and McWhirter makes notice of 27 major race riots. Jan Voogd argues that 26 is the same number the Congress counted in its anti-lynching bill of 1920. Yet, if all the available information on possible riots were to be included the number would grow to around 56 race riots.59 From his 27 race riots McWhirter names seven in . He has no place for the New York City, New Orleans and Memphis race riots. Voogd also leaves out the Memphis and New Orleans riots but does include three race riots in New York City. It shows how there is no clear methodology to determine when an act of racial violence can claim a position on the list of the Red Summer events. Voogd lists only the race riots that have been covered in more than one venue while McWhirter includes only the major riots, together with the minor ones in which lynching occurred. Significant, then, is the fact that McWhirter sees New London and Norfolk as major race riots. Chapter one showed how next to nothing is known about the New London race riot because white newspapers reported next to nothing about the event. Furthermore, McWhirter himself does not give a detailed account of the Norfolk and New London race riots, which raises the question why he sees these race riots as major ones. He never explains. Other scholars agree about seven major Red Summer race riots that they use as their focus. As a result, Voogd concludes that the smaller race riots remain hidden while they are equally important: they too can be useful to establish a pattern and indicate the differences and similarities among them.60 Voogd, here, has two reservations. Firstly, she argues that the fixation on major race riots has the effect that smaller race riots remain hidden. This is what has happened with the Red Summer race riots in Memphis, New London, New Orleans and New York. The problem with this approach is that scholars use those smaller riots when they want to make claims about the significance of the Red Summer as a major event in 1919 without knowing the actual history about most of its riots. Remarkable is that Voogd herself is guilty of her own observation. She mentions the August 21, 1919 race riot in New York as one of the Red Summer riots but does not elaborate. The previous chapters have shown that for race riots like the ones in 1919 Memphis, New Orleans and New York there is no information available in both the recent scholarly works and 1919 white newspapers. One cannot help but wonder whether these race riots took place. This must be something scholars themselves have stumbled upon. It seems odd that there has been no research done or a possible argument made about these race riots: why have those riots been neglected? The race riot in New Orleans saw a police officer write the War

59 Jan Voogd, “Red Summer Race Riots of 1919,” in Encyclopedia of American Race Riots volume 2, ed. Walter Rucker et al. (Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 2007) 548-559. 60 Voogd, Race & Resistance, 3. 44

Department on July 24 what the police should do were a race riot to occur (the New Orleans race riot occurred on the 23 of July per the official list). As there is no detailed information about this race riot, the question rises whether this race riot actually occurred and what the police officer’s note was based on. With these unanswered questions the Red Summer loses its credibility as a period which saw many race riots. Jan Voogd, who referred to the note from the New Orleans police officer, only mentions the note but oddly does not question how this relates to the New Orleans race riot one day earlier. It looks as if she wants to argue how there was a high threat of racial violence in 1919 without looking at the actual race riot happening. Secondly, Voogd makes the argument that by concealing the small race riots we cannot see the pattern of the Red Summer and the similarities and differences that could tell us something more about the status of the 1919 Red Summer in history. When it comes to the Red Summer, scholars have indeed used a methodology in which they see a clear pattern concerning the different race riots. When looking at the collective behavior during the race riots Ann Collins argues this can be divided into three factors underlying them while Voogd focusses on different categories of white response. Both Voogd and Collins use different Red Summer race riots to support their methodology. As a result, both Collins and Voogd make claims about the Red Summer as a period in which a clear pattern is to be seen in the way the African American people fought for their rights and faced white violence. Yet, not all race riots which occurred during the Red Summer are discussed in both of their works, an omission which undermines their methodology and makes their claims inaccurate or at least only partly persuasive. How can they both see a clear pattern during the Red Summer while race riots like the ones in New Orleans, Memphis and New York have not been fully investigated? The problem, however, is that Voogd does mention the New York race riot (August 21) on her list but does not elaborate on it. As the official list counts 26 race riots one expects that there are sufficient arguments and evidence for these riots to make the official list. Furthermore, one expects many of these riots to be included when a scholar claims to have a specific approach on the basis of which the Red Summer race riots can be analyzed. This is not the case for the Memphis, New London and New York race riots. It looks only appropriate to have these race riots on the unofficial list until more information has come to light. This is the approach David Krugler takes in the most recent investigation about the 1919 Red Summer. He sees no added value in generalizations about all the Red Summer riots collectively; he claims that looking at the individual riots will reveal much

45 more as one can search for similarities between the 1919 race riots while at the same time note their individual character.61

3.2 The Red Summer as starting point for the Civil Rights Movement? In the 1990s scholars began to shift the beginning of the Civil Rights Movement from the 1950s to the 1930s. It was claimed that the Great Depression saw not just a few moments of protest but already a widespread struggle to overthrow segregation and institutionalized racism.62 In his 2011 Red Summer Cameron McWhirter goes a step further and sees in the 1919 race riots ‘the first stirrings of the Civil Rights Movement‘. McWhirter argues that the many riots and lynchings in 1919 saw black people fighting back with an intensity and determination never seen before: this is the beginning of the Movement that would change America forever.63 In sustaining his argument McWhirter points out that the movement was characterized by civil and non-radical attitudes and actions, features likewise exhibited by the 1919 Red Summer black organizations. However, Robert Zangrado argues that the African Americans involved in the 1919 Red Summer were very radical in their actions.64 For example, James W. Johnson (1916) and Walter White (1918) created a different and more radical approach against mob violence in the NAACP. As we have seen, Walter White went undercover and used his light skin color to pass as a white investigator to get more information about the Elaine riot from the governor and other important figures whom he would not get to speak if he saw them as a black man. In addition, the returned black soldiers from World War I knew what it was to fight for someone else’s freedom and were now ready, and less anxious, to pick up a gun to claim and defend their own freedom. Most importantly, Zangrado argues that the increase of racial violence throughout the many race riots shows how radical/aggressive this fight was. And yet the previous chapter showed how the NAACP used the race riots strategically in the Crisis to get white authorities to act. Zangrado has a point when arguing the riots show a radical side but the selective coverage of the riots by the NAACP and its focus on lynching show how blacks themselves were already eyeing a civil

61 Krugler, 1919, the year of Racial Violence, 17. 62 Harvard Sitkoff, A New Deal for Blacks: The Emergence of Civil Rights as a National Issue: The Depression Decade (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978); Robert Norrell, Reaping the Whirlwind: The Civil Rights Movement in Tuskegee (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1998); Raphael Cassimere Jr., “Equalizing teachers’ Pay in Louisiana,” Equity and Excellence in Education 15:4 (1977): 3, accessed August 13, 2017, doi: 10.1080/0020486770150401. 63 McWhirter, Red Summer 1919, back cover. 64 Robert L. Zangrado, The NAACP crusade against lynching, 1909-1950 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980). 46 approach to be heard by white authorities. McWhirter may be on to something when arguing that the Civil Rights Movement began with the 1919 Red Summer. Yet, this research only focuses on the NAACP and to answer the question about the Civil Rights Movement’s origins other black organizations that handled the 1919 race riots will have to be investigated. Finally, in his argument about the significance of the race riots McWhirter shifts the focus from the riots to lynching. For instance, on the backflip of his book he introduces the Red Summer and gives the example of the lynching of in Ellisville, Mississippi as an illustration of the events. This is followed by the story of the riot in Carswell Grove where more than three people were lynched. This story gets attention in the introduction; lynching is the common thread throughout the work. By the same token McWhirter talks about the race riots and the occurrence of riots all over the world around 1919 as if the riots were not something specifically American. What then makes the 1919 Red Summer so significant? McWhirter argues it was lynching: riots in other parts of the world did not include lynching. Cohen’s stages of ‘politics of denial’ can be (and in chapter 1 have been) used not only to show the coverage of white newspapers about the race riots, but also to discuss the scholarly work about the 1919 Red Summer. In the case of McWhirter’s Red Summer it looks as if he is afraid his claims about the Red Summer and its relevance to the Civil Rights Movement will not stand without the addition of, and focus on, lynching. He is involved in ‘renaming’: he does not seem to distinguish riots from lynching in the 1919 Red Summer. Whereas newspapers were using words to minimize the riots, McWhirter combines words to ‘maximize’ them, but with the help of lynching. Furthermore, he is seeking ‘justification’ for the race riot and the role black Americans played in those riots by describing the dreadful circumstances black Americans had to live in, with lynching being the most horrible aspect. Whereas in the case of the race riots it is not always clear who the instigator was and who the victim, in the case of lynching the situation is clear: with white Americans going one step further, black Americans are always the victims. In explaining why the NAACP payed so much attention to lynching in comparison to the riots, Voogd focusses on the differences between a lynching and a riot. While a riot targets a community directly, a lynching does it more indirectly. Lynching was almost a ritual while a riot was more chaotic and less organized. Despite their popularity during the Red Summer ‘riots never attained the level of societal approval that lynching did’.65 Although Voogd argues this is the reason why the NAACP was so focused on lynching and getting authorities to act, it looks as if

65 Voogd, “Red Summer Race Riots of 1919,” 552. 47 she herself used lynching in her Race and Resistance to create more attention for the 1919 Red Summer. Lynching has a more precise visual effect than a riot. A lynching means someone has died and this can be proven. Though possibly disastrous, a riot does not automatically connote death. People will be more shocked when they read about or see a picture of a burned body than when they read about or see a burned house. Voogd used the picture of the lynched body of Will Brown during the Omaha riot deliberately, relying on the visual effect of a lynching when arguing about the 1919 race riots. This focus on lynching instead of race riots on the part of scholars and others can be seen as part of the stage of ‘outright denial’. It looks as if scholars neglect many of the 1919 race riots because they feel those riots do not sufficiently represent the unequal and violent society African American people had to live in around 1919. Whereas a lynching signals and ‘proves’ white supremacy and the atrocities inflicted upon the African American community, a riot shows this far less vividly; in many cases, it also has white victims. The 1919 Red Summer has many scholars argue that the biggest problem and challenge the NAACP faced was society’s refusal to acknowledge the existence of white racism as the source of the disadvantaged position of black people.66 That is why the organization used the Red Summer to show how racial tension was growing and to create awareness about the existence of white racism. The previous chapter saw the NAACP focusing on 1919 lynching to create this awareness; it looks as if scholars are guilty of doing something similar. They are selective in depicting the various race riots and focus more on the stories wherein the question of guilt is easily answered. These are the riots that included cases of lynching and the major riots in which many African American people died and/or got hurt. In an era wherein the United States saw its first black president but also the renewed awakening among African Americans to fight for equality, there is much attention for African American history. The 1919 Red Summer is important in this history and through their research scholars like Voogd, Krugler and McWhirter make sure our generation learns about the battles fought. At the same time, these scholars’ selectiveness creates the impression that only the major riots and cases of lynching are important enough to be known and remembered to indicate the hardship African American people had to endure.

66 Voogd, Race & Resistance; Zagrando, The NAACP crusade against lynching, 1909-1950; Krugler, 1919, the year of Racial Violence. 48

3.3 White newspapers, black NAACP and interracial scholars? When the 2002 black movie Barbershop came out, it was met with criticism from the African American community. Eddie, the ‘old man’ of the barbershop, criticizes two prominent figures of the Civil Rights Movement: Rosa Parks did nothing ‘but sit her black ass down’ and although Eddie recognizes she did stir the movement there were still many others before her who did the same thing but ‘got thrown in jail’. Next up is Martin Luther King Jr. who is being called a ‘ho’ (whore) for his infidelities. Civil rights activists such as Al Sharpton and Jessie Jackson were not amused and called the movie’s remarks disrespectful of African American history.67 However, ‘Eddie’ says what several scholars have argued about both Parks and King.68 In somewhat less provocative words, the argument has been made that Parks was not the first black person to protest regulations concerning public transportation by refusing to give up her seat to a white person; but as a NAACP member she was ‘selected’ as a good enough citizen to represent the African American struggle. There has also been much written about the possible infidelities of Martin Luther King Jr. Yet, this backlash indicates how sensitive negative arguments about African American history remain--even when coming from African Americans. What should one expect when white Americans make provocative claims about African Americans and their history? The scholars who have researched the 1919 Red Summer are mostly white, as can be seen in table 1.69

Table 1 Race of scholars researching the 1919 Red Summer Scholar White Black Jan Voogd Cameron McWhirter David F. Krugler Robert Zangrado (NAACP member) Kidada Williams Ann Collins William Tuttle (NAACP member) Orville Menard Robert Whitaker

67 Duncan Campbell, “Storm in a Barbershop,” , September 29, 2009, accessed , 2017, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2002/sep/29/film.filmnews. 68 Voogd in her Race & Resistance 2008); Georgia Davis Powers, I Shared the Dream: The Pride, Passion, and Politics of the First Black Woman Senator of Kentucky (New York: New Horizon Press, 1995); Ralph D. Abernathy, And the Walls came tumbling down: An Autobiography (Chicago: Chicago Review Press, 1989). 69 In this table the scholars used in this research have been taking into account along with three scholars who have done much on individual 1919 race riots. 49

As can be seen in table 1, eight out of the nine scholars are white. It is remarkable that few African American scholars write about this part of African American history. The potential criticism of African Americans that the 1919 Red Summer could generate is not clear in advance; it seems highly unlikely that white scholars will be more critical of African Americans than black scholars. The historiography of the 1919 Red Summer is relatively new, which means new claims have to be made. It looks as if white scholars know how sensitive this topic is and therefore take a relatively uncritical and more informative and supportive approach in representing the African American fight against white suppression instead of criticizing the way they went about doing this. Yet, this approach also sees scholars dealing with sensitive questions such as the question who ignited the fire that led to the race riots. Ann Collins argues that the riots had a specific goal: they were started by black people because they demanded something.70 Yet, she argues it was the black community protesting and the white community responding through violence in the form of riots to undermine black desires for a better life. Krugler also sees white Americans as the guilty party as they were the ones attacking black people; the latter simply had to defend themselves.71 Jan Voogd disagrees with both Krugler and Collins as she argues that the blacks were both actors and objects during the race riots.72 The eight investigated race riots, the riots in Memphis, New Orleans and New York offer no solution to the issue. As the other five race riots, the question of blame cannot be resolved either: there is no such thing as either black or white guilt. Collins’s claim that all riots were started by black people because of certain demands they had is inaccurate. The Bisbee riot started because the Buffalo soldiers exchanged hostile words with a white policeman. There was nothing they demanded; the Buffalo soldiers participated in the 4th of July parade the next day in Bisbee. For the Charleston, Norfolk and New London riots the same can be said. It all started after an altercation. The only thing one could argue that black people demanded was respect. Yet, this still does not mean that black people started the riot. The major race riot in Elaine is the only one in which black people demanded better . Yet, again, they were not the ones starting the riot: white people did not trust the meeting in the church and spied on the black community, which resulted in an altercation that led to the riot. Krugler’s argument that black people defended themselves against white violence seems more accurate but still leaves some gaps. In the Bisbee, Charleston and Norfolk riots there was an altercation between black and white men. However, it is unknown who started the riots. In Charleston, it is certain that a white sailor was pushed off a

70 Collins, All Hell Broke Loose, introduction. 71 Krugler, 1919, The Year of Racial Violence, introduction. 72 Voogd, “Red Summer Race Riots of 1919,” 548. 50 sidewalk while in New London two white men were arrested. In Bisbee, a gun was taken from white policemen: a black officer confirms this but he also adds to that first a gun was taken from one of the black officers. These riots show how difficult it is to attribute the blame of igniting a race riot to one side. This type of conclusion confirms Voogd’s argument that blacks were both actors and objects. When one looks at these five riots as a coherent event Voogd’s claim seems right. Yet, this then leaves a riot such as Elaine’s being depicted as stirred up by both black and white while it is clear that white Americans ignited it. This shows how easily one slips into making overall arguments, misrepresenting individual riots and their significance. As we live in an era in which common values condemn racism and racial violence, it is easy to accuse white Americans in the case of the 1919 Red Summer. The ideas of white supremacy, inequality between whites and blacks, and the legalization of lynching appear cruel to our society, inducing scholars, perhaps moved by feelings of guilt, to adopt a ‘presentist’ perspective when it comes to this subject. But in this specific case of the 1919 Red Summer, this critical approach on the part of scholars results in a lack of attention for the race riots.

Conclusion The 1919 Red Summer saw many race riots in less than six months’ time. The precise number is not known. However, this is not the first or the last historical event lacking precise numbers. About a few of the Red Summer race riots nothing is known. Yet, scholars nevertheless use them in their overall claims about the Red Summer and its significance. This ‘methodology.’ creates in the case of the Red Summer’s race riots rather general claims while each of these race riots has a very individual character. The only common aspect of the Red Summer race riots is racial violence. One has to see the race riots as individual events that, as Cameron McWhirter argues, stir the Civil Rights Movement. Yet, the race riots seem too radical for a movement characterized by its emphasis on civility. When discussing the Red Summer, scholars seem to neglect the race riots and focus on lynching. In terms of Cohen’s stages there is a certain ‘denial’ of the riots and the role blacks played in them. Scholars have problems depicting the unjust society black people had to live in while at the same time describing how black communities picked up their weapons and fought against this unjust society; they seek to justify the part the African American people played in the race riots by addressing lynching. The focus on lynching resolves the issue of guilt and explains the violence characterizing the race riots. I am not arguing that black people were the guilty ones during the race riots. The point made here is that a race riot blurs the line between

51 good and bad more than a lynching does. It looks as if scholars do not want to become involved in this debate about violence and therefore focus on lynching: as a result, they neglect most of the race riots. The fact that most of the scholars depicting the 1919 Red Summer are white creates an even less critical perspective about this sensitive topic. Yet, one could also argue that the 1919 Red Summer is a neglected historic event, with scholars on the brink of a more informative approach, outlining the fight black people engaged in to secure equality. As more information about the Red Summer and the many race riots will come to light, the lack of attention for the riots will disappear and a more critical approach could well evolve.

52

Conclusion

“But it is not enough for me to stand before you tonight and condemn riots. It would be morally irresponsible for me to do that without, at the same time, condemning the contingent, intolerable conditions that exist in our society. These conditions are the things that cause individuals to feel that they have no other alternative than to engage in violent to get attention. And I must say tonight that a riot is the language of the unheard.”73 Martin Luther King Jr. (March 14, 1968)

In April 2015 the race riot occurred on the day of the funeral of Freddie Gray, a black man who died in police custody. After the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. in 1968 the United States experienced a wave of race riots all over the country as a protest to white racism. Martin Luther King Jr.’s words and these events show the ambiguous and ambivalent vibe surrounding race riots in black communities. While violence is often solemnly invoked by the black community, in race riots it is the violence that is immediately visible while the cause of the riot, white racism, is not. This also goes for the 1919 Red Summer (although most Americans in 1919 did not acknowledge the role white racism played in these race riots). White newspapers reported about the 1919 race riots by denying the role of racism, withholding information, and justifying the actions of white citizens. Many of the race riots did not even get covered. However, this seems obvious as these are white newspapers during a time in which Jim Crow laws and segregation were ingrained in society. More surprising is the way the NAACP covered the 1919 Red Summer. With the exception of the Elaine riot the organization’s magazine the Crisis hardly paid any attention to the riots. The Elaine riot was the perfect example for the NAACP to bring white racism to light because white men started the riot and violated the black community (while the black community was accused of arousing hatred towards white people). Going to court and freeing all convicted black men resulted in the acknowledgement of white racism; at the same time the black community was depicted as seeking equality civilly, in a nonaggressive way. Together with its high coverage of lynching, the NAACP used the occasion to depict the disadvantaged position of black people. In its struggle for equality the NAACP handled the 1919 Red Summer conservatively. The race riots that exemplified a more radical tone and method were pushed aside,

73 “The Other America,” Martin Luther King Jr., accessed , 2017, http://www.gphistorical.org/mlk/mlkspeech/. 53 replaced by lynchings showing the helplessness and submissiveness that characterized black people’s position. However, scholars are likewise responsible for the lack of information about the 1919 Red Summer race riots. In their civil rights histories, they push, like the NAACP, most of the race riots into the background. Seven major race riots receive all of their attention, while the other (official) 20 race riots are merged into the ‘Red Summer’. The August race riot in New York is named as an official riot but nothing is known about it. It is possible that there is no information about this riot or that this information is not (yet) available to scholars. Yet, scholars should then acknowledge this fact instead of ignoring a number of riots altogether. They do not do this. Scholars make claims about the significance of the 1919 Red Summer; they use general statements about a number of riots to sustain these claims. Instead, they should focus more on the individual riots before they come up with their claims. Moreover, it looks as if scholars believe the 1919 position of black people can only be depicted by showing these people’s submissiveness, in a story in which they are the victims of mob violence and lynching: they ignore the ways the riots stir an awakening and awareness among black people—an activist attitude. Another relevant issue in this debate about the race riots is the fact that it is mostly white scholars who discuss the 1919 Red Summer. The writing of racial history is a sensitive endeavor; white scholar in particular will have troubles speaking for the black community. They are in a precarious position that raises questions about for instance their ability to be critical of African Americans. The 1919 Red Summer is a neglected historical event. As more information about the Red Summer and its many race riots will come to light, a more critical approach will surface in the scholarship about the 1919 events, overcoming the lack of attention for these riots. Filling the gaps in the knowledge about the individual and unknown race riots of the 1919 Red Summer is extremely important. By doing this, scholars will make unheard voices heard and connect the black awakening taking place in the riots more properly to the history of the Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s. Furthermore, they will create more awareness about the ways these race riots were covered by both white and black institutions and the media and about the nature of the black response: its civil and radical features. In the efforts to understand the hardship African Americans had to endure in their struggle for civil rights and depict the fights they were willing to engage in, race riots matter. Black people were not simply submissive; the riots exhibit black people’s strength and in subverting the standing order.

54

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Woods, Jeff, Black Struggle, Red Scare. Segregation and Anti-communism in the South, 1948-1968. LSA Press: Louisiana, 2003.

Zangrado, Robert L., The NAACP crusade against lynching, 1909-1950. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980.

Zhang, Aimin, The origins of the African-American civil rights movement, 1865-1956. New York: Routledge, 2002.

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Appendix 1

The following American newspapers74 have been used in analyzing the coverage of white newspapers during the 1919 Red Summer:

Alexandria Gazette Arizona Republican Bennington Evening Banner Bisbee Daily Review The Bossier Banner Cayton’s Weekly The Chattanooga News The County Record The Daily World Evening Star Grand Forks Herald Los Angeles Times The Morning Tulsa The New York Times The New York Tribune Norwich The Oklahoma City Times Rock Island Argues The Sun The Washington Post

Specifically, the following articles have been used within this thesis: • “Six killed in South Carolina Race riots”, The Los Angeles Times, May 11, 1919.

74 Digitally accessed via https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov. 59

• “Six killed in race riot”, Evening Star, May 11, 1919. • “Six killed in race riot at Charleston S.C.,”, Arizona Republican, May 11, 1919. • “Race riot in Charleston”, Bennington Evening Banner, May 12, 1919. • “Few Charleston Men participated in race rioting”, New York Tribune, May 13, 1919. • “Serious race riot in Charleston. Sailors wage war on colored people- two are killed and many injured”, The County Record, May 15, 1919. • “Editors note”, Cayton’s Weekly, May 17, 1919. • “Race riots break out in British Cities: Government to Intern African Labor Battalions After Prolonged Disturbances”, The New York Times, June 13, 1919. • “War talk starts riot in Harlem: Negro fires upon fleeing white man following an argument”, The New York Times, , 1919. • “Five wounded in streets of Bisbee as police and Negroes exchange shots”, Bisbee Daily, July 4, 1919. • “Tenth troops engage Bisbee Police”, Arizona Republican, July 4, 1919 • “Bisbee Quiet after Negro Troop Riot”, Arizona Republican, July 5, 1919. • “Negro fostered Elaine uprising says committee”, The Arizona Republican, , 1919. • “Bisbee Ariz. has race riot”, The Chattanooga News, July 4, 1919. • “Race riot at Bisbee Ariz. calls troops”, Rock Island Argues, July 4, 1919. • “Troops go to Bisbee to stop Race Riots: Shooting occurs when officer tries to disarm negro soldiers”, Los Angeles Times, July 5, 1919. • “Five are wounded in Clash of Races: Negro Soldiers Fight With Civilians at Bisbee”, Arizona. Washington Post, July 5, 1919. • “Colonel Defends Negroes: Commander of 10th Cavalry Denies His Troopers Began Bisbee Riot”, The New York Times, July 22, 1919. • “Negro Troopers in Riot: Tenth Cavalry Men Fire on Civilians at Bisbee, Ariz.”, New York Tribune, July 5, 1919. • “Rioting breaks out In Norfolk. Four shot, none dead, in clash as Negro Soldiers are welcomed”, New York Tribune, July 22, 1919. • “Negroes Unite with Whites to Prevent Riots”, New York Tribune, August 4, 1919. • “Two Whites, 7 Negroes, Slain in Riot”, New York Tribune, October 2, 1919.

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• “Trace Plot to Stir Negroes Rise: Edward Hick, a Prisoner from Elaine, Ark., Says Arms Were to be Distributed. White Leaders Accused Propaganda Captured in Rald Inquiry Is Begun-24 Are Now Dead”, The New York Times, October 4, 1919. • “Nine Killed in Fight with Arkansas Posse”, The New York Times, October 2, 1919. • “Six More are Killed in Arkansas Riots: Governor Brough and Chaplain Have Narrow Escapes from Bullets”, The New York Times, October 3, 1919. • “Planned Massacre of Whites Today: Negroes Seized in Arkansas Riots Confess to Widespread Plot Among Them had password for rising And a "Paul Revere" Courier System--School House an Ammunition Depot”, The New York Times, , 1919. • “Lays Riot to Cotton Row: Colored Association Denies Any Real Uprising of Arkansas Negroes”, The New York Times, October 13, 1919. • “Race Riots In The Nation's Capital”, the New York Tribune, July 27, 1919. • “Recent Race Riots: Washington, D. C.”, the New York Tribune, September 1, 1919. • “Special Jury Will Sift Omaha Race Riot Evidence: Judges of District Court Move for Prosecution of Persons Responsible for Disorders Sunday 1,600 Troops in City Outbreak Not Surprising, Says Governor, Scoring Critics of Local Officials”, the New York Tribune, October 1, 1919. • “Two Whites, 7 Negroes, Slain in Riot: Deadly Race Battle Follows Shooting From Ambush of Railroad Man in Elaine, Ark. Troops Are Rushed From Camp Pike Train Taking Women and Children to Safety Is Fired Upon by Blacks”, the New York Tribune, October 2, 1919. • “3 More Killed In Race Riots In Arkansas: Total Deaths Now 19. of Whom Five Are Whites: Other Bodies Likely To Be Found in Canebrakes”, the New York Tribune, October 4, 1919. • “Negroes Unite With Whites to Prevent Riots: Thirty Church and Mission Organizations in U. S. To Be Represented at Special Convention Next Month Bishop Prods Party Rev. Mr. Thirkield Says Republicans, to Win, Must Recognize Blacks”, the New York Tribune, August 4, 1919. • “Race riot at Bisbee Ariz. calls troops”, The Bossier Banner, July 4, 1919. • “Rioting in Norfolk. Six persons shot”, The Sun, July 22, 1919. • “Six shot in Norfolk Riots: Sailors and Marines Called Out to Suppress Outbreaks”, The New York Times, July 22, 1919.

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• “Protest send to Wilson: Association for Advancement of Colored People Takes Action”, The New York Times, July 22, 1919. • “Similar outbreaks in Norfolk”, Arizona Republican, July 22, 1919. • “Norfolk Quiet after ‘Welcome Home” riots”, the Washington Times, July 23, 1919. • “Riots occur at Norfolk”, The Morning Tulsa Daily World, July 22, 1919. • “Six persons shot during Norfolk riot”, Norwich, July 22, 1919. • “Race riot at Norfolk. Four Negroes victims in clash during fete to colored troops”, Alexandria Gazette, July 22, 1919. • “Six wounded in Clash of Races at Norfolk, VA.”, The Oklahoma City Times, July 22, 1919. • “Ten Casualties in a ... War in the Capital: Women are Attacked; Action by Blacks Cause Riots”, Washington Post, July 22, 1919. • “Other news”, The Washington Post, August 22, 1919. • “Six hurt in Strike Riot”, The Sun, August 21, 1919. • “Arkansas Riot-torn: Whites Battle with Negro Gangs; Shooting from Ambush is Cause of Race War Near Helena; Camp Pike Soldiers on Special Train are Hurried South. Arkansas torn by race riots”, Los Angeles Times, October 2, 1919. • “Elaines race riots now under control”, Los Angeles Times, , 1919. • “Six to death chair in race riot trial: Arkansas jury brought in speedy verdict at circuit court hearing”, Los Angeles Times, November 4, 1919. • “Called out Negroes: "Paul Reveres" Gave Signal for Attack in Arkansas Riots. Big Uprising was plotted. Investigators Learn 21 Prominent Whites Were to Be Slain First. Attack Beyond State Planned. Traced to White Agitators -- One Negro Held for Murder”, Washington Post, October 6, 1919. • Negroes appeal to Wilson: Ask Investigation of Race Riot Sentences in Arkansas, Washington Post, November 6, 1919. • “Quiet restored over Arkansas riot district”, The Morning Tulsa Daily World, October 5, 1919. • “Troops sent to Elaine today to put stop to race rioting n which nine were killed”, Grand Forks Herald, October 2, 1919.

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Appendix 2

The following printed issues of The Crisis have been researched in analyzing the coverage of the NAACP during the 1919 Red Summer:

The Crisis, 1919. - January - April - July - October - February - May - August - November - March - June - September - December

The Crisis, 1920. - January - April - July - October - February - May - August - November - March - June - September - December

The Crisis, 1921. - January - April - July - October - February - May - August - November - March - June - September - December

The Crisis, 1922. - January - April - July - October - February - May - August - November - March - June - September - December

The Crisis, 1923. - January - April - July - October - February - May - August - November - March - June - September - December

The Crisis, 1924. - January X - July X

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- February - May X - November - March - June X - December

Specifically, the following articles have been used within this thesis: • W. E. B. Du Bois, “Returning Soldiers”, The Crisis, May 1919. • “Do You Believe”, The Crisis, . • W. E. B. Du Bois, “Opinion”, The Crisis, June 1919. • “The anti-lynching conference”, The Crisis, June 1919. • “Crime”, The Crisis, August 1919. • “John Hartfield will be lynched by Ellisville mob at 5 o’clock this afternoon”, The Crisis, August 1919. • “The Riots”, The Crisis, . • “Crime” The Crisis, September 1919. • “Introduction”, The Crisis, October 1919. • Walter F. White, “Chicago and its eight reasons”, The Crisis, October 1919. • “The riot at Longview, Texas”, The Crisis, October 1919. • “The Riot-Mill”, The Crisis, October 1919. • “Crime”, The Crisis, October 1919. • “Hew to the Line” The Crisis, . • “Crime” The Crisis, November 1919. • “God give us Men”, The Crisis, . • “The Real Causes of two race riots”, The Crisis, December 1919. • “Crime”, The Crisis, December 1919. • “For the Defense”, The Crisis, February 1920. • “Arkansas”, The Crisis, February 1920. • “The Lynching industry, 1919”, The Crisis, February 1920. • “Crime”, The Crisis, February 1920. • “For the Defense”, The Crisis, March 1920. • “Legal Defense”, The Crisis, March 1920. • “Crime”, The Crisis, . • “Arkansas”, The Crisis, June 1920. • “Crime”, The Crisis, June 1920.

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• “Another victory in Arkansas”, The Crisis, January 1921. • “Oklahoma Riot Victims’ relief and Defense Fund”, The Crisis, . • “The Tulsa Riot”, The Crisis, July 1921. • W. E. B. Du Bois, “Lynchings and mobs”. The Crisis, August 1921. • “The Springfield Riots”, The Crisis, August 1921. • “The Arkansas cases”, The Crisis, November 1921. • “Concerning mob violence”, The Crisis, November 1921. • “A Federal anti-lynching Bill”, The Crisis, December 1921. • “The Arkansas Peons I”, The Crisis, December 1921. • “The Arkansas Peons II”, The Crisis, January 1922. • W. E. B. Du Bois, “Opinion”, The Crisis, . • “How lynchings happen”, The Crisis, February 1922. • “Twelfth annual report”, The Crisis, . • “Membership”, The Crisis, September 1922. • W. E. B. Du Bois, “Opinion”, The Crisis, February 1923. • “Lynching by states 1922”, The Crisis, February 1923. • “The Supreme Court and Arkansas”, The Crisis, April 1923. • “Victory in Arkansas”, The Crisis, .

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