Butler Damascius Procession
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The Postmodern Retrieval of Neoplatonism in Jean-Luc Marion
The Postmodern Retrieval of Neoplatonism in Jean-Luc Marion and John Milbank and the Origins of Western Subjectivity in Augustine and Eriugena Hermathena, 165 (Winter, 1998), 9-70. Neoplatonism commanded important scholarly energy and poetic and literary talent in the later two-thirds of our century. Now it attracts considerable philosophical and theological interest. But this may be its misfortune. The Dominican scholar M.-D. Chenu judged the Leonine utilization of St. Thomas to have been detrimental for our understanding of his doctrine. Thomas was made an instrument of an imperialist Christianity. The use of Aquinas as a weapon against modernity required a “misérable abus.” The Holy Office made Fr. Chenu pay dearly enough for attempting accurate historical study of the Fathers and medieval doctors to make us give him heed.1 The present retrieval of our philosophical and theological past has a very different relation to institutional interests than belonged to Leonine Neothomism. The problems intellectuals now have with truthfulness come more from within themselves than from outside. There is, nonetheless, much in the character of the postmodern turn to Neoplatonism by Christian theologians to cause concern that the ecclesiastical subordination of theoria to praxis which distorted the most recent Thomism may have an analogue for Neoplatonism recovered to serve our desires.2 And if, in fact, our eye has become self-distorting, the problem in our relation to our history will be worse than anything external pressures can cause. This paper aims to begin assessing the character of this distortion in respect to a central question, our understanding of the history of western subjectivity. -
Proclus and Artemis: on the Relevance of Neoplatonism to the Modern Study of Ancient Religion
Kernos Revue internationale et pluridisciplinaire de religion grecque antique 13 | 2000 Varia Proclus and Artemis: On the Relevance of Neoplatonism to the Modern Study of Ancient Religion Spyridon Rangos Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/1293 DOI: 10.4000/kernos.1293 ISSN: 2034-7871 Publisher Centre international d'étude de la religion grecque antique Printed version Date of publication: 1 January 2000 ISSN: 0776-3824 Electronic reference Spyridon Rangos, « Proclus and Artemis: On the Relevance of Neoplatonism to the Modern Study of Ancient Religion », Kernos [Online], 13 | 2000, Online since 21 April 2011, connection on 01 May 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/1293 ; DOI : 10.4000/kernos.1293 Kernos Kernos, 13 (2000), p. 47-84. Proclus and Artemis: On the Relevance of Neoplatonism to the Modern Study of Andent Religion* Imagine the situation in which contemporary philosophers would find themselves if Wittgenstein introduced, in his Philosophical Investigations, the religious figure of Jesus as Logos and Son of God in order to illuminate the puzzlement ofthe private-language paradox, or if in the second division of Being and Time Heidegger mentioned the archangel Michael to support the argument of 'being toward death'. Similar is the perplexity that a modern reader is bound to encounter when, after a highly sophisticated analysis of demanding metaphysical questions about the relationship of the one and the many, finitude and infinity, mind and body, Proclus, l in ail seriousness and without the slightest touch of irony, assigns to some traditional gods of Greek polytheism a definitive place in the structure of being. -
The Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism the Alexandrian
This article was downloaded by: 10.3.98.104 On: 25 Sep 2021 Access details: subscription number Publisher: Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: 5 Howick Place, London SW1P 1WG, UK The Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism Pauliina Remes, Svetla Slaveva-Griffin The Alexandrian classrooms excavated and sixth-century philosophy teaching Publication details https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.4324/9781315744186.ch3 Richard Sorabji Published online on: 30 Apr 2014 How to cite :- Richard Sorabji. 30 Apr 2014, The Alexandrian classrooms excavated and sixth-century philosophy teaching from: The Routledge Handbook of Neoplatonism Routledge Accessed on: 25 Sep 2021 https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/doi/10.4324/9781315744186.ch3 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR DOCUMENT Full terms and conditions of use: https://www.routledgehandbooks.com/legal-notices/terms This Document PDF may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproductions, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The publisher shall not be liable for an loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. 3 The Alexandrian classrooms excavated and sixth-century philosophy teaching Richard Sorabji It was announced in 2004 that the Polish archaeological team under Grzegorz Majcherek had identifi ed the surprisingly well-preserved lecture rooms of the sixth-century Alexandrian school.1 Th is was a major archaeological discovery.2 Although the fi rst few rooms had been excavated twenty-fi ve years earlier, identifi cation has only now become possible. -
Rhetoric and Platonism in Fifth-Century Athens
Trinity University Digital Commons @ Trinity Philosophy Faculty Research Philosophy Department 2014 Rhetoric and Platonism in Fifth-Century Athens Damian Caluori Trinity University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/phil_faculty Part of the Philosophy Commons Repository Citation Caluori, D. (2014). Rhetoric and Platonism in fifth-century Athens. In R. C. Fowler (Ed.), Plato in the third sophistic (pp. 57-72). De Gruyter. This Contribution to Book is brought to you for free and open access by the Philosophy Department at Digital Commons @ Trinity. It has been accepted for inclusion in Philosophy Faculty Research by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Trinity. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Damian Caluori (Trinity University) Rhetoric and Platonism in Fifth-Century Athens There are reasons to believe that relations between Platonism and rhetoric in Athens during the fifth century CE were rather close.Z Both were major pillars of pagan cul- ture, or paideia, and thus essential elements in the defense of paganism against in- creasingly powerful and repressive Christian opponents. It is easy to imagine that, under these circumstances, paganism was closing ranks and that philosophers and orators united in their efforts to save traditional ways and values. Although there is no doubt some truth to this view, a closer look reveals that the relations be- tween philosophy and rhetoric were rather more complicated. In what follows, I will discuss these relations with a view to the Platonist school of Athens. By “the Platon- ist school of Athens” I mean the Platonist school founded by Plutarch of Athens in the late fourth century CE, and reaching a famous end under the leadership of Dam- ascius in 529.X I will first survey the evidence for the attitudes towards rhetoric pre- vailing amongst the most important Athenian Platonists of the time. -
Persecution and Response in Late Paganism The
Persecution and Response in Late Paganism: The Evidence of Damascius Author(s): Polymnia Athanassiadi Source: The Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 113 (1993), pp. 1-29 Published by: The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/632395 . Accessed: 01/12/2013 12:02 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of Hellenic Studies. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 198.105.44.150 on Sun, 1 Dec 2013 12:02:11 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Journal of Hellenic Studies cxiii (1993) pp 1-29 PERSECUTIONAND RESPONSE IN LATE PAGANISM: THE EVIDENCE OF DAMASCIUS* THE theme of this paper is intolerance: its manifestation in late antiquity towards the pagans of the Eastern Mediterranean,and the immediate reactions and long-term attitudes that it provoked in them. The reasons why, in spite of copious evidence, the persecution of the traditional cults and of their adepts in the Roman empire has never been viewed as such are obvious: on the one hand no pagan church emerged out of the turmoil to canonise its dead and expound a theology of martyrdom, and on the other, whatever their conscious religious beliefs, late antique scholars in their overwhelming majority were formed in societies whose ethical foundations and logic are irreversibly Christian. -
Sylvain Delcomminette, Pieter D'hoine, Marc-Antoine Gavray (Eds
Reviews 245 Sylvain Delcomminette, Pieter d’Hoine, Marc-Antoine Gavray (eds.), Ancient Readings of Plato’s Phaedo. Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2015, viii+364 p.; ISBN 978-90-0428217-9, € 126. Reviewed by Peter Lautner, Department of Philosophy, Pázmány Péter Catholic University, Piliscsaba-Budapest, H-2087 Piliscsaba, Egyetem utca 1, Hungary. Email: [email protected] https://doi.org/10.1515/rhiz-2018-0013 This volume grew out of a conference held in Brussels on the reception of the Phaedo in antiquity, concentrating on the period before Damascius and Olympi- odorus. Its subject-matter fits neatly with the recent trend of following the after- math of some of Plato’s dialogues in antiquity. Aristotle’s approach to the themes exposed in Plato’s dialogue focuses on not only the theory of the soul (in De anima and in the lost dialogue Eudemus), but also physics. Sylvain Delcomminette draws attention to the fact that Aristotle puts the emphasis elsewhere, on the account of the causes. He argues that Aris- totle had the Phaedo in mind when he discussed the material in Phys I, Met. A, and Gen. et Corr. The Aristotelian causal theory was developed with a view to Plato’s account. Furthermore, the description of the earlier philosophers’ views in Met. A much resembles Socrates’ account of the earlier views he encountered in his youth. The important difference is that Aristotle’s description is impersonal and fully anti-Platonic in claiming that “all men by nature desire to know”. Of course, he also rejects the causal efficiency of the Ideas. However, Aristotle seems to admit the principle of the “second sail”, which involves attaining knowledge through λόγοι. -
Forgetful Platonism: Misrepresenting Proclus and Twentieth-Century
Misrepresenting Neoplatonism in Contemporary Christian Dionysian Polemic: Eriugena and Nicholas of Cusa versus Vladimir Lossky and Jean-Luc Marion American Catholic Philosophical Quarterly 82:4 (2008): 683–703. Wayne Hankey Part I: From Eriugena to Nicholas of Cusa The Corpus Areopagiticum in Greek—or at least a part of it—circulated in Rome, probably from the time of Gregory the Great‘s Homily XXIV (592 or 593), but certainly from the middle of the seventh up to the second half of the ninth century.1 Nonetheless, there was no profound encounter by the Latins with the philosophical and mystical content of the corpus, until the translations by Hilduin and Eriugena consequent on its arrival at the Frankish court in 827.2 John the Scot‘s grasp and development of what the Areopagite passed on from his sources has only rarely been equalled. After Boethius, he was the first to draw together the Greek and Latin Platonists. Among the Latins, Augustine and Boethius, together with Ambrose, because, as Eriugena wrote, he so often followed the Greeks, were pre-eminent .3 He learned most from the Greek texts he translated—the Dionysian corpus, the Ambigua and Scoliae of Maximus the Confessor, and the De hominis opificio of Gregory of Nyssa—; what he took from the Latins was generally assimilated to their logic.4 His sources were so nearly exclusively Christian, and the texts so predominantly theological and mystical—despite such ―secular‖ and pagan authorities as the De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii of Martianus Capella from his Irish education5—that no real confrontation between Hellenic and Christian Neoplatonisms occurs for him. -
The School of Ammonius, Son of Hermias, on Knowledge of the Divine
ELIAS TEMPELIS THE SCHOOL OF AMMONIUS, SON OF HERMIAS, ON KNOWLEDGE OF THE DIVINE ΕΚΔΟΣΕΙΣ ΦΙΛΟΛΟΓΙΚΟΥ ΣΥΛΛΟΓΟΥ ΠΑΡΝΑΣΣΟΣ ΑΘΗΝΑΙ 1998 THE SCHOOL OF AMMONIUS, SON OF HERMIAS, ON KNOWLEDGE OF THE DIVINE ELIAS TEMPELIS THE SCHOOL OF AMMONIUS, SON OF HERMIAS, ON KNOWLEDGE OF THE DIVINE ΕΚΔΟΣΕΙΣ ΦΙΛΟΛΟΓΙΚΟΥ ΣΥΛΛΟΓΟΥ ΠΑΡΝΑΣΣΟΣ ΑΘΗΝΑΙ 1998 ISBN 9608521254 1998 © Ηλίας Τεμπέλης, 'Ογδόη οδός 3,152 36 Π. Πεντέλη ΕΚΔΟΣΕΙΣ ΦΙΛΟΛΟΓΙΚΟΥ ΣΥΛΛΟΓΟΥ ΠΑΡΝΑΣΣΟΣ Πλατεία Αγ. Γεωργίου Καρύτση 8,105 61 'Αθήναι Υπεύθυνος Τυπογραφείου: ΕΥΑΓΓ. ΜΠΟΥΛΟΥΚΟΣ Όδός Μίλωνος 26,117 45 Αθήναι Τηλ.: 93.45.204 - Fax: 93.17.188 To my wife Christina PREFACE This book is a slightly revised version of my Ph.D. thesis, on which I ' began work in 1990 and which I defended at the University of London in 1994. My study undertakes a reconstruction and critical assessment of the theory of the Neoplatonic school of Ammonius, son of Hermias, on the presuppositions of the acquisition of knowledge of the divine and also on the contents and the purpose of this knowledge. The metaphysical position of the human soul between the intelligible and the sensible worlds allows it to know the intelligible world and the divine, in particular, provided that the cognitive reason-principles in the human intellect are activated. The purpose of such knowledge is the as• similation to the divine and is achieved by means of a personal struggle with the help of theoretical and practical philosophy. The school of Am• monius compared its own philosophical attempt at knowledge of the di• vine to previous similar methods. -
Pseudo-Dionysius and CG Jung
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Goldsmiths Research Online ! ∀# ∀ ∃%% &∀∋ (∀ ! % )∗+)% ! ∀# ∀ ∃%% &∀∋ % , % − . ! % / ! !00 %∋%%∀102++20 ∋ ∋ , % ∀∀/ ∀ ∋ / ∀% ∀∋ ∀ / / ∃∋ / 3% ∋ ∋ ∀ ∋ 4 5 / # / 3 ∀ 0 6∀ / ∀/ 3∀ 3 ∀% # 7∀ # / / ∋ ∀ ∋ ∀∋ 3 ∀ ∋ ∋ 3 13 ∋ ∀ ∋ % 8 ∀ 6∀ ∀ ∀ / ∀∋ ∋ ∋ % ∀ / 4 5 / ∋ ∀ ∋ ∀ ∃ 7 / ∀ / ∀ ∀ ∀ ∀ ∀ % (∀ ∀ / ∀ % / 3 3 % / ∀ ∀ ∋ ∋ 6∀ / ∀/ 3∀ 13 ∋ % !00 #∋%∋ %%∀1 ∃ ! /# 9∋%%∀1 Apophatic Elements in the Theory and Practice of Psychoanalysis: Pseudo-Dionysius and C.G. Jung by David Henderson Goldsmiths, University of London Submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy ! ∀! I declare that the work in this thesis is my own. David Henderson Date: ! #! Acknowledgements I am grateful for the help I have received from my supervisors over the time I have been working on this project: Robert Burns believed in the value of the original proposal and accompanied me in my exploration of the work of Dionysius and neoplatonism. Brendan Callaghan supported me when I was in the doldrums and was wondering whether I would reach port. Roderick Main gave me encouragement to finish. He read my work intelligently and sympathetically. I regret -
A Study in the Form and Meaning of the Pseudo-Dionysian Writings
HIERARCHY AND THE DEFINITION OF ORDER IN THE LETTERS OF PSEUDO-DIONYSIUS HIERARCHY AND THE DEFINITION OF ORDER IN THE LETTERS OF PSEUDO-DIONYSIUS A Study in the Form and meaning of the Pseudo-Dionysian Writings by RONALD F. HA THA WAY University of California at Santa Barbara II MAR TINUS NIJHOFF - THE HAGUE - 1969 to 1969 by Marlinus Nijhott. The Hague, Netherlands AIl1'ights reurved. including the right to translate or to reproduce th is book 01' paris thereof in any f01'm ISBN 978-94-011-8468-7 ISBN 978-94-011-9183-8 (cBook) DOl 10.1007/978-94-011-9183-8 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS A debt of gratitude is owed by the author to Professor Heiko Oberman, in whose seminar this monograph was conceived in embryo, to Profes sors Herbert Marcuse and Peter Diamandopoulos for their assistance, and to Professor Alexander Altmann for his advice and guidance. Thanks are due to the officials of Brandeis University who allowed the author to transfer a graduate Fellowship in order to pursue research in the British Museum. Special words of gratitude are owing to both the staff and Fellows of the Dumbarton Oaks Research Library. Several persons, including Professors Jean Meyendorff, Romily Jenkins, Alfred Bellinger, and Donald Nicol, have read either the translation or the text or both and have offered many helpful suggestions. For advice and other kindnesses along the way the author would also like to offer up oblations to Professor Seth Benardete, and to Professors Richard Walzer and E. R. Dodds at Oxford. The author also thanks Mr. -
Patterns of Perfection in Damascius' Life of Isidore
Phronesis 51,1_f4_74-90II 1/9/06 3:32 PM Page 74 Patterns of Perfection in Damascius’ Life of Isidore DOMINIC J. O’MEARA In memory of Henry Blumenthal ABSTRACT In this article, it is shown that, following the precedent set in particular by Marinus’ Life of Proclus, Damascius, in his Life of Isidore, uses biography so as to illus- trate philosophical progress through the Neoplatonic scale of virtues. Damascius applies this scale, however, to a wide range of figures belonging to pagan philo- sophical circles of the fifth century AD: they show different degrees and forms of progress in this scale and thus provide an edificatory panorama of patterns of philo- sophical perfection. Each level of the scale of virtues is shown to be exemplified in Damascius’ biographies. It is suggested that few, in Damascius’ opinion, reached the highest levels of virtue and that philosophical decline is intimated in his descrip- tions of his contemporaries. In a paper given at the Institute of Classical Studies in London in 1983, Henry Blumenthal showed that, in his Life of Proclus, a eulogy commem- orating in 486 the first anniversary of Proclus’ death, Marinus praised his teacher by showing how Proclus, throughout his life, had ascended a scale of virtues leading to happiness.1 Biography here is panegyrical in purpose, and the virtues and deeds of a hero that are praised are those of a philoso- pher. In this respect we might compare Marinus’ Life of Proclus with two other philosophical ‘lives’ written earlier, towards the beginning of the fourth century, both as frontispieces to two editions: the Life of Plotinus that Porphyry placed at the beginning of his edition of Plotinus (the Enneads), and the Pythagorean Life which is the first volume of Iamblichus’ Pythagorean corpus. -
Plotinian Henadology
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by PhilPapers Edward P. Butler PLOTINIAN HENADOLOGY In his Life of Plotinus, Plotinus’ student Porphyry states that there were, in Plotinus’ time, “many Christians and others, and sectarians [αἱρετικοι] who had abandoned the old philosophy,” from whom came a profusion of “treatises” as well as “revelations” (ἀποκαλύψεις), that Porphyry says “deceived themselves and many others, alleging that Plato had not penetrated to the depths of intelligible substance,” and that Plotinus “often attacked their position in his lectures,” as well as in the entire treatise that Porphyry says “we have given the title ‘Against the Gnostics’” (Vita Plotini 16.1‑11). The project of refuting these sectarians was so important to Plotinus that not only was it a recurring focus of his own work, but Porphyry speaks of his fellow student Amelius and himself pursuing it in multiple works of theirs as well. In Plotinus’ day, so ‑called Gnostics and Christians were scarcely distinguishable, and it was surely difficult to imagine any one of this profusion of emerging sects achieving hegemonic status, much less that one of them, through seizing for itself the power of the imperial state, would be able to sweep away before it cults that had existed for thousands of years. Hence Plotinus writes against the new sectarians, not as a threat against the Pagan world, but as a threat to the correct interpretation of Platonism, because some of these sects had adopted elements of it and might, if not critiqued, succeed in positioning themselves as Plato’s legitimate interpreters.