Vegetius on the Roman Navy: Translation and Commentary

VEGETIUS ON THE ROMAN NAVY: TRANSLATION AND COMMENTARY,

BOOK FOUR, 31 - 46

by

PAUL DANIEL EMANUELE

B.A., University of British Columbia, 1969

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF

THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

MASTER OF ARTS

in the Department

of

Classics

We accept this thesis as conforming to the

required standard

THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA

November, 1974 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that publication, in part or in whole, or the copying of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission.

PAUL DANIEL EMANUELE

Department of Classics

The University of British Columbia Vancouver V6TiW5, Canada

Date i I

ABSTRACT

This thesis is made up of three parts. The first discusses by way of introduction the unresolved questions concerning Flavius

Vegetius Renatus and his Epitoma Rei Militarise reviewing the arguments and evidence which have been brought to bear on such fundamental issues as the proper spelling of the author's name, his station in life, the place in which he lived and wrote, his floruit-date and the identity of the emperor to whom he dedicated his work. Since there exists no external evidence which might aid in the solution of any of these problems, the arguments put forward have been based upon clues found within the text. It has been established with certainty that

Vegetius wrote sometime between A.D. 383 and 450; but in this sixty- seven year interval, which is not longer than a man's life-span, five emperors reigned in the West, any one of whom might have been Vegetius' dedicatee. Beyond this, however, nothing is certain.

The next portion of the thesis consists of a translation into

English of the last part of Book 4 (chapters 31-46), a treatise on the Roman navy. This relatively easy task was most recently under• taken by John Clarke in 17^7.

The last and most substantial section of the present work is a commentary upon Vegetius' naval chapters dealing with the history of the Roman fleets, their organisation, the types of ships they used, the preparation of shipbuilding wood, the winds, astrological i i i meteorology, tides and currents, naval artillery, armour and battle tactics. By presenting such a wide range of subjects Vegetius has produced a handbook on the Roman art of war at sea which is without parallel in Latin literature. Very little that he says, however, cannot be found in the work of at least one Greek or Latin author; a great deal is available in several. Among these are technical writers, poets and historians. The commentary, then, consists in large part of citations of such sources as may corroborate or contradict Vegetius1 statements or supply further information. Although it is likely that

Vegetius himself consulted some of these, in only one instance is it possible to establish his debt to any specific predecessor. The references supplied in the commentary are taken from many ancient works whose number and diversity of subject matter show that our author was a well-read and scholarly individual. iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page ;

ABSTRACT ii

TABLE OF CONTENTS iv

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS v

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vii

INTRODUCTION 1

FOOTNOTES 16

TRANSLATION • 25

COMMENTARY 36

BIBLIOGRAPHY 110

ILLUSTRATIONS 125 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

Arch. Anz. Archaologischer Anzeiger.

Atti VIII Cong. St. Biz. Atti dello Ottavo Congresso di Studi Bizantini, vol. 1, pp. 324-339.

BCH Bulletin de Correspondence Hellenique.

Casson, Ships and Seamanship L. Casson, Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World (Princeton, 1971).

CIG Corpus Ins criptionum Graecarum3 edited by A. Boeckh et al. (Berlin, 1828- ).

CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum3 edited by Th. Mommsen et al. (Berlin, 1862- ).

C Ph. Classical Philology.

Dessau Inscviptiones Latinae Selectae3 edited by H. Dessau (Berlin, 1962).

IG Inscviptiones- Graecae, editio mi nor,vol.14, edited by G. Kaibel (Berlin, 1890).

JHS Journal of Hellenic Studies.

JRS Journal of Roman Studies,

Lewis and Short C.T. Lewis and C. Short, A Latin dictionary (Oxford, 1879). vi

Mattingly and Sydenham H. Mattingly and E.A. Sydenham, Roman Imperial Coinage, IV i (London, 1936).

Mel. Arch et Hist. Melanges d! Archeologie et d'Histoire de I'Ecole Francaise de Rome.

Mem. Ac. N. Line. (Sci. Mor. Stor.) Memorie dell'Accademia Nasionale dei Lincei, Classe di Scienze Morali e Storiche.

MM' Mariner's Mirror.

OLD Oxford Latin Dictionary (Oxford, 1968- ),

Phil. Woch. Philologischer Wochenschrift.

Proc. Brit. Acad. Proceedings of the British Academy.

R-E Paulys Realencyclop'ddie der classischen Altertwnswissenschaft, edited by Georg Wissowa et al. (Stuttgart, 1893- ).

Rend. Sed. Ac. Naz. Line. (Sci. Mor. Stor. Fil.) Rendiconti delle Sedute dell'Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Classe di Scienze Morali, Storiche e Filologiche.

Rev. Arch. Revue Archeologique.

Rh. Mus. Rheinisches Museum.

TAPA Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association. vi i

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Unbounded thanks are due Dr. James Russell whose wide knowledge and infinite patience have guided me through the long task of researching and compiling information for this thesis.

I am also grateful to Dr. J.A.S. Evans and Dr. E.H. Williams whose suggestions and comments have been invaluable. ANTONIO SILVERI,

Vivo Diligenti Sapientique la

PART I

INTRODUCTION 1 b

THE WORK

The Epitoma Rei Militaris sets forth in four Books a detailed description of the Roman military establishment. Drawing material from much older sources^ the author presents his dedicatee, the 2 emperor himself, with a discussion of virtually every aspect of the legion from recruiting to winning battles in the first three Books and the techniques of siegecraft in the first half of the fourth. The latter part of the fourth Book, with which this thesis deals, treats a completely different subject, viz. war at sea.

Because of the apparent discontinuity of subject and because it has an introduction of its own, as do Books 1, 2, 3 and 4, this naval treatise perhaps ought to be considered a fifth Book. Indeed 3 Lang mentions a thirteenth-century manuscript which shows such an 4 arrangement and another containing an excerpt from this part of the work states that the material comes from Book .5.

In this short guide to the Roman navy the author provides much non-military information:

150.4-8. Introduction.

150.9- 151.2 The fleets and their bases.

151.3-11. The organisation of the fleets.

151.12-20. The "Liburnian."

151.20-153.9. The preparation of shipbuilding materials.

153.10- 154.9 Types of ships. 154.10-160.17.The names of the winds and signs of approaching storms. 2

161.1-162.4 Pilotage.

162.5-165.7 Battle at sea.

165.8-11 The Danube cutter squadrons.

Although there were handbooks providing information on the same wide variety of topics much later, in Byzantine times, this work 5 is unique for the Roman period.

THE AUTHOR

The name of the Epitoma's author is given in almost all the manuscripts as Flavius Vegetius Renatus or some variation. The one exception gives his pvaenomen as Publius, which would make him also the author of a contemporary work on veterinary medicine, de mulomedicina.^

The nominative form of the pvaenomen Flavius is indicated by the genitive singular form ending in -ii in seven out of eight manuscripts.^ Only two of seven manuscripts show the genitive singular form ending in -ii for the nomen Vegetius. Usually the conversion of an adjective or cognomen to a nomen involves a change of ending from

-us to -ius; Rufus, for instance, becomes Rufius. Thus vegetus, meaning o "brisk," "lively," "vigorous" would become Vegetius. Since the genitive ending in -i does not preclude the nominative ending in -ius q we may be reasonably certain that our author's nomen is Vegetius. 3

The cognomen presents no problem and is indicated to be Renatus where- ever it is given. Our author's full name, then,is in all likelihood

Flavius Vegetius Renatus.

Most of the manuscripts indicate that Vegetius was a vir illustris.^® This title marks him as a person of considerable rank; depending upon the date of his work, he might have been among the more 11 12 senior members of the senatorial order. Three manuscripts identify 13 him as a comes and two more specify that he was the comes sacrum, or finance minister. A cogent argument has been advanced that the latter is the correct reading on the grounds that the word sacrum is more likely to have been omitted from some manuscripts by copyists who 14 did not understand it than added in other cases. Further, the comes sacrum became a vir illustris by virtue of his position while 15 the ex officio title of an ordinary comes was spectabilis. The positive testimony of TT, moreover, ought not to be taken lightly, for 1 g it is generally held to be the most authoritative of the manuscripts.

It is not at all difficult to believe that Vegetius was a man of some importance, for his work contains indications that he had access to the imperial court. He was in a position to lay before the emperor himself this "little booklet"1^ which might serve as a 18 handy, reliable guide to ancient military affairs. He even receives 19 the emperor's personal blessing and approval of his efforts. This would all be consistent with the exalted status of a comes sacrum.

The author's comments on the scope of his work and his 20 proposal to summarise the contents of numerous sources show that he 4 was a man with a good education. This is borne out by his familiarity with good scholarship as reflected in his references to Greek and Roman 21 literature and history. His ability to compile material from many sources written in both Greek and Latin shows a degree of learning which was becoming increasingly uncommon in the West at the time and was almost exclusively confined to "the circles where power and patronage 22 were exercised."

VEGETIUS1 RELIGION

No information has come down to us through external sources regarding Vegetius1 personal life. Nevertheless it is clear from internal evidence that he was familiar with the Christian religion and that he may well have been a Christian. In the Epitoma there are at least five passages of a religious nature, two of them (38.19; 152.17) 23 obviously referring to Christianity:

38.19 "They swear by God and Christ and the Holy Spirit

and by the majesty of the Emperor, who must be

loved and worshipped by the whole human race, 24 second only to God" (Silhanek's translation).

152.17 "... and we are aware also from the study of

religion how proper it has been to observe these 25 days alone for all time." 5

4.3 ". . . since nothing is begun well until, after

God, the emperor approves" (Silhanek's translation).

II 27 73.16 . . . God be with us . . . [is said as a password].

159.11 ". . . according to the course prescribed by the

will of God the Creator . . . 1,28

These religious references do not in themselves confirm that

Vegetius was a Christian. In the single instance where he mentions

Christ specifically (38.19) he is merely describing the oath of service sworn by soldiers. Likewise, Deus nobisaum is a Christian slogan, but again the author is simply reporting on a military practice. The references to Deus (4.3) and Deus Creator (159.11) are not necessarily incompatible with the beliefs of a pagan monotheist of the same period.'

The passage referring to Easter (if this is in fact the significance of the words "these days alone") does not constitute compelling evidence for Vegetius1 Christianity since the Easter controversy was a "live" issue at the time and well-known to any well-informed person, whether believer or pagan. Nevertheless, it is more than likely that Vegetius was at least a nominal Christian because this was almost mandatory in court circles of the time. In any event, the emperor himself was surely a Christian and it would be improper to address non-Christian religious observations to him. 6

DATE

The period during which Vegetius lived and wrote is easily

established within a span of sixty-seven years. He composed the

Epitoma after the death of Gratian (died A.D. 383), for he refers to 30 that emperor as deceased. The book must have been circulating

for some time before A.D. 450, for in that year one Eutropius, who so

informs us in a note at the end of the text, corrected a copy without 31 the use of a master copy. Indeed it may be possible to limit the

range further if we consider as significant Vegetius1 failure in dealing with naval issues, to account for the naval operations against the

Vandals in North Africa. This would suggest a date before the

430's.32

Let us turn now to two important Vegetian questions that may

help us to establish a more precise date for the life and work of our

author -- viz. the identity of his emperor and. the part of the Empire

in which he lived.

PLACE

It has been argued that Vegetius probably lived and wrote

in the West because his work is in Latin and it mentions a Western 33

emperor, Gratian. In the Later Empire the East was growing increas•

ingly Greek-speaking, although Latin long remained an official language 7

34 and was standard in the armies; in the schools of law it was used until the sixth century. While we can point to Easterners such as

Ammianus Marcellinus living in the West and writing good Latin, we cannot produce an example of an author of Latin treatises in the East.

It seems unlikely, then, that Vegetius might have done such a thing.

It seems most appropriate, in any case, that a treatise on the ancient

Roman arts of warfare should be written in the ancient Roman language.

Further evidence for Vegetius1 western origin may be found in his work. Several passages raise points of history relating specifically to the West, such as the wearing of Pannonian caps by 35 soldiers and the existence of an African tribe, the Urciliani, who 36 are known through only one other ancient source. The strongest evidence for Western provenience, however, is contained in the fourth

Book. Here we find in addition to such minutiae as the Roman slang i\ 37 name for certain siege engines and the name which the Britanni gave 38 to scout boats two explicit references to the current emperor's activities. The repairs to the walls of Rome referred to in the 39 introduction and the operation of cutter squadrons on the Danube 40 mentioned at the end of the last chapter can hardly be the works of any but an emperor ruling in the West. 8

VEGETIUS' DEDICATEE

In the sixty-seven years between the fixed termini A.D. 383 and 450 five emperors reigned in the West:^ Valentinian II (died 392),

Theodosius I (ruled over both parts, died 395), Honorius (died 423),

Constantius III (died 421) and Valentinian III (died 455). Since

Constantius reigned too briefly to merit consideration as Vegetius' master, we may eliminate his name from the list and seek the imperator 42 inviotus among the four remaining contenders. Theodosius I has long been the favourite of the majority of 43 scholars. The argument in favour of this identification is based 44 on the following points. 45

1. Vegetius states that the primisorinius is the highest-

ranking official in the Pretorian Prefect's office; the

Notitia Dignitatum, however, awards this position to the 46

oomioularius, an arrangement confirmed,Sirago claims,in a

novella of Theodosius II of Feb. 26, 44447. If the dating

of the Notitia to some time before 430 is reliable,

Valentinian III may be thus excluded from the contest. 48

2. The reference to the Capitolina arx and the repairs to

the walls of Rome is not to be taken as a contemporary

remark, but as an anachronistic allusion to the Gallic

invasion of Camillus' time. Honorius, who in fact 49 effected repairs to Rome's defences, is thus eliminated. 3. Vegetius1 emperor was a founder of cities; this points

directly to Theodosius the Great, who founded Theodosiopolis

in Armenia.

4. Vegetius' emperor was a man of great military stature,

himself a master of all the warlike skills described in

the Epitoma and especially adept in archery, riding and

footracing.^

5. Vegetius seems to have in mind a ruler over a unified

empire; he is not only domitpr omnium gentium barbararum, 52 but also dominus ac princeps generis humani. This cannot be said of either Honorius or Valentinian III, 53 while Theodosius, in the imagery of Pacatus, was a lightning

bolt that flashed from Spain to the land of the Sarmatians,

from the Ebrus to the Danube. This champion of Rome smote

the Goths, the Saracens, the Scyths, the Albanians, the

Persians, the Huns and the Alans, waging war along all the

borders of the Empire.

6. The name of Theodosius is firmly connected with the Epitoma

by the inscription ad Theodosium imperatorem in two manuscripts,

both of which as well as a third refer to a Theodosius else- 54 where in their texts.

None of these arguments is absolutely convincing for the follow• ing reasons,c point for point: 10

1. The argument concerning the primiscrinius implies that

before the publication of the Notitia Dignitatum he was

superior to the comicularius. On the contrary, the

comioularius was as early as A.D. 365 the second highest

ranking official, after the princeps, in the administration of

an office according to a Novella of Valentinian I and Valens

on the sale of offices {Theodosian Code 8.4.10).

2. There is no reason for judging the reference to the repairs

to the walls of Rome to be an anachronism, for Vegetius

seems quite explicit in saying that his emperor carried out

such a task.

3. The foundation of a single city, Theodosiopolis, does not

show Theodosius the Great to have been an outstanding

builder. Indeed Vegetius praises not a founder of cities,

but a rebuilder; the key clause is a pietate tua innumerabiles

urbes ita ivgi labore perfectae sunt.

4. We need not pause long to consider whether Vegetius'

praises of the emperor's athletic prowess is more apt

for one candidate or another. Glorifying emperors for

empty or non-existent victories, praising them for virtues

they did not possess and generally misrepresenting the

events of their reigns were common coin in the panegyrics

of the Late Empire. Vegetius' adulation of his master

does not go as far as the sickening flatteries of the 11

professional panegyrist, but neither may we assume

that he gives us an accurate description of his

dedicatee.

5. Again, the grandiose claims Vegetius makes on his

emperor's behalf need not be literally true or have

any sound basis in fact.

6. The Theodosius mentioned in three manuscripts need

not have been Theodosius the Great, but possibly his

less distinguished grandson and namesake. Nor need

Theodosius have been the name of Vegetius' dedicatee,

but rather the emperor for whom a copy was made. The

fact that Theodosius II ruled in the East presents no

problem, for we know that the work circulated there,

witness the copy "corrected" by the scribe Flavius

Eutropius.

Seeck55identifies Valentinian III as Vegetius' emperor, claiming that he possessed the qualities which are attributed to the dedicatee at various points in the text:

1. He reigned in the West. 56 2. He was a young ruler. 57 3. He constructed many cities. 4. He had fleets on the Danube.^8 12

While these things are all true of Valentinian, the same could be said of the other emperors in question. The fleets on the Danube in fact were established quite early and continued in existence almost 59 until the fall of the West. Moreover, Vegetius says nothing about the emperor's age, but only describes him as a very vigorous, athletic individual, a thing which might be appropriate for a man in his prime.

Nor ought we to forget what we said above concerning flattery of the emperor.

The one other man who might be our imperator inviotus is

Honorius. Vegetius seems to be writing after the end of a series of disasters inflicted by the Goths and involving the destruction of a fin number of Roman cities. This could easily be during the shaky peace established in A.D. 382 by Theodosius I, reigning with Valentinian 11.^

In this case, however, the ruined territories between the Danube and the Balkans were handed over to the Goths, while Vegetius implies 62 that his emperor restored the cities which had been destroyed.

Extensive repairs were made, as they must be, in Italy and the Balkans after the passage of the Gothic horde, A.D. 409-412. Certainly 64 Vegetius' praise of the emperor for improving the walls of Rome suggests a date after 403, for in that year Stilicho, the able general of Honorius, completed the defensive works undertaken in anticipation 65 of a Gothic invasion. Thus the only clue Vegetius gives us which would actually distinguish his dedicatee from all the other emperors points directly to Honoriuswho, furthermore, is accorded the title imperator inviotus by an inscription.^7 13

In all, the paucity of reliable evidence in the matter of the dedicatee makes it impossible to decide the issue with any certainty. Indeed it seems unlikely that any settlement will be reached for some time to come.

VEGETIUS1 SOURCES FOR THE NAVAL CHAPTERS

Vegetius acknowledges his debt to certain authors for the material he has included in his handbook on warfare. The contribution of these to the first three and a half Books has been amply discussed 69 by numerous scholars. The sources for the naval treatise, however, are difficult to identify, for he names only one, viz. Varro (Vergil,^ whom he also mentions, can hardly be regarded, as a source). Only one passage, moreover, has any demonstrable connection with an extant work of one of the authors named as a source, viz. Frontinus.^ For the rest, we can only speculate what sources might have been used.

Citations from various ancient authors appear frequently in the commen• tary, infra, but for the most part these are produced merely to verify the correctness of Vegetius' information or to serve as a point of reference. Although it is possible that he consulted these works there is no evidence that he did. 72 Aside from the wind list, which he draws from Varro, our author must have relied quite heavily on agricultural writers for the 14 73 chapter on lumbering and on historians for information concerning the

fleets and the tactics of sea-battle. The section dealing with the stars and their effect on the weather could have come from Varro's

libri novates, since the subject would appear to be suitable for

inclusion in a work of such a description.

VEGETIUS AND THE NAVY

When Vegetius wrote the Epitoma the Imperial fleets were but a shadow of their former selves, although they still carried on some operations. The chief sources for the history of the fourth and fifth centuries, Jordanes, Philostorgius, Zosimus and Olympiodorus, all mention naval activities such as Stilicho's maritime blockade against traffic from the East. Claudian speaks glowingly of Stilicho's naval preparations against the Goths in Illyricum. The Notitia Dignitatum, probably compiled during the first quarter of the fifth century, lists three fleets on active service in the Mediterranean, viz. the old

Italian fleets at Misenum and Ravenna and, the classis Venetian at 74 Aquileia. Nevertheless, the Ravennate fleet existed in little more 75 than name; Zosimus relates that Honorius was hard put to gather enough ships to evacuate his court from Ravenna. 15

The decline of the fleets was the natural result of the

lengthy peace prevailing on the seas from the time of the battle of 76 Actium. As land-borne incursions became more serious the Empire strengthened its river fleets, which patrolled the lakes and rivers of potentially dangerous areas along the frontiers. Although the deep- 77 sea fleets declined until, as Jordanes says, one saw only fruit trees in the harbour of Ravenna, the Notitia Dignitatum shows the existence of twenty-one inland "naval" commands. Whatever claims may be made to the effect that Vegetius 78 had army experience, it seems most unlikely that he ever served with the fleets. The lack of enthusiasm which he displays in his 79 introduction to the naval treatise assures us of that. Further, the style of warfare he describes was a thing of the past in his own time; nor is there even the remotest possibility that he might have known contemporary tactics from participating in a battle, for the only one that took place after the battle of Actium was fought in 325, viz. that in the Propontis between Constantine and Licinius. Since this is so, and since we seem to have access to almost as much historical material as he, his work has nothing to add to our knowledge of the

Roman Imperial navy. 16

FOOTNOTES

'Vegetius mentions his sources several times, making it clear that his is not an original work, but a compendium of information gathered from much older works {of. 5.3-5,8-12; 33.4-7; 64.15-16). He specifically mentions the military writers Cato (13.5; 17.17; 18.18; 37.10), Cornelius Celsus (13.6); Frontinus (13.6; 37.15) and Paternus (13.7) as well as the constitutiones of Augustus, Trajan and Hadrian (13.8-9). Of particular interest with respect to the naval chapters are his references to the works of Vergil and Varro (160.12-17).

2 Vegetius dedicates his work to the emperor (4.1-5.12) and declares that he is composing this work for his use and benefit. There are many instances in the work where the author addresses his august reader directly {e.g. 5.7; 29.3; 33.4; 37.21).

3 p. x, n. 1 C. Lang, Vegetius: Epitoma Rei Militaris (Berlin, 1872),

Vaticanus 2077; of. Th. Mommsen, "Zu Vegetius," Hermes 1 (1866), pp. 130-133.

^Earlier writers of military treatises or collections of strategems such as Frontinus occasionally made mention of some matter relating to naval warfare. Vegetius' treatise, however, was the first to make a thorough, systematic study of the operation of war fleets. Although there existed in later times the works of Syrianus Magister (fifth-sixth centuries), Anonymus Byzantinus (sixth century) and Leo VI (late ninth century), quite often the Byzantine officer who desired to own a complete naval manual needed to own two volumes, one on seamanship (meteorology, pilotage, etc.) and one on battle tactics (cf. R.H. Dolley, "Naval Tactics in the Heyday of the Byzantine Thalassocraty," Atti VIII Cong. St. Biz., vol. 1, p. 326).

vCf. A.Neumann in R-E, Supp. x, s.v. "Vegetius," pp. 1018- 1019. The Epitoma and the -Mulomedicina have several points in common; in both cases the epitomator has taken pains over the rhythm and arrangement of his words and both works show the same use of the passive periphrastic. Both works are divided into four Books, each with its own introduction, and both works cite sources by name. 17

1 jCf. C. Lang, op. cit., pp. x-xi. Flavi Vegeti Renati Epitoma Rei Militarist (Berlin, 1885).

8 The cognomen Vegetus is attested in at least two places: A. De Grassi ( I fasti consolari dell'impero romano [Roma, 1952]) lists Q. Valerius Vegetus as consul for A.D. 91 and 112; an inscription {cf. Dessau, vol. 1, 2.233) records the name of a duumvir L. Saufeius Vegetus.

q The sixth-century grammarian Priscian {institutiones Grammaticae, in H. Keil, Grammatici Latini [Hildesheim, 1961], vol. 2, p. 321) mentions Vegetius, and here the name is given in the nominative case. However, the manuscripts of this work show a variety of forms -- vegitus, vegitius, vegetus, vigitus and vegetius. In Vaticanus 2077, a manuscript of the Epitoma {cf. note 4, above), yet another variation occurs which would make our author's name vegatus.

^Cf. Lang, op. cit., pp. x-xi.

^In the early fourth century the comes sacrum was among the spectabiles, the group immediately below the illustres; but before the end of the century he was promoted to the latter category. After the middle of the fifth century the illustres were given the title gloriosi. Vegetius, it seems, wrote after the promotion of the spectabiles and before the promotion of the illustres (the termini for his work, A.D. 383 and 450 are discussed below, p. 6); cf. A.H.M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire (Oxford, 1964), p. 528.

12 M. G.

13 ft and Vaticanus 4497. The full title is comes sacrarum largitionum, frequently abbreviated to comes sacrum {cf. Notitia Dig• nitatum, Occidens 1.11; 2.1). This official had overall responsibility for the collection of taxes and for the administration of imperial monopolies and enterprises, such as weapon factories, granaries, mines and mints.

^This is suggested by C. Schoner {Studien zu Vegetius [Program, Erlangen, 1880], pp. 1-15). 18

This is noted by A.P. Dorjahn and L.K. Born ("Vegetius on the Decay of the Roman Army," CJ 30 [1934], p. 149, n. 9) in support of Schb'ner's argument.

Cf. Lang, op. cit., p. xvii; Neumann, op. cit., p. 993; A. Andersson, Studio. Vegetiana: commentatio academica (Uppsala, 1938), p. 1.

17 opusculum; of. 5.1; 13.4.

18 Cf. 5.1-5.

9Cf. 4.1-5.12; 33.3-4, 13-15; 64.16; 129.10-11; 150.4.

Cf. 4.1-5.12.

Vegetius' comments range from general statements {e.g. 5.13-21; 35.9-15) to references to specific authors {e.g. 13.5-9; 160.12-15). See also my discussion of sources, pp. 13-14. Vegetius' familiarity with the Greek language is indicated by his use of Greek words {of. 159.5-7) and by his own statement: 155.1-3 horum vooabula ad summovendam dubitationem non solum Graeoa sed etiam Latina protulimus.

For my assumption that Vegetius was a subject of the Western Empire see my discussion below, pp. 6 - 7 . The quotation is from F. Millar, A Study of Cassius Bio (Oxford, 1964), p. 6.

Vegetius1 piety is exaggerated slightly by D.K. Silhanek {Vegetius, Books 1 and 2: A Translation and Commentary [N.Y.U., unpublished dissertation, 1972], p. 3): "The work abounds in references to God or to the divine. Lang's preface lists five such instances and his Index Verborum adds another fifteen for six words with the common stem div-." 19

24 Iurant autem per Deum et Christum et Spiritum Sanctum et per maiestatem imperatoris, quae secundum Deum generi humano diligenda est et colenda.

25

. . . et contemplatione ipsius religionis cognoscimus3 quam pro aetemitate his tantum diebus placuit celebrari. While it may be objected that the religio referred to here is not necessarily Christianity, those who would attach some pagan significance to the passage are hard put to produce an acceptable interpretation. In fact the passage appears to refer to the celebration of the feast of the Resurrection (see my note to 152.18), which was a matter of dispute in the fourth century. E. Gibbon {The Decline & Fall of th&Ronan Empire, edited by J.B. Bury [New York, 1946], p. 856, n.34) gives us this assessment of the controversy: 'they [Audians or Quartodecimans] always kept their Easter, like the Jewish Passover, on the fourteenth day of the first moon after the vernal equinox; and thus pertinaciously opposed the Roman church and the Nicene synod, which had fixed Easter to a Sunday."

26 . . . quia neque recte aliquid inchoatur, nisi post Deum faverit imperator.

27 . . . {.pro signo dicitur"]. . . Deus nobiscum . .

28 . praescripto cursu Dei arbitrio Creatoris

29 Cf. F.C. Grant, Hellenistic Religions (New York, 1953), pp. xxvi-xxxiv.

30 22.3 ad tempus divi Gratiani - "until the time of the divine {i.e. late] Gratian."

31 165, bottom: El. Eutropius Emendavi Sine Exemplario Constan- tinopolim Consul. Valentiniano Aug. VII et Abieni . . . De Grassi {op. cit.) dates the seventh consulship of Valentinian, with Avienus as colleague, to A.D. 450. 20

32 To these campaigns of A.D. 432-441 we might add mention of the Eastern expedition against John the usurper in 425. V.A. Sirago {Galla Plaoidia e la trasformazione politica dell'occidente [Louvain, 1961], pp. 465-466) believes Vegetius wrote before 439, "epoca in cui si ripresero le ostilita per mare, mentre Vegezio riconosce che at suo tempo i mari sono tranquilli."

33 This argument has been advanced by 0. Seeck ("Die Zeit des Vegetius," Hermes 11 [1876], pp. 62-64); of. Lang, op. cit., p. v; Dorjahn and Born, op. cit., pp. 148-149; CD. Gordon, "Vegetius and His Proposed Reforms of the Army" in Polis and Imperium (Toronto, 1974), p. 36.

3 Vf. E. Pulgram, The Tongues of Italy (Cambridge, 1958), pp. 324-389.

35 "23.27.

36 115.5-6; the other source is Corippus1 epic on the reconquest of Latin Africa in the mid-sixth century, Johann. 5.390.

137.21 causias, a Macedonian-style hat {c Valerius Maximus 5.1.4) which seems to have been common at Rome from at least the early second century B.C. {cf. Plautus, Mil. 4.4.42).

38 153.18 picatos. See also my note.

39 129.6 sqq. Sed dispositionibus vestrae clementiae quantum profecerit murovum elaborata constructio, Roma docwnentum est, quae salutem civium Capitolinae arcis defensione servavit . . . "Rome is the proof of how beneficial has been the painstaking construction of walls under the direction of Your Kindness, which has preserved the safety of citizens by the protection of the Capitoline citadel." Cf. CI audi an 28.529-534.

165.8-9 De lusoviis quae in Danubio agrarian cotidianis tutantur excubiis, reticendum puto . . . See also my notes. 21

41 For the argument favouring the Eastern emperor Theodosius II see Teuffel and Kroll, GescTiichte des romisches Literatur (Leipzig, 1875), pp. 1016-1018. Silhanek, while arguing for Vegetius' Eastern origin (op. cit., pp. 4-11), favours Theodosius I, who ruled both East and West (op. cit., pp. 12-21).

42 Vegetius so addresses his emperor six times; see my note to 150.4.

4? Namely, Silhanek, loc. cit.; M. Planck, "Der Verfall der romischen Kriegwesens am Ende der vierten Jahrhundert nach Christus," , Zeitschr. vierten S'dkularf. der Univ. Tubingen (Stuttgart, 1877); Lang, op. cit., p. vii; C. Schoner, loc. cit.; D. Schenk , Flavius Vegetius Renatus: die Quellen der Epitoma Rei Militaris, Klio, Beih. 22 (1930), p. 3; A.R. Neumann, op. cit., pp. 992-993; V.A. Sirago, op. cit., pp. 465-476; G.R. Watson, The Raman Soldier (Ithaca, 1969), p. 26 and Oxford Classical Dictionary(Oxford, 1970), s.v. "Vegetius."

44 Cf. Sirago, op. cit., pp. 467-473; Lang, op. cit., pp. vi- viii; Silhanek, loc. cit.

45 55.17 sqq.

^Oc. 4.20.

47 Sirago gives no exact reference, but he seems to mean N.Th. 25.5, which is dated January 16, 444. The reference, moreover is to the primicerius, so that this citation is useless as evidence.

48129.8.

49 Cf. I. Richmond, Tlie City Wall of Imperial Rome (Oxford, 1930), pp. 257-262.

50 °U128.11 sqq.

51124.15 - 125.5. 22

5233.10-11

53 Panegyric 10.22.

54 Cf. Silhanek, op. cit., p. 17. The mss. are Palatinus 909, tenth century; Vaticanus 4493, twelfth century; Parisinus 7231, twelfth century; cf. Lang, op. cit., p. vii.

55 Op. cit., pp. 61-83. Valentinian"s claim was put forward previously by Gibbon, op. cit., p. 883, n. 75; and supported by Lang, op. cit., p. viiii and recently by CD. Gordon, op. cit., p. 36.

56124.15-125.5.

57128.11 sqq.

58165.8-11.

59 124-125.

Cf. Starr, C.G., The Roman Imperial Navy (Ithaca, 1941), pp.

6022.9-12.

^Some have suggested that this Valentinian was the imperator invictus: Stewech, Fl. Vegeti Renati: Epitoma (Antwerp, 1585); Bessel , "Spicilegium ad Fl. Vegeti Libros," Misc. Philol. Cvit. Syntagma, (Amsterdam, 1742); Schwebel, Be Re Militari (Argentour, 1806); S. Oman, A History of the Art of War in the Middle Ages? (London, 1924), p. 17.

62128.17-18.

CO If Vegetius wrote after the sack of Rome in A.D. 410, why does he not mention that memorable event? Seeck (op. cit., p. 65) maintains that such disasters are soon forgotten, and after the passage of a few years would hardly be worth mentioning. On the other hand, it also seems likely that Vegetius would be wise not to mention the sack if the emperor connected with so ignominious a defeat were still on the throne. 23

64 129.6 sqq. This passage has been explained away with no reasons given as an anachronistic reference to the time of Camillus; cf. Sirago, op. cit., pp. 467-468 .

65 Ibid.; of. Ian Richmond, The City Wall of Imperial Rome (Oxford, 1930), pp. 257-262; CIL, vol. 6, 1188-1190.

^Honorius has been nominated previously by J.W. Forster, Quaestiones Vegetianae (Program, Rheydt, 1895).

67 CIL, vol. 6.1187; of. my note to 150.4 imperator inviote.

68 Vide supra, n. 1.

69 H. Bruncke, Quaestiones Vegetianae (Diss. Leipzig, 1875); J.W. Forster, De Fide Flavii Vegetii Renati (Diss. Bonn, 1879); Dankfried Schenk, Flavius Vegetius Renatus: Die Quellen der Epitoma Rei Militaris, Klio, Beih. 22 (1930); F. Lammert, "Zu Vegetius Epitoma Rei Militaris IV, 1-30," Phil. Woch. 51 (1931), pp. 798-800; A. Neumann, "Das Augusteisch- Hadrianische Armeereglement und Vegetius," C. Ph (1936), pp. 1-10; "Das romische Heeresreglement," C Ph, 41 (1946); E. Sander, "Die historische Beispiele in der Epitome des Vegez," Phil. Woch. 50 (1930), pp. 955-958; "Vegez: die Quellen von IV, 1-30," Phil. Woch. 51 (1931), pp. 395-399; "Die Hauptquellen der BLicher 1-3 des Epitoma Rei Militaris des Vegetius," Philologus 87 (1932), pp. 373 sqq.; A.0. Mauch, Der lateinische Begriff Disciplina (Diss. Basel, Freiburg, 1941).

70Cf. my notes to 160.12-13, 159.15, 160.8, 156.5.

^162.18-20 = Frontinus, Strategemata, 2.3.34; cf. my note on this passage.

72 Cf. my note to 155.3 ventis - indicemus ; see also

R. Reitzenstein,""Die geographischen Bucher Varros," Hermes 20 (1885) pp. 520 -522. 24

73 Cf. 5.2 diversos historicos. It is generally agreed that Vegetius' sources originate in the early Empire; of. Dankfried Schenk, op. cit.; E. Sander, "Die Quellen des Biiches IV, 31-46 der Epitoma des Vegetius," Hh. Mus. 99 (1956), pp. 153 sqq.

Cf. Oc. 42.4,7,11. Vegetius omits any mention of this fleet, probably because it was not one of the traditional naval squadrons, and so would be out of place in a work on matters that were ancient even to him.

Hist. Nov. 6.8.

76 Vegetius himself attests to this: 150.8 agitur terrestre cevtamen.

77Get. 29.

78

Cf. Silhanek, op. cit.3 pp. 1-2.

79 Cf. 150.7 pauciova dicenda sunt. 25a

PART II

TRANSLATION 25b

XXXI. Invincible emperor, now that I have set forth at Your

Majesty's command the principles of battle on land, the rest of my work, I think, belongs to naval warfare. There is less to be said

about these arts, for the sea has long since been pacified and our

struggle is on land against the barbarian peoples.

In keeping with the dignity and advantage which becomes their greatness, the Roman people did not assemble a fleet on the spur of the moment on account of need arising from some disturbance, but always kept one in readiness against any crisis it should encounter.

For no-one dares to provoke by aggression or to injure the kingdom or people that he knows to be prepared and ready to defend itself and retaliate. Therefore, a legion each was stationed at Misenum and

Ravenna with fleets so that they would not be too far removed from the protection of the city, and whenever the case demanded they might sail to any port in the world without delay or roundabout routes.

The Misene fleet was within reach of Gaul, the provinces of Spain,

Mauretania, Africa, Egypt, Sardinia and Sicily; and the Ravennate fleet was wont to travel by direct course to Epirus, Macedonia,

Achaia, the Propontis, the Black Sea, the East, Crete and Cyprus, since in matters of war speed is usually more useful than valour.

XXXII. The prefect of the Misene fleet was in charge of those war ships stationed in Campania, while the prefect of the Ravennate fleet had command of those based on the Ionian Sea. These men had under them ten tribunes each, one for every cohort. And each ship had its own "navarchus" -- that is, "master," as it were -- whose daily chore 26 and unceasing task it was to arrange the activities of the helmsmen rowers and soldiers -- except for the other tasks of seamen.

XXXIII. Various provinces have been at certain times very powerful at sea, and so there have been various types of ship. But while

Augustus was fighting the Battle of Actium, since Antony had been

beaten mainly by the Liburnian auxiliaries, it became perfectly clear

from the experience of this important battle that the ships of the

Liburnians were handier than others. Therefore, the Roman emperors

built a fleet of ships modelled on these, adopting their general design

and their name. Liburnia is in fact a part of Dalmatia lying near

the city of Iader; and war ships are now built in the style of that

district and called "Liburnians."

XXXIIII. Just as in laying foundations for houses quality is sought

after in the sand and stone, so much more carefully in building ships

must everything be inspected, because it is much more dangerous for a

ship to be unfit than for a house. The ship of war, therefore, is most

commonly constructed of cypress, pine -- either cultivated or wild --

and fir. It is better nailed together with bronze than with iron.

For although the cost, to be sure, may appear somewhat heavier, never•

theless it proves profitable because bronze lasts longer; for rust

quickly eats away iron nails under warm and wet conditions, but brass

nails retain their original solidity even in salt water. 27 XXXV. One must be especially careful that the trees from which war ships are to be made are cut between the fifteenth day of the new moon and the twenty-second. For only on these eight days are the cut materials preserved from rot; on the other hand, timber cut on all other days dissolves into dust within the very same year, its insides eaten away and destroyed by worms -- a phenomenon that has been demonstrated by both theoretical study and the day to day experience of all builders.

And we are aware also from the study of religion how proper it has been to observe these days alone for all time.

XXXVI. Moreover, beams are cut to good advantage after the summer solstice — that is, throughout the months of July and August — and throughout the autumn equinox [that is] until the first of January. For during these months, as the sap begins to dry up, the logs are dryer and therefore stronger. Logs must never be hewn into planks immediately, nor are planks to be used in ships as soon as they are sawn, since to ensure increased dryness the wood deserves a respite, having been whole trees up to this time and only recently split into two planks. For planks which are fitted together while still green shrink when they have sweated out their natural moisture and leave rather large cracks.

And nothing is more dangerous to seafarers [than gaping planks].

XXXVII. With respect to size: the smallest ships of war have a single tier of oars; those a little larger, two; those of good size allot three, four or sometimes five positions for the rowers; and this should not seem enormous to anyone since far larger vessels are reported to 28

have taken part in the Battle of Actium -- ships of six ranks or even more! Scouting craft, however, operate in company with the larger men

of war; having about twenty rowers on each side -- the Britanni call

them "pict boats." It is the practice for surprise attacks to be made with these, for convoys of the enemy's ships to be intercepted

sometimes and for the approach of the enemy and their strategy to be

found out by keeping a keen watch. So that the scouting vessels will

not be betrayed by brightness, the sails are dyed Venetian blue,

similar to the colour of the sea, and the tackle is coloured with the wax that ships are generally coated with. Also, the sailors and marines wear Venetian blue coloured clothing so that not only at night,

but even in the daytime, they more easily remain unseen while scouting.

XXXVIII. Anyone who sails with an army in war fleets ought to know

beforehand how to recognise the signs of storms. For often war ships

are wrecked more grievously by storms and waves than by enemy assault.

All one's skill must be applied to this branch of natural science

because the nature of winds and storms is learned from celestial

science. And just as foresight saves the cautious in the face of

the harshness of the sea, so does carelessness destroy the heedless.

Therefore, a study of navigation ought first to examine the number

and names of the winds. The ancients, on the one hand, believed that

there were only four principal winds blowing from their own respective

directions in the sky, corresponding to the cardinal points of the

compass; but the experience of a later age has discerned that there 29 are twelve. To eliminate any misunderstanding, I have presented here not only their Greek names, but Latin as well, in such fashion that after having listed the four principal winds, I shall name those that are associated with them to the right and left. And so, let us begin from the spring solstice -- that is, from the eastern point: from this direction rises Apheliotes -- that is, Subsolanus; to its immediate right, Caecias or Euroborus and to its left,Eurus or Volturnus. Now

Notus -- that is, Auster -- occupies the southern point, having on.its right Leuconotus -- that is, "the white south wind" -- and on its left

Libonotus -- that is, Corus. Zephyr, then -- that is, "evening wind"

-- has the western point, with Lips or Africus lying to the right, and

to its left Iapyx or Favonius. And that leaves the northern sector with Aparctias or "the north wind"; the place on its right is held by

Thrascias or Circius and that on its left by Boreas or Aquilo. These winds are wont to blow often one at a time, sometimes two at a time, but during great storms even three at a time.. Before their onward rush the seas, untroubled and calm on their own, rage with heaving waves. At their gust, according to seasons and regions, fair weather returns in place of storms, and again, calm weather turns stormy. For with a favourable blow a fleet can make the ports it would desire; but with the wind contrary it is forced either to heave to and turn back or to run the risk. And so, he who has earnestly studied the theory of winds has suffered shipwreck only with difficulty. 30

XXXVIIII. The following is a treatise on months and days. To be sure, the violence and harshness of the sea do not permit sailing throughout all the year, but certain months are the most suitable, some are uncertain, and the rest are by the law of nature unmanageable for war fleets. From the end of Pachon -- that is, after the rising of the Pleiades --from the 27th of May until the rising of Arcturus -- that is, the 14th of September -- sailing is believed to be safe because the harshness of the winds is softened through summer's kind• ness; after this time, until the 11th of November sailing is uncertain and close to risky because Arcturus -- a very violent star — rises after the 13th of September. And on the 24th of September the nasty weather of the equinox begins, while around the 7th of October there is the rising of the "Rainy Kids," and in the same month on the 11th, of

Taurus. From the month of November, moreover the winter setting of the Vergiliae harass seagoing traffic with frequent storms. Therefore, from the 11th of November until the 10th of March the seas are closed.

For the day is very short, and night prolonged; the heavy cloud cover, the low visibility of the atmosphere and the cruelty of the winds intensified by rain and snow not only drivev fleets from the sea, but also discourage;} travellers from journey on land. In fact, after the birthday of sailing, so to speak -- which is celebrated with festive contests and public display in many cities -- it is dangerous to attempt sea voyages until the 15th of May because of very many stars and the season of the year itself, not to the extent that commercial traffic stops altogether, but because greater care must be taken when an army travels in war ships than when boldness hastens the vessels of private trade. 31

XL. Further, the risings and settings of other stars stir up very fierce storms. Although specific days among them are pointed out in the testimony of the authors, nevertheless, because some changes occur for various reasons and -- as one must confess -- the nature of mankind is forbidden full knowledge of celestial operations, men therefore make a triple division of marine observation. It has been established that storms occur during the day fixed upon or the day before or after.

Whence, if storms occur on the day before, they say in Greek that "it storms early"; if on the appointed day, "it storms"; and if on the day after, "it storms late." But to list them all specifically would seem either silly or longwinded since very many authors have care• fully expounded the arrangement not only of the months, but also the days. The transits, too, of the stars that are called "planets" often upset calm weather when they take up their signs or leave them according to the course prescribed by the will of God the Creator. Not only the theory of science, but also common experience realises, moreover, that the storm-filled days about the new moon are to be feared to the utmost by those upon the sea.

XLI. Also storms rising up out of calm weather and calm out of tempest, are forecast by many signs which the disk of the moon shows as though in a mirror. A reddish colour announces winds; a darkish tone, rains; a mixture of the two, clouds and raging storms. A pleasant and bright disk assures fair weather for sailing; it bears this on its face, particularly if in its fourth rising it is not blunt-horned and red or darkened with moisture pouring over it. Also 32 the sun rising and setting is important as to whether the day rejoices wi rays of equal intensity or changes with close-lying cloud; whether it is bright with its usual glow or fiery with winds driving and not pale, or spotty as rain threatens. The air, indeed, and the sea itself and the size and appearance of the clouds provide information to anxious sailors. Some things are made known by the birds, some by the fish, which Vergil grasped in the Georgios with his near-divine talent and which Varro carefully worked out in his naval books. If helmsmen claim to know these things, they actually do to the extent that experience has educated them out of their ignorance -- na higher form of education has tutored them.

XLII. The body of water that is the sea is the third element of creation. Aside from the winds, it is agitated by its own eddy and motion. For during certain hours, day and night alike, it runs back and forth with a certain agitation which they call "rheuma"; like torrential streams at one time it floods the land and it flows back into its own depths at another. The double character of this back-and- forth motion helps ships on their way when favourable and impedes them when contrary. And the latter case is to be avoided with utmost care by one about to enter a decisive battle. For the momentum of the tide cannot be overcome with the aid of oars -- even the wind sometimes yields to it. And since in different areas the tides vary at certain hours due to the differing state of the moon's waxings and wanings, for that reason he who is about to conduct a sea-battle must become acquainted before the engagement with the characteristics of the local waters. 33

XLIII. The business of mariners and helmsmen is to know the region

in which they are going to be sailing and its ports, so that they can avoid projecting or submerged rocks, shallows and shores. By as much as the sea is deeper, by so much is safety greater. Attentiveness is required of skippers, skill of helmsmen, courage of rowers, because naval battle is done on a calm sea and the ships' bulk strikes the enemy with beaks and dodges their counter-attacks not by the gusts of the winds, but by the stroke of the rowers. In this task the muscles of the rowers and the masters' skill at plying the tiller produce the victory.

XLIIII. Battle on land calls for many sorts of arms. A naval engagement, however, absolutely demands not only several types of arms, but also engines and artillery just as if one were fighting on walls and towers. What, indeed, is more merciless than a naval battle, where men perish in water and flame! So special care must be taken over defensive devices so that the men are protected by mail coats, cuirasses, helmets and even greaves. For a man who stands on deck and fights in ships cannot complain of the burden of his armour.

Stronger and larger shields also are adopted on account of the blows of stones. Besides hooks, grapnels and other sorts of naval weapon, darts and stones are fired on both sides with arrows, missiles, slings, staff-slings, hand-arrows, onagers, catapults and scorpions; and what is even more serious, those who can depend on their valour go across to the ships of the enemy when the vessels have closed and the boarding bridges dropped. And there they fight it out to the finish 34

at close quarters -- "hand-to-hand," as the expression says. In the

larger war ships they even set up ramparts and towers so that, as if

from a wall, they can more easily wound or kill their opponents from

the higher levels. Shafts wrapped with fire-oil, oakum, brimstone

and pitch are shot flaming from the catapults and stick into the hulls

of the enemy ships and with so many incendiary devices they quickly

set fire to the planks, smeared as they are with wax, pitch and resin.

Some men are killed by blade and stone and some are driven to burn amidst

the waves. But in the midst of so monstrous kinds of deaths the

bitterest eventuality is that the bodies must be eaten, unburied,

by the fish.

XLV. Just as in land warfare, surprise attacks are made on unwary

sailors. Ambushes are set up about suitably situated narrows between

islands, and this is done so that being unprepared they may be more easily destroyed. If the enemy's sailors are tired from a long row,

if the wind presses against them, if the tide is against their bows,

if the enemy is asleep and unsuspecting, or if his anchorage affords no way of escape or if the desired opportunity for fighting has arisen, then one must join hands with the favours of fortune and do battle in accordance with chance. But if the enemy has escaped the

trap through caution and there i sa pitched battle, then the men-of- war must be assembled in battle formation; not in a straight line, as on a battlefield, but curved like a crescent moon, the middle bulging backwards with the wings projecting, so that if the enemy tries to break through, he will be surrounded and crushed by the formation 35 alone. On the wings, moreover, are placed the choice ships and men.

XLVI. It is useful as well that your fleet always use the deep and open sea, and the enemy's be driven towards the coast, because those who are driven aground lose their fighting thrust. In this sort of engagement three types of weapon have been found to be the most helpful towards victory: poles, hooks and double-bladed axes. When a long, thin beam with an iron tip at either end is hung like a yardarm on a mast it is called a pole. Whether the enemy ships come alongside to port or to starboard, it is swung forcefully like a battering ram and never fails to lay low and kill enemy marines or sailors, and quite often it drives a hole through a ship's hull. However, a very sharp blade, curved like a pruning hook, which is fastened to poles of considerable length is called a hook. It suddenly cuts the ropes holding up the yardarm and when the sails have fallen the ship is rendered quite sluggish and useless. The double-bladed axe has a very broad and sharp blade on either side. Very skilled sailors and marines go out in small boats in the midst of heated battle and by means of these stealthily cut the cables that hold the steering oars of the enemy's ships. Whenever this is done the ship is captured immediately, as if weak and unarmed. For what hope of safety is left to a ship that has lost its rudder?

I think I ought to say nothing about the cutters on the

i Danube that protect the farmlands with daily patrols, because constant experience in these matters has discovered more lore than time-tested teaching has shown. PART III

COMMENTARY

The notes in the Commentary are

arranged according to Lang's pages and line numbers. For instance,

150.4 indicates page 150, line 4. 150.4. maiestatis. The word "majesty" can refer simply to "great• ness, grandeur, dignity" (cf. Lewis and Short, A Latin Dictionary

[Oxford, 1879] s.v. majestas), particularly as regards the gods or men of high station such as kings and senators. In a political con• text, however, it means the sovereignty of a people. Thus the word is appropriate for an emperor in both senses, as a man of high station and the head of the Roman Empire. Vegetius applies it to the emperor five times {cf. 33.8, 37.20, 38.19, 129.10).

150.4. Imperator invicte. Scipio Africanus was the first and apparently the only man to receive this'honorific"title during the

Republican period {cf. Cicero, Verr. 4.82). The Senate discussed its conferral upon the young Tiberius, but Augustus must have deemed it too great an honour for his heir since he ended the deliberations with a veto {cf. Suetonius, Tib. 17.2).

Under the Empire the title imperator belonged exclusively to the emperors and their heirs designate. Both it and the ideal virtues of a victorious general (on this subject see R. Combes, Imperator

[Paris, 1966]; M.P. Charlesworth, "The Virtues of a Roman Emperor,"

Proc. Brit. Acad. 23 [1937] pp. 105-133) appear among the imperial titles and cognomina--P-£us, for instance, in the name of Antoninus

Pius. Commodus dubbed himself invictus Hercules Romanus in the last year of his life (cf. Dessau, vol. 1.2.400). The coinage of

. . shows that theJy associated themselves certain emperors with Sol Invictus and then adopted the invictus title for themselves 37

{of. Mattingly and Sydenham, vol. 5,pt.2, coins of

n , vol. 6 , p. 240, coins of'Constantine I). Probus; K In fact virtually every emperor from the late second century onwards bore the title inviotus {of. Dessau, vol. 1.2.

506 sqq.). However, although every emperor of that period was imperator and inviotus, the combination imperator inviotus was very rare; its conferral is clearly attested only once, in the late second century. On the occasion of his eleventh acclamation Septimius

Severus was accorded two separate and distinct titles--imperator and imperator inviotus {of. Dessau, vol. 1.2.421). Aside from the upstart

"Gallic Emperors" Tetricus I and II {of. Mattingly and Sydenham, vol. -5,

2,p.417) this exalted title is attested only for Honorius and Arcadius

{of. Dessau, vol. 1.2.794 = CIL vol. 6.1187). In these instances, it is not certain that the emperors named bore the title officially.

It may be that by the end of the fourth century imperator inviotus had become a mere flattery that might be used for any emperor. Hence, we cannot be certain that Vegetius uses it in any proper, official sense and we cannot depend on it greatly as evidence for the identity of Vegetius' dedicatee.

150.7. iam dudum pacato mari. No pitched sea battle was fought between the battle of Actium in 31 B.C. and the battle in the Propontis between Constantine and Licinius in A.D. 324. With Rome's dominion extended to every corner of the Mediterranean world there existed no rival naval power. The provincial fleets and detachments of the 38 Misene and Ravennate fleets were present in various stations about the coasts and islands, maintaining government transport and communi• cations and discouraging piracy. The large-scale corsair activities that Pompey suppressed in the first century B.C. (°f. Appian, Mithr.

92-93; Dio. 36.20-22; Plutarch, Pomp. 24; Cicero, De. Imp. 31 sqq.) could never be repeated under the Empire; for not only were there fleets to deal with any incidents that might occur, but the presence of the

Roman army on land allowed no refuge for buccaneers fleeing from the fleets and protected the coastal towns from sea-borne raids. An excellent illustration of this situation occurs in Josephus, B.I. 3.

414-427; here Vespasian catches some Jewish rebels-turned-pirates between the fleets and the legions.

The fleets sometimes became involved in the various civil wars that occurred in the history of the Empire. Even during these disturbances, however, they never saw action in naval battle. The ships were used as troop transports, and on occasion the sailors would join in the fighting on land (cf. Josephus, Ant. 19.253; Tacitus,

Hist. 1.87; 2.13-15,28,32; Suetonius, Vitel. 15).

Given the prevailing inactivity on the seas in the late fourth and early fifth centuries, it is not surprising that Vegetius should consider naval matters relatively unimportant, things about which there was rather little to be said. Eventually, however, the Empire paid for its neglect of the fleets; the Vandals took to seamanship in the 430's and were not to be brought under control for a century

(cf. Procopius, B.V. 1.17-20). These events, however, lay in the future, as Vegetius' silence concerning them seems to indicate (cf. my Introduction on the matter of Vegetius' date). 39

150.12. Nemo-cognoscit. Vegetius expresses similar sentiments in the introduction to Book 3 {cf. 65.11-12).

150.12. semper habuit praeparatam. Although Augustus receives due credit for establishing Rome's first permanent fleets, it is also true that the Romans always had naval forces at their disposal, even as early as the fourth century B.C. (on the early navy sea W.W. Tarn in

J.E. Sandys, A Companion to Latin Studies [London, 1968] 754-756;

C. Starr, The Roman Imperial Navy [New York, 1941] pp. 1-8). The ancient historians record their existence during all Rome's great international crises: Appian {Samnit. 7.1) reports a Tarentine ' attack upon a Roman squadron on the pretext that the Romans were vio• lating an old naval treaty (ca. 282 B.C.); Livy (9.30) says that there were duumviri in charge of fitting out and repairing fleets in a period some twenty years earlier. Polybius (1.20.9-10), chronicling Rome's

"first naval adventure"--viz. the First Punic War--states that the

Romans decided to construct quinqueremes and triremes but that their shipwrights knew nothing about building the former. It can be inferred from this that, on the other hand, they did know how to build triremes—i.e. they were experienced naval builders, further evidence of the earlier existence of Roman fleets.

After the Punic Wars, until Augustus' time, the Romans had little or no naval forces of their own, but found it more convenient to have others supply them with ships and sailors—especially their

Greek and Italian allies—while Roman legions embarked as marine companies in time of war {'-/. Livy 36.4.42; Appian, Mithr. 56.94; 40

Suetonius, Caes. 2). Little importance must have been attached to the fleets themselves, for only the poorest of Roman citizens were assigned to naval instead of to legionary service (cf. Polybius 6.19).

150.15. Apud Misenim . . . et Ravennam. Having mentioned Rome's long-, standing policy of naval preparedness Vegetius describes the next stage of naval development, the establishing of permanent fleets. In formalis• ing the operations of the Misene and Ravennate fleets Augustus put into effect a plan that had been conceived earlier. Cicero (Pro Flaooo 31) was a strong advocate of the maintenance of permanent patrol fleets in the period following Pompey's successful campaign against the pirates.

Caesar and Pompey, as they waged war on one another, both saw the important advantage that control of the seas could give; in the struggle

Caesar actually ordered the formation of a fleet each in the Tyrrhenian and the Adriatic (cf. Appian, B.C. 2.41).

150.15. singulae legiones cum classibus. During the time of the

Republic the Romans generally used fleets supplied by their allies

(cf. 150.12. semper hdbuit praeparatam), embarking their own legions to act as marines. Eventually, this policy was changed and under the

Augustan system permanent fleets were established at Misenum and

Ravenna. Here Vegetius emphasizes the difference, that the Romans supplied both the ships and sailors, viz. classes, and the fighting men, viz. legiones. Although the men of the fleets were peregrines, non-citizens, they were, like soldiers of the auxilia, granted citizenship on retirement. 41

Vegetius' reference to both classes and legiones does not imply

that within the fleets there were two separate organisations, one of

sailors, the other of marines; on the contrary, Vegetius outlines a

single command structure [cf. 151.3-11). Nor does a dual organisation appear to be indicated in other ancient accounts of the imperial fleets, except in cases involving the embarkation as extra fighting men of troops that normally had nothing to do with the fleets [cf. Tacitus,

Hist. 1.87,2.13-15,28-32; Zosimus, Hist. Nov. 1.22). At least two inscriptions (CIL vol. 10.3365,3369) show that each ship constituted a century. Moreover, there was no distinction between sailors and marines; both were regarded as "soldiers", for the funerary inscriptions of members of the fleets {cf- CIL vol. 10.3370-3674) record simply that they "served" {militavit). Ulpian states plainly {Dig. 37.13.1.1) omnes remiges et nautae milites sunt.

Vegetius may well be correct in terms of numbers when he claims that each of the cities, Misenum and Ravenna, could boast of a legion as well as a fleet—that is, marines as well as sailors. At a time when the legion at full strength included at least five thousand men the Misene fleet was able to form the Legio I Adiutrix for Nero. Since the fleet continued to operate even after losing so many men {cf. Tacitus,

Hist. 1.6), those who went into Nero's land forces must have been marines.

In the same year the Ravennate fleet in like fashion gave Vespasian the Legio II Adiutrix. We can be certain that, since the rowers normally outnumbered the marines, there must have been at least another

"legion" left in each of the fleets after the departure of the marines, and that the establishment of each fleet was originally well over ten thousand men. 42

It is likely, furthermore, that Vegetius' statement holds true

for his own period, for although the fleets had declined drastically

in strength, so also had the complement of a legion been reduced, to

about a thousand men.

150.16. stabant. Vegetius' use of the imperfect tense need not

necessarily imply that the fleets are no longer in existence at the

present time. The broadly descriptive nature of this chapter of the

Epitoma suggests that the writer is attempting to convey the notion

of a state of being that began at some indefinite time in the past

and persists into the present (on the point of grammar see R. Ku'hner

and K. Steggmann, Lateinisohe Grammatik, vol. 2, pt. 1 [Hannover,

1966] p. 123).

150.16. ne longius - abscederent. To protect his seat of power

Augustus cleared the Italian peninsula of all troops except his

Praetorian Guard. For further security he used the fleets of Misenum

and Ravenna to guard the approaches by sea and to dominate the whole

of the Adriatic and Tyrrhenian Seas (of. Tacitus, Ann. 4.15; Suetonius,

Aug. 49). Moreover, these two fleets eventually, because of their association with the emperor's person, acquired the title "Praetorian"

(of. CIL vol. 3.31,32 for two of the earliest pieces of evidence).

The home ports selected for these fleets v/ere both strategic•

ally situated, in keeping with their purpose, and near enough to

Rome to allow the emperor to exercise direct control over them. 43

150.17. sine mora - pervenirent. An army could be transported by

sea much faster than it could march overland. The interested reader may find information on the rate of travel of ships and the duration of voyages between some important ports in L. Casson, Ships and

Seamanship in the Ancient World (Princeton, 1971) pp. 292-296 and

"The Speed under Sail of Ancient Ships," TAPA 82 (1951) pp. 136-148;

E. de St.-Denis, "La vitesse des navires anciens", Rev. Arch. ser. 6,

18 (1941) pp. 121-138.

150.19. Misenatium - consueverat. Vegetius here describes a naval defence system in which the two Italian fleets are responsible for the security of the whole Mediterranean world. Arguing that such a descrip• tion is complete and accurate only for the first half of the first century A.D., Schenk (op. cit.y p. 71 sqq.) attempts to show that

Vegetius uses Frontinus as the source for this part of his work. Sander

(Rh. Mus. 99 (1956) p. 161 ) suggests on the same grounds that our author uses the Constitutions of Augustus. On the contrary, however, any discussion of the Augustan naval establishment ought to mention the fleet at Forum Julii, the modern Frejus, which was still active in

A.D. 69 [cf. Tacitus, Ann. 4.5; Plutarch, Ant. 68.1). Further, such a survey ought to list the various provincial fleets. The classis

Alexandrina can be dated to the reign of Gaius (cf. Philo Judaeus, In

Place. 163) and it received the title augusta, probably from Vespasian

(cf. CIL vol. 8.21025). The classis Pontica may be the fleet referred to by Josephus (B.I. 2.366-367) in connection with events of the year

A.D. 66. The classis Britannica existed under Nero and figured in 44

the upheavals of A.D. 68/69 (of. Tacitus, Hist. 4.79); stamped bricks

from Boulogne-sur-mer in France show that its base in that location existed as early as the reign of Claudius (of. CIL vol. 13.125559).

On the other hand, Vegetius does not adequately describe the naval establishment of his own day, as Justus Lipsius- (De Magistratibus

Romanis 1.5) suggests. Our author does not take into account the forces that must have been maintained in the Dardanelles and the

Black Sea by the Eastern Empire (of. Theodosian Code 8.7.21). Nor does he mention the classis Venetum based at Aquileia, which is listed in the Notitia Dignitatum (Ocoidens 42.4), a document perhaps contem• porary with his own work.

Since Vegetius omits all these details he appears to be offer• ing us not a detailed description of the Imperial fleets, but rather an outline of Roman naval strategy. Likewise Tacitus (Ann. 4.5) and

Suetonius (Aug. 49) remark that Italy is protected by fleets operating in the waters that surround the peninsula, but do not go on to enumerate the various squadrons that made up the Whole naval establish• ment of their times.

150.19. Galliam - Cuprum. After the formation of provincial fleets these areas were no longer -- if they ever had been -- under the exclusive protection of the Italian fleets. Nor, in fact, did the

Italian fleets observe the boundaries that Vegetius sets down; inscrip• tions of the Ravennate fleet have been discovered in places that our author considers the territory of the Misene fleet, and vice-versa

(cf. E. Verrero,L'ordinamento delle armate romane [Roma, 1878] pp. 65- 45

158. G. Jacopi , "La classis Ravennas" Rend. Acc. Naz. Linc.}\Sez.

Mor. Stor. Fil.] ser. 8,6 [1951] pp. 532,546-549). It appears, in

fact, that the Misene fleet sent more missions overseas than did the

Ravennate fleet, which, for the most part, remained in the Adriatic.

Dalmatia, home of the Liburni, is conspicuously absent from

Vegetius' list. Possibly in his time it was under the protection of the classis Venetum. Zosimus [Hist. Nov. 6.8) reports that Honorius, contemplating flight from Ravenna in A.D. 410, gathered there an unusually large number of ships. That the emperor had to send for these ships from other parts of his realm indicates that the Ravennate fleet was no longer a significant force. Although

there is no real evidence to support such a theory, one might venture to guess that the Ravennate fleet's strength might have been trans• ferred north to Aquileia, where it became the classis Venetum listed in the Notitia Dignitatum; a likely occasion for such a shift is

Stilicho's Illyrian campaign against Alaric in 397.

150.19. Galliam. Of the seven provinces of Gaul in the Late Empire only Navbonensis has a coastline on the Mediterranean {cf. A.H.M. Jones,

The Later Roman Empire [Oxford, 1964] Maps 1 and 2).

150.19. Hispanias. The plural form reflects the fact that four of

Spain's six provinces -- five in the Iberian peninsula and Tingitana in North Africa -- could be reached by sea (cf. Jones, loc. cit.). 46

150.19. Mauretania. Sander (Rh. Mus. 99 [1956] p. 156 . ) holds

that this reference to Mauretania in the singular form dates Vegetius1

source to the Augustan era, before its division into two provinces.

Nevertheless, it is quite as likely that our author is speaking of

the contemporary provincial organisation. Mauretania Sitifensis and

Caesariensis {Tingitana became a Spanish province) were considered in

later times as a single unit under the dux et praeses provinciae

Mauretaniae [cf. Not. Dig., Oo. 30.1).

150.20. Aegyptum. The diocese of Egypt was incorporated in A.D.

382; before this date it was administered as part of the diocese

Oriens.

150.22. Orientem. Vegetius surely refers to the diocese Oriens as

constituted in his own time; its coastal provinces were Isauria, Cilioia

Prima and Seounda, Syria, Syria Salutaris, Phoenice, Palestina Prima,

Secunda and Salutaris.

151.4. Praefectus. During the Republic the praefeotus classis was

the deputy of a consul, proconsul or some other ranking commander; as

such he was temporarily in charge of a rather small part of his superior's

forces. Caesar, for instance, put one of his young officers , Decimus

Brutus,in command of a squadron of ships during one phase of a campaign

(of. B.G. 3.9).

During the Empire the permanent fleets were commanded on a less temporary basis by equestrians appointed by the emperor. The most famous 47 of these was Pliny the Elder, prefect of the Misene fleet.

The prefecture of a fleet was a rather distinguished position whose holder ranked high under the command of the magistev militum praesentalis (cf. Not. Dig., Oc. 42). It was the highest office attained by Sextus Aulienus (otherwise unknown) after he achieved equestrian status (cf. CIL vol. 10.4868), but for Gnaeus Marcius

(cf. CIL vol. 10.1127), presumably of more exalted birth, it marked the beginning of a more prestigious career.

Originally the prefecture of a fleet was similar to the command of a legion, involving responsibility for men, equipment and camp as well as leadership in battle. The nature of the post, however, under• went a change and like the Pretori an Prefect of later times the fleet prefect became chiefly an administrator. Although he remained the senior officer of the fleet his task was to superintend the affairs of the base and the town where it was located. Ironically, the office of prefect of the Ravennate fleet flourished when the fleet was all but defunct and presumably the position resembled the Urban Prefecture at Rome (cf. Not. Dig., Oc. 50.7.9 Praefectus classis cum curis eiusdem civitatis.). Meanwhile, others saw to the military aspects of the navy, possibly tribunes (cf. note on 151.6 tribuni and deni . . . per cohortes singulas) remained in charge of their respective cohorts and praepositi (cf. Dessau vol. 1.1351,2764) commanded detachments on missions.

151.5. Ionio marl. "The Ionian" is properly that part of the Adriatic

Sea which is south of the "heel" of Italy (cf. Pliny, N.H. 3.150 in eo 48 duo maria quo distinximus fine, Ionium in -prima parte, interius

Hadriaticum; also Strabo 2.5.20). Nevertheless writers in ancient

times did not always observe the distinction between the two; CI audi an, a contemporary of Vegetius, refers to the upper reaches of the Adriatic as Ionios fluotus (of. 26.209) and Appian, the second-century historian, speaks of the Liburni as pirates of the Ionian Sea (of. III. 3.7).

151.6. tribuni. Since the fleets were organised in the same fashion as the legions it would be reasonable to suppose that they also had tribunes. However, in earlier times no provision was made for the assignment of tribunes to the fleet. Polybius, describing the selection of tribunes for the traditional four legions (of. 6.19) mentions that only citizens with a census standing below four hundred drachmae were relegated to the navy. This is not at all odd, for in Republican times the Romans generally relied upon their naval allies -- Greeks and Italians — to supply them with ships and crews. When occasion demanded, regular legionaries were embarked in these ships as marines.

Caesar (B.G. 3.14.3) certainly indicates to us that when his men went aboard ships they were commanded by their own tribunes. This was only a temporary arrangement, but the instance demonstrates that it was possible for tribunes to function in a fleet.

The auxilia, or infantry auxiliary cohorts, offer a good parallel as regards internal organisation. Both the fleets and the auxilia were composed of non-citizens (that is, before Caracalla's general grant of citizenship in A.D. 212) serving under Roman officers 49 of equestrian status. Both resembled the legion inasmuch as they were divided up into centuries (cf. G. Webster, The Roman Imperial

Army [London, 1969] pp. 146-148). Since the Romans seem to have found it convenient to organise both fleets and auxilia after the fashion of the legions, and since the auxilia had tribunes, it seems likely that the fleets had them also, despite the complete lack of evidence.

[N.B. Although one inscription (Dessau vol. 3.9479, from Thrace) indeed refers to a "tribune of Liburnians1,1 viz. xpt$*Ai3., the

Liburnians could conceivably be soldiers from Dalmatia rather than ships.]

Nor is the suggestion acceptable that "tribune" replaced

"navarch" in the third century after Christ (cf. V. Chapot, La flotte^ de Misene [Paris, 1896] p. 131), for this would assume a great lack of common knowledge on Vegetius' part. Moreover, Vegetius has taken the pains, in other instances where such changes have occurred, to inform his reader (cf. 34.9-10; 41.1-3; 42.16-18; 43.9-11; 46.16-17;

49.16-17; 137.20-21). In any case, to return to the theme touched on in the last paragraph, the tribunate was a commissioned office held by equestrians while the navarchy was a centurionate generally held by pro• fessional soldiers promoted through the ranks (cf. my note to 151.8 navarchos).

151.6. deni . . . per cohortes singulas. We have seen that Vegetius correctly compares the organisation of the fleets to that of the legion

(note 150.15 singulae legiones). However, like the tribunes, the cohorts attested by Vegetius cannot be confirmed through any other 50 source. There exists an inscription (CIL vol. 6.1274*) referring to a sailor who belonged to the twelfth (!) cohort of a fleet, but unfortunately it is a forgery.

It is possible to infer the existence of cohorts from the decen• tralised command structure of the fleets. As we observed earlier (cf.

151.4 praefectus) the prefect of a fleet was a civil administrator while the conduct of the military operations of the fleet was entrusted to deputies. These men would appear to have held independent commands analogous to alae and cohortes equitatae or the nianeri of the Late

Empire, although the prefect was their nominal chief.

151.8. navarchos. Certain scholars (namely C. Starr, The Roman

Imperial Navy [New York, 1941] pp. 38-43 and Jacopi, op. cit., pp. 540-

541) have concluded that the navarch was a fleet tribune, basing their claim on the following passages:

Ammianus Marcellinus 23.3.9 classis advenit tribuno Constan-

tiano cum comite Lucilliano ductante . . .

Zosimus, Hist. Nov. 3.13.3 KaxecTnaav 6e vauapxot AouKiavos

KCU KajvaxavTios.

These, contrary to the opinion cited above, do not furnish conclusive evidence that tribune and navarch were equivalent. The two gentlemen in question, a count and a tribune in the one version, are clearly senior officers conducting a transport mission as part of an inland expedition. To confuse such a distinguished individual as a comes with a humble centurion -- viz. navarchus -- or even with a tribune 51 would be absurd; obviously, then, Zosimus means vauapxos in a more

classical sense, "ship commander" or "admiral."

The navarch of the Roman navy was, to judge by the evidence,

the equivalent of a senior centurion of the land army. An inscription

from Ravenna (CIL vol. 11.86) shows one man's progress from the rank of trierarch ( a ship's captain junior to the navarch) to that of navarch and finally to principal navarch of the fleet; another from Misenum

{CIL vol. 10.3348) shows a promotion from the principal navarchy to the

primipilate of a legion. The promotion implicit in the transfer to an army legion lay in the privilege of retaining an equivalent rank in a more senior branch of the service. Further, just as meritorious

service in the legions could lead to a man's being made primus pilus bis, so could a sailor become bis navarahus {of. CIL vol. 10.3350, an

inscription from Misenum). This particular honour is attested for no other ranks of the armed services.

In his discussion of the navarch's status Starr {of. op. oit. p. 40) states that he was a squadron commander, pointing out that in the inscriptions of trierarchs the name of a man's ship is often given

(e.g. CIL vol. 10.3361, from Misenum) while in the case of navarchs no ships are mentioned. This detail appears to be in perfect harmony with Vegetius' account of the primus pilus, who is said to have commanded four centuries {of. 42.Msqq. ). If the navarch was indeed the equivalent of the primus pilus, he too ought to have led four centuries.

In the fleets a ship was considered a century {of. CIL vol. 10.3365,

3369). The navarch, therefore, must have been responsible for a 52 squadron of at least four ships.

It is worth noting that in the ninth century the skipper of a ship was still called a navarch and that his rank was known to be that of a centurion: cf. Leo, Peri Thai. 8 Kevxapxwv xoG 6pouovos . . . icai

o TOO vavapxou 5e 3 nxoi xou Kevxapxou.

The following table demonstrates roughly how the centurionates of a legion (of. 42.11-43.14) should correspond to those of the navy:

Primus Pilus Navarohus, Navarohus Prinoeps.

Primus Hastatus

Prinoeps Primae Cohortis Trierarohi

Seoundus Hastatus

Triarius Prior

Centuriones Centuriones (of. CIL vol. 10.3372)

151.8. navioularios. This word belongs to the vocabulary of commer• cial seafaring and denotes either a ship owner or a captain of a freighter.

151.9. ceteris nautarum officiis. Nautarum here appears to include marines, milites, as well as rowers, remiges and helmsmen, gubernatores.

These would have routine tasks which they would carry out without special instructions or under the supervision of various petty officers such as optiones and suboptiones, custodes armorum, naufylaces, etc. (of. CIL vol. 10. 3394— 3497 ). The skipper, of course, would use the same chain of command to arrange and carry out the special exercises that Vegetius mentions. 53

151.14. Liburnorum auxiliis. The Liburni, a fierce tribe of the

Dalmatian coast, first made contact with Rome in the fourth century

before Christ through their activities as pirates (cf. Livy 10.2.4;

Appian, III. 3; Varro, R.R.2.8-9; Servius, Comm. Ad Aeneid. 1.243).

Subdued, they became useful allies (of. H.A. Ormerod, Piracy in the

Ancient World [London, 1924] pp. 167-186). Caesar turned to good use

their ships, which became the standard model for vessels of the Imperial

fleets, and their appetite for excitement (cf. B.C. 3.5,9). Upon his

death, the Liburni rose up with the rest of Dalmatia against Roman

domination, only to be put down by Octavian. The men and ships he

took with him to Actium made an important contribution towards his

victory over Antony (cf. Appian, III. 13-16; Florus 4.11).

151.16. ceteris aptiores. The ships of the Liburni were noted,

as befits pirate craft, for their speed and manoeuvrability (cf. Appian,

B.C. 2.39; III. 2.7; Silius Italicus, Pun. 13.240-243).

Vegetius uses liburna generically for any ship of war, as do many other Latin authors (cf. Horace, Epod. 1.1; Car. 1.37.30; Pliny,

N.H. 10.63; Orosius 6.19.8). Nevertheless, the word had a more

precise meaning -- that is, it denoted a particular type of ship.

Sailors' funerary inscriptions mention hexeremes (of. CIL vol. 14.232), quinqueremes (cf. CIL vol. 10.3523),quadriremes (cf. Dessau vol. 1.

2833), triremes (cf. CIL vol. 10.3585) and liburnians (cf. CIL vol,

10.3421). Since it was different from the other classes of ships mentioned above, the liburnian would appear to have been a light bireme, the only class not otherwise accounted for. The adjective 54

6iKpoTa appearing in connection with it certainly indicates this

{of. Appian, III. 1.3; Lucian, Amor. 6; SiKpoxa applied to other ships, Polybius 5.62.3; Arrian, Anab. 6.5.2; Appian, Mithr. 92). A

Latin equivalent, ordine contentae gemino, appears in Lucan's

PharsaUa (3.533-534).

For a complete collection and evaluation of the evidence on liburnians, see S. Panciera, "Liburna," Epigraphioa 18(1956) pp. 130-

156.

151.18. Libumia. The territory of the Liburni at the time of the Roman conquest extended along the coast of modern Jugoslavia from the river Arsia to the mouth of the Titius and included the islands of the Quanerno {of. Pliny, N.H. 3.139; Strabo 7.5.4). Their principal city Iader or Iadera (modern Zadar or Zara) occupied a site some 150

Roman miles'march from Pola {of. Pliny.ff.tf. 3.140-141; see Figure 1,

Map). For further information on the Liburni see J.J, Wilkes,

Dalmatia (London, 1969) pp. 159-162.

152.3. cupresso. Cypress was not one of the more important woods in ancient shipbuilding, to judge by the paucity of references to it in literature. Plato {Laws 705c) mentions it in passing, but

Theophrastus does not include it in his list of shipwright's materials

{of. H.P. 5.7.1-2). Among the Latin authors, only Vegetius finds it important enough to mention.

Nevertheless, archaeologists have discovered that the heavier beams in the remains of some wrecked ships are of cypress. The Yassi 55

Ada Byzantine wreck had a keel, sternpost, through-beams and wales of cypress {cf. F. van Doorninck, Jr., "The Byzantine Shipwreck at

Yassi Ada" [University of Pennsylvania dissertation, unpublished,

1967] p. 100). The Pantano Longarini wreck had cypress wales, stringers and planking (cf. P. Throckmorton and G. Kapitan, "An

Ancient Shipwreck at Pantano Longarini," Archaeology 21 [1968] p.

187).

152.3. pinu domestica sive silvestri. The wild pine yielded not only wood, but also pitch for sealing hulls {cf. Pliny, N.H. 16.52).

The domestic variety, less resinous and, therefore, lighter, was used mainly for planking. Pine planks were desirable for their lightness and strength and were usually free of knot holes {cf. J. Beauverie,

Les bois industriels [Paris, 1904] p. 224). Ovid {Ars Am. 2.9),

Vergil (Ec. 4.38) and Propertius (4.6.19-20)do not distinguish varieties, but refer simply to the pinus. Another tree, often confused with the wild pine because of its appearance, shared the fine shipbuilding qualities of domestic pine: Pliny, N.H. 16.39 . . . quas tibulos yocant

. . . graoiles [than the wild pine] succinctiovesque et enodes3

libuvnicarum ad usus3 paene sine resina.

Archaeological findings show that pine was widely used for strakes {cf. F. Benoit, I'Epave du Grand Congloue a. Marseille [xive supplement a Gallia; Paris, 1961] p. 149; J. du Plat Taylor, Marine

Archaeology [London, 1965] p. 88; van Doorninck, loc. cit.; G. Ucelli p Le NavidiNemi [Roma, 1950] p. 152). Its use, however, was not 56 confined to the ship's shell alone; the Grand Congloue wreck's keel and ribs were also of pine (Benoit, loc. cit.).

152.4. lavice. In Lang's edition this word appears only in the

Apparatus. A. Andersson (studia Vegetiana [Uppsala, 1938] pp. 175-

176) feels that it ought to be accepted as part of the text.

The larch was commonly used in shipbuilding (cf. Pliny, N.H.

16.195,219), presumably when it was the easily available local material.

No known wrecks, however, have yielded any remains of larch wood.

152.4. abiete. The fir tree grows tall and straight and its wood is fairly light; these two features make it especially useful for masts and yardarms (cf. Pliny, N.H.16.195; Theophrastus, H.P. 5.1.7), for in the long, narrow, unstable craft we are discussing too much weight high above the waterline might easily capsize them. Presumably, the tree in question is the silver fir which is to be distinguished from another, somewhat heavier fir (cf. Theophrastus, H.P. 5.7.1) used probably in hulls (cf. Vergil, Aen. 8.91).

152.5. utilius - configenda. Vegetius does not specify what parts of the ship are to be "nailed" together. In earlier times shipwrights used metal fastenings sparingly and made most of the joints with tree• nails (of. Procopius, Goth. 4.22.10-14; on shipbuilding see Casson, op. cit., pp. 203-213). By the sixth century the use of metal nails for fastening hulls together had become a common expedient as the 57

testimony of Procopius (Vers. 1.19.23) demonstrates. An official

document from Africa {cf. R.O. Fink, Roman Military Records on

Rapyrus [Cleveland, 1971] pp. 338-339) shows that in one instance, at

least, the Imperial navy opted for the false economy of purchasing

iron nails instead of the more expensive bronze nails. Shipwrecks of

Late Imperial and Byzantine times show the use of both iron and bronze

nails (cf. Benoit, op. cit., p. 151, fig. 79; van Doorninck, op. cit..

94-95; Ucelli, op. cit. p. 152 and fig. 153,154; G. Bass, "Underwater

Excavations at Yassi Ada: A Byzantine Shipwreck," Arch. Am . 71

[1962] p. 552).

152.10. quintodecima - secundam. The moon waxes until its fifteenth day at which time it becomes full, and then begins to wane until it disappears altogether about three days before the appearance of the new moon. Several ancient authors advise the cutting of trees only while the moon wanes:

Cato, De Ag. 37 . . . nisi intermestri lunaque dimidiata turn

ne tangas materiem . . . "except between moons and during the

moon's waning, do not cut timber."

Varro, R.R. 1.37 . . . quaedam facienda crescente luna . . .

quaedam contra . . . ut caeduas silvas . . . "some things are

to be done as the moon waxes . . . some things at the opposite

time . . . such as cutting forests."

Pliny, N.H. 16.190 . . . Infinitum refert et lunaris ratio,

nec nisi a vioesima in tricesimam caedi volunt. "Lunar reckon•

ing is also very important; nor do they [trees] want cutting

except from the twentieth to the thirtieth." 58

Since Vegetius claims familiarity with other works of Cato and Varro {of. 13.15,17.17,18.18,37.10,160.14) it is not unlikely that he consulted their agricultural treatises concerning this material.

152.18. his tantum die bus. In a footnote to his translation of

Vegetius, John Clarke {Military Instructions in Four Books [London,

1767] pp. 198-199) makes the following observations:

"Reason and the constant Practice of Architects.] To

these reasons Vegetius adds another of an extraordinary

kind ... He has found out that this interval between

the fifteenth and twenty-third of the Moon, in which he

says Trees should be felled, coincides with the Time

appointed for the Celebration of Easter. What Connection

or Affinity this can have with the Subject in Question,

I leave to others to determine. Stewechius observes that

one Manuscript has placuit Pasoha celebrari, and tells us

at the same time that the Word Pascha is a Gloss. But

I question whether, without the Assistance of that Word,

it would have been an easy matter to unriddle our

Author's Meaning."

In the fourth century there was a great religious controversy over the date of the celebration of Easter (between the fifteenth and twenty-third days of the first moon after the spring equinox). Vegetius could hardly have been unaware of the significance of these days, especially since the issue was not completely laid to rest in his lifetime. In acknowledging the correctness of observing "these days 59 alone" he furnishes us with possible evidence that he was at least a nominal Christian.

152.19. Caeduntur - Januarias. Not only the time of the month, but also the season of the year is a matter of importance in logging. The ancient authorities do not agree completely on the matter of the proper time for cutting trees, but they have one important point in common, that they all recommend winter months.

Vitruvius, De Arch. 2.9.1 Materies caedenda est a primo

autwrmo ad id tempus quod erit antequam flare incipiat

favonius. "Lumber must be cut from the beginning of

autumn until the time before Favonius begins to blow"

(about February 8 according to Pliny, N.H. 16.193).

Cato, De Ag. 17 . . . ubi solstitium fuerit ad brumam

semper tempestiva est. ". . . it is always in season

once the summer solstice has come, until the winter

solstice."

Pliny, N.H. 16.188 . . . Caedi tempestivum . . . tigna aut

quibus aufert s.ecuris corticem a bruma ad favonium aut,

si praevenire cogamur, arcturi oocasu et ante eum fidiculae,

novissima ratione solstitio. "Cutting is seasonable . . .

for beams or trees whose bark is to be stripped with axes

from the winter solstice to Favonius or, if we are forced

to anticipate this date, the setting of Arcturus,and before

that the Fidiculae -- the summer solstice by the latest

account." 60

Vegetius* dates, viz. from the summer solstice to January

1, correspond closest to Cato's, viz. summer solstice to winter solstice (December 25). The small discrepancy between the dates for the end of the logging season, a matter of about a week, would appear to be attributable to Vegetius' having "rounded off" the date for the solstice. That he used another source is unlikely since all the other sources cite not month and day, but yearly celestial phenomena.

153.1 His - ligna. Cf. Theophrastus, H.P. 5.1.3 iceAeuouai 6e xa\

6eS\JKUias xns seAnvns xeyveiv cos aicXripoxepoov KCU aaaTreaxepoov yavoyevajv.

"And they recommend cutting after the setting of the moon since [the trees] become harder and less likely to rot."

Both Vegetius and Theophrastus apparently are aware that increased dryness -- that is, a smaller sap content -- makes the wood more durable.

Neither, however, links dryness with immunity from decay. As far as

Vegetius knows, the only ill results of building ships with wet wood are the gaping cracks that are left when the wood dries and shrinks (of.

153.7 sqq.). He believes, then, that the influence of the moon preserves trees from rot (of. 152.16-17) supernaturally, as it were; but in order to secure a tougher material, the tree must be cut in the winter, before the sap starts to flow.

153.3. Illud - indutias. Vegetius does not say how long timber must be left to dry; obviously, it is up to the woodman to judge when it is ready for use. Pliny cites instances in which the wood was cut and cured and the ships built and commissioned, all in forty days in one case, sixty in another (N.H. 16.192; of. Florus 2.2; Livy 28.45.21 ).. 61

153.6. tabulae duplioes. According to Theophrastus (H.P. 5.5.6) certain types of trees must be split in half in order that the centre may dry properly. After the curing is completed, each half is then hewn into planks. In the hulls of ancient wrecks the thickness of these planks ranges from two to ten centimetres (of. Casson, op. ait., pp. 214-216).

153.12. tevnos. - Triremes must have been considered rather large ships in Vegetius' time. Although quadriremes and quinqueremes possibly still existed (of. Paulinus of Nbla, Poemata 24.73), they are mentioned only rarely in literature. Large "ships of the line" like those of Anthony's and Octavians' battle fleets were not required from the first century onwards because in the absence of opposition, the practical function of the fleets was to maintain transport and communi• cation. Nor, to be sure, could the heavier ships perform such tasks as well and as economically as smaller, faster craft. In any case, the western Empire of the late fourth century could ill afford the expense in money and manpower that these "battleships" demanded.

153.13. remigio gradus. Because of literal interpretation of the expression ordines remorum some scholars were long under the impression that a quinquereme must be a ship with five superimposed tiers of oars

(for a review of the articles and theories see W.W. Tarn, "The Greek

Warship," JH S 25 [1905] p. 137, note 1). Others have favoured the theory that there was but one tier of five-man oars. This arrangement, called a soaloocio, has been shown to have originated in more recent times (cf. J.S. Morrison, "The Greek Trireme," Mariner's Mirror 27 62 [1941] pp. 18-20) and it has long been known that a five-tiered vessel

-- to say nothing of a larger one — is an impossibility because of engineering difficulties (cf. A. Jal, La flotte.de Cesar [Paris, 1861] p. 104; R.C Anderson, Oared Fighting Ships [London, 1962] p. 22). Nor does any ancient representation depict a ship with more than three tiers of oars (of. W.W. Tarn, op. cit., p. 206). There is now some consensus that the correct theory is a compromise between these two

(cf. Anderson, op. cit., p. 23; Casson, op. cit., pp, 99-100). Ships may have as many as three vertical tiers, but polyremes are large enough to accommodate several rowers at each oar, i.e. they have extra

"ranks" of rowers (see Figure 5).

Concerning Vegetius' description of polyremes J.S. Morrison

("The Greek Trireme," MM 27 [1941] p. 17) makes this comment:

"It never occurs to him [i.e. Vegetius] to question the

premise that ships of the higher denominations had their

rows of oars (ordines) arranged at different levels like

the two rows of the Liburnian which he knew. . . There is,

then, reason to believe that his attribution of three

levels of oars to the trireme, four to the quadrireme, and

so on, rests upon inference and not upon information."

However, Tarn (of. J H S 25 [1905] p. 205) has demonstrated that when

Latin authors describe polyremes in terms of remorum -- or remigum ordines

-- they are generally not to be interpreted as specifying superimposed tiers. Rather, the intent of such expressions is to impress upon the reader some idea of the power of the ship's engines, so to speak. Thus in the case of Florus 2.21.5-6 — a senis in novenos remorum ordines

[Antony's ships] ... a binis remigum in senos nec amplius ordines

[Octavian's ships] -- the expression "ranks of rowers" appears 63 to give us the truer image, in light of Anderson's theory on rowing arrangements.

If Vegetius intended to indicate superimposed tiers of oars, he ought to have ended the sentence at quinos; for the remorum ordines of the m-inimae libtcpnae and the paulo mdiores clearly are so arranged.

Instead, our author goes on with the statement that ships "of ample size allot" gradus to the crew. One meaning of the word (of. OLD, s.v. gradus) is "a tier of seats," as in a theatre. Vegetius, therefore, may be referring to rowing positions, not to tiers of oars; and if he is speaking of rows of seats, certainly they need not be arranged at different levels.

The noun remigium may denote the act of rowing, as in 163.13

(of. also Tacitus, Ann. 3.1.21; Cicero, Tusc. 5.39.114); or it may refer to the rowers, as in Livy 26.51.6. Either meaning makes good sense in the context of this statement.

153.13. enovme videatur. Vegetius may well have had reason to believe that he was trying his reader's credulity. Zosimus (5.20.4) reports at the end of the fifth century that even the building of triremes has been given up long ago. Just as Vegetius refers to the battle of Actium for evidence in support of his remarks, so Zosimus is obliged to point to the Punic Wars.

153.14. Aotiaoo proelio. This was the last naval battle of ancient times in which were used such large ships and such tactics as Vegetius has in mind. Although Tarn argues convincingly that this historically 64

important engagement was not such a hard-fought contest as Florus and

Dio make it appear (of. JRS 21 [1931] pp. 173-199), the fact remains

that Vegetius regards it as the very paradigm of naval tactics and armament.

153.16. Soafae. With respect to size and use these are identical to the "small, very swift dromons" mentioned by Leo (Pevi Thai. 10) and to the "lighter and faster of the ships," as they are called by

Syrianus Magister (Naumaohiae 6.2). Although scafa suggests a craft

without a ram (probably the same as myoparo; of. C. Torr } p. 118) it is conceivable that Vegetius considers these the minimae liburnae.

Certainly vessels of this sort, having twenty rowers a side, would not be too small to be considered of use in battle during the Late Empire.

Although they were used chiefly as scout boats, these brave little galleys also went into battle, taking up a position at the centre of the line (of. Syrianus Magister, Eaumaohiae 9.32). Craft like these spearheaded Belisarius1 expedition to North Africa in A.D. 533. Indeed, so badly had Roman seapower declined that even these small ships went shorthanded (of. Procopius, Vand. 1.11.15-16).

153.18. picatos. This reading makes little sense. Since all ships' hulls were painted with pitch or wax there is no reason for calling this particular type of craft "pitched" as if this were a special feature. Moreover, the colour usually associated with a pitch-coated hull is not blue, but black. 65

The alternate reading pictas shows the correct gender and makes better sense in view of the blue colour of the ships -- that is, there may be some connection with the blue-painted Pictish warriors. The ships may have acquired their name because they were painted blue like the wild tribesmen, because they were used in campaigns against the

Picts, or even because the type may have originated with the Picts them• selves, who Bede says were once pirates (H.E.A. 1.1; cf. CI audi an 7.

54-58). On the other hand, pictas may be simply the perfect participial form of the verb pingo, describing the ships as "coloured" rather than pitch black. Certainly this adjective would be apt with reference to painted emblems or standards.

154.4. colore Veneto. Vegetius explains that this colour is the same hue as the waves of the sea, viz. blue. This description of camouflaging is unique in ancient literature. Philostratus (imag.

1.19.3) in fact records the opposite procedure when he describes a pirate ship painted so as to be seen and strike terror into the heart of the beholder.

The success of the measure which Vegetius suggests was probably limited, for in fine weather it is virtually impossible to conceal a ship on the open sea. On the other hand, near shores and islands a ship might be made to blend into the background, especially on dull days. On a dark night a ship of any dark colour, reflecting little light, could easily escape detection. In any case, painting the whole ship blue would make it less conspicuous than one with a white sail.

Modern navies have until recent times employed such techniques success• fully, although in more sophisticated versions. 66

154.5. funes. Coating the rigging serves more to protect it from the salt water and the sun than to camouflage it.

154.9. Qui - praenoscere. Writers of naval treatises never fail to emphasise the importance of meteorology (cf. Leo, Peri Thai. 2; Syrianus

Magister, Naumaohiae 5). There is a similar message in Vergil (Georg.

1.252 sqq.); cf. A. Andersson, op. cit., pp. 30-31.

154.12. prooellis perierunt. Disasters such as the loss of an entire fleet off Camarina during the First Punic War (cf. Polybius 1.37) taught the Romans to heed warnings like this one (for more examples of historically-recorded storms see R. Boker, s.v. "Winde," R-E Villa ,pp.2267-

2280). The emperor Gaius once transported a fleet overland from Gaul to Italy at considerable expense rather than risk losing it on the perilous voyage across the Bay of Biscay, around Spain and through the

Straits of Gibraltar (cf. Suetonius, Calig. 47).

154.17. Veteres - oomprehend.it. Roman writers agree that men at first distinguished only four winds: cf. Pliny N.H. 2.119 Veteres quattuor ornnino servavere per totidem mundi partes - ideo nec Homerus plures nominat; Gel 1ius 2.22.16 . . . Romero auotore qui solos quattuor ventos noverit. Later the number of identifiable winds was established as twelve; cf. Pliny, loo. cit. secuta aetas ooto addidit;

Vegetius1 windrose, Figure 2. Nevertheless, some people clung to an intermediate, eight-wind system and Gellius was one of these; cf. 2.22.18

. . . sunt qui pro octo duodeoim faciant. 67

155.1. vocabula. Supplying both Greek and Latin names for the winds

is not uncommon in Latin treatises, although the authors do not always

acknowledge that certain names are of Greek derivation. Despite

Vegetius' attempt to avoid difficulties by distinguishing between these,

there are discrepancies between his wind list and those of several other

ancient sources (see Figures 3 and 4). Such difficulties could hardly

be avoided for the proper name of each wind was not a matter of estab•

lished certainty; of. Gellius 2.22.2 vulgo neque de appellationibus eorum neque

de finibus neque de numero oonveniret. Theophrastus, too, is

aware that the winds are known by various names to different peoples:

10.62 'Ev EiKeAia 6e xaiKiav ou KaAoucuv aAA' OTTIAIOOXTIV • 6OK£1 S3 OUX

6 aoxos elvai xicnv aAAa epeiv , oxi 6 yev 6aauvei TOV oupavov o

3 8 ov. kpyecnrriv &e ox yev [ouv] oAuymav 3 d\ 6e axipcova icaAoucnv 3 oi

(6e) irepi IixeAiav 6ep

J ^oivixes } gepexuvxiav 6 (o\) ev xu Ilovxto . "But in Sicily they call 1 x

it not Caecias but Apeliotes; it seems to some to be not the same,

but different, for the one clouds the sky and the other doe's not. And

some call Argestes Olympias, others Skiron, and the Sicilians call it

Derkias. Some call Apeliotes Hellespontias, the Phoenicians call it

Karbas and those on the Black Sea call it Berecynthia.

155.6. apheliotes. This wind's name is spelled apeliotes or apheliotes

from the Greek originals spelled OOT- (Ionic; of. Aristotle, Meteor. 363a- 363b

13; CIG 518; Figures 3 and 4 or ouJ>- (Attic, shown on the Tower of the

Winds, IG vol. 14.1308, Figure 4).

Aristotle identifies Apeliotes as the southeast wind in one

place {Meteor. 364 b 20), commenting that it is sometimes called Eurus. 68

However, in the passage included in Figure 3 [Meteor. 364 a 16-17) it is simply the east wind. For the most part, other ancient accounts agree that Apheliotes is the east wind; the one exception is Gel 1ius who, like Aristotle, gives it the alternate name Eurus (see Figure 3).

155.3. ventis - indicemus. Cf. Seneca, N.Q. 5.16.3 Quattuor enim caeli partes in ternas dividunt et singulis ventis binos subpraef eotos dant. Hao arte Varro, vir diligens, illos ordinat. It is probable, then, that Vegetius' wind list follows Varro's [of. 160.14 libri navales).

A comparison of the lists as presented in Figure 3, however, reveals that

Vegetius' list does not correspond exactly with Seneca's, who also clearly consulted Varro.

155.4. verno . . . solstitio. There is no such thing as a "spring solstice." It seems clear, however, that the direction Vegetius means to indicate is due east, which is the direction of the spring equinox

(of. Aristotle, Meteor. 363b; Gellius 2.22.7-8; Pliny, N.H. 2.119;

Seneca, N.Q. 5.16.3; Vitruvius, De Arch. 1.6.4). The correct reading, then, is probably that appearing in ms. II, A verno itaque aequinoctio.

155.6. subsolanus. Cf. Gellius 2.22.8 Is alio quoque a Graecis nomine ot(f>riA iwrris j Romanis nauticis 'subsolanus' cognormnatur.

155.7. caecias. Cf. Seneca, N.Q. 5.16.4 Apud nos sine nomine est.

According to Aristotle, Kcuxias is the northeast wind, opposite Lips

(Meteor. 363 b 4) and between Boreas and Eurus (Meteor. 364 b 26). 69

It is a "wet" wind {Meteor. 364b 19-20) and because it blows down into the

Mediterranean from the Hellespont it is also known as "Hellespontias"

{of. Pliny, N.H. 2.121; Aristotle, Meteor. 364 b 1 9).

Caecias blows on a spiral course, somehow gathering clouds towards the centre of the helix {of. Aristotle, Prob. 943 a 32 sqq.;

Meteor. 364b 13; Theophrastus, De Vent. 7.37,39; Pliny, N.H. 2.126).

155.7. euroborus. This name is otherwise unknown, obviously concocted to suit a wind blowing between Eurus and Boreas. Possibly Vegetius himself fabricated the name to make good his intention of providing two names for each wind, although its parts are quite as Greek as the other name he mentions, Caecias. Another hybrid name for the same wind,

Euroaquilo occurs in a windrose inscription at Thugga {CIL vol. 8.26652, see Figure 4) and in the Vulgate, Acts 27.14.

155.8. eurus. Cf. Gellius 2.22.7nominatur 'eurus' fioto vocabulo ut isti eTUuoAoyxKOi aiunt o caro xns nous pecov. Is al%o quoque a Graecvs nomine a^nAiamis, Romanis nauticis 'subsolanus' oognominatur.

This wind starts blowing during the winter; a dry wind at first, it turns rainy; it also raises the temperature {of. Aristotle,

Meteor. 364 b 20-24).

155.8. volturnus. Cf. Seneca, N.Q. 5.16.4; T. Livius [of. 22.43] hoc ilium nomine appellat . . . Varro quoque hoc nomen usurpat - seal et eurus iani oivitate dona tun est et nostro sermoni non tamquam alienus 70 interoenit; Gellius 2.22.10 Graeci . . . quod inter notum et eurum sit, eupovoTOV appellant.

155.8. meridianum cardinem. Southerly winds generally blow in the spring when the atmosphere is unsettled (of. Aristotle, Prob. 940b1 sqq.) and also at the beginning of winter and the end of autumn {op. cit., 942 a 5).

155.9. notus. Cf. Gellius 2.22.14 . . . voxis enim Graece umor nominatur; Ovid, Metam. 1.264 madidis Notus evolat alis. Some questions posed in Aristotle's Problems serve to point out various characteristics of this wind:

940b8 "Why does Notus blow after a frost?"

940bl2 "For the same reason, Notus blows after a snowfall."

941a31 "Why does Notus less frequently blow after stormy

nights than after stormy days?"

941a38 "Why does Notus blow under the Dog star?"

942al6 "Why does Notus smell bad?"

155.9. ouster. Cf. Pliny, N.H. 2.126 umidi africus et praecipue ouster Italiae;op. oit. 2.127 noxius ouster et magis siccus fortassis quia umidus frigidior est; Horace, Sat.2.6.18 plumbeus ouster; Suetonius/

Isidore, Nat. Per. 37.3 . . .ex humili flans humidus, calidus atque fulminens, generans largas nubes et pluvias laetissimas, solvens etiam f lores. 71

155.9. leuconotus. Agathemerus (cf. De Vent. 7) claims that this

is another name for Libonotus, the wind between Lips and Notus. This

must be an error, however, since it would locate Leuconotus in the

southwest, not the southeast where other sources agree that it belongs

(see Figures 3 and 4). Moreover, Vegetius and Vitruvius agree that

the two are different winds, blowing from different directions.

In Ausonius (Technopaeg., 'De Deis' 12) leuconotus is an

epithet of Lips. Theophrastus (De Vent. 2.11) informs us that "there

are spring southerlies, seasonal winds as it were, which are called

1leuconotoi'; for they are altogether clear and cloudless."

155.10. albus notus. Once again our author is hard put to keep his

word and produce both a Greek and a Latin name for each wind. Seneca

tells us that there was no Latin name for Leuconotus: N.Q. 5.16.4

apud nos sine nomine est; a difficulty Vegetius attempts to overcome

by translating the Greek name.

155.10. libonotus. Cf. Pliny, N.H. 2.120 . . . inter Hba et notum i conpositum ex utroque.

155.10. corus. Vegetius has erred in putting Corus in the southwest;

all of the other authorities who mention it place it north of west

(see Figures 3 and 4).

As for its characteristics, cf. Seneca, N.Q. 5.16.5. cori

violentia vis est et in unam partem rapax; Pliny, N.H. 2.124,126 Corus autumnat . . . grandines septentrio inportat et corus . . . sicci

corus et vulturnus. 72

155.11. zephyrus. Cf. Suetonius/ Isidore, Nat. Eer. 21A qui et favonius . . . iste hiemis rigorem gratissima vice relaxat, flores producit. This wind blows during the period of the summer solstice

{of. Aristotle, Meteor. 364b2-3). Some of its characteristics are revealed by Aristotle in his Problems:

942b20 "Why does Zephyrus of all the winds gather the

largest clouds?"

943b21 "Why does Zephyrus seem calm and the most pleasant

of the winds, as Homer (says) \_cf. Od. 4.567]?"

944al0 "Why does Zephyrus blow towards evening and not in

the morning?"

155.11. subvespertinus. The name suggests that the Romans, too, observed that the west wind blows in the evening {cf. preceding note).

155.12. Lips. Aristotle comments on this wind: Prob. 943al sqq.

". . . Lips arises out of stormy conditions and is wet in nature" {cf.

942b25 sqq.; Meteor. 364b20). It blows opposite Caecias {cf. Meteor.

363bl8).

155.12. africus. Cf. Seneca, N.Q. 5.16.5 . . . furibundus et vuens.

156.1. iapyx. Among the ancient authors providing wind lists only

Gellius and Vegetius mention Iapyx as a major wind rather than as an unimportant local wind of some particular area. They correctly describe it as blowing from north of west; Gellius 2.22.21-23 '^a-n^yxas ipsius 73

orae proficiscentem quasi sinibus, Apuli eodem quo ipsi sunt nomine

'Iapygem' dicunt eum esse, propemodum oaurum existimo; nam et est

occidentalis et videtur exadversum eurum flare . Itaque Vergilius

[Aen. 8.709; of. 11.678] Cleopdtram e navali proelio in Aegyptum

fugientem vento Iapyge ferri ait. Seneca, N.Q. 5.17.5 connects the name

Iapygia with Calabria, not Apulia, but this would not change signifi•

cantly the direction from which Iapyx blows.

156.1. favonius. Cf. Seneca, N.Q. 5.16.5 . . . quern Zephyrum esse

dicent tibi etiam qui graece nesoiunt loqui. Since Vegetius,too,regards

Zephyrus and Favonius as different winds it seems very likely that Varro made the same distinction in his lost libri novates.

156.1. septentrionalem oardinem. Cf. Pliny, N.H. 2.126 Ventorum frigidissimi sunt quos a septentrione diximus spirare; Aristotle, Prob.

942al "Why do the northerlies blow more than the other winds?"

156.2. aparotias. A cold, snowy and hail-bringing wind {of. Aristotle,

Meteor. 364b21 sq.).

156.2. septentrio. Cf. Pliny, 'N.H. 2.126 grandines septentrio inportat.

156.3. thrasoias. The name is immediately recognizable as meaning

"Thracian." According to Suetonius/ Isidore (Nat. Her. 37.5) this is i a local wind of the Propontis and Seneca (N.Q. 5.16.6) reports that it 74

is without a Latin name. Perhaps, Vegetius ought not to have identified

it also as Circius, a Gallic wind (of. note following).

Thrascias,. in any case, holds a position between Argestes and

Aparctias (cf. Aristotle, Meteor. 363b28), has no other wind directly opposite (op. cit. 364al) and brings storms (op. cit. 365al).

i

156.3. circius. This wind blows down into Italy from Gaul (cf.

Suetonius/Isidore. Nat. Rer. 37.5; Pliny, N.H. 2.121; Seneca, N.Q.

5.17.5; Gellius 2.22,28 = Cato Fr. 93 Peter).

Cf. Gellius 2.22.20 'Circium' appellant a turbine, opinor, eius ao vertigine; Pliny, N.H. 2.121 Clarissimus ventorum . . . neb ullo violentia inferior; Seneca, N.Q. 5.17.5 . . . oui aedificia quassanti tamen incolae gratias agunt, tamquam salubritatem caeli sui debeant ei — divus certe Augustus templum illi cum in Gallia moraretur, et vovit et fecit.

This seems to be the wind known today in Italy as la tramontane. which blows with such constancy (of. Pliny, loo. cit. clarissimus) that the expression "to lose the tramontana" means "to lose all sense of direction, become disoriented."

156.3. boreas. Cf. Gellius 2.22.9 Latine 'aquilo', Bopeas Graece dicitur . . . ab Homero a.\QoxT{C\)zxri\) {.cf. Od. 5.296] appellatum; boveam autem putant dictum caro Trjs gons quoniam sit violenti flatus et sonori.

Aristotle (Prob. 941a20)and Theophrastus (De Vent. 8.49)claim that Boreas never blows for more than three successive days if it begins at night. 75

156.3. aquilo. Cf. Pliny, N.H. 2.127 saluberrimus autem omnium aquilo; Suetonius/Isidore, Nat.Rev. 37.1 ex alto flans, gelidus atque siccus et sine pluvia, qui non discutit nubes, sed stringit; also

Celsus 2.1.16 and Varro, R.R. 1.4.5.

156.3. Hi-consuerunt. Aristotle also [Meteor. 364a27 sqq.) mentions this, stating that more than one wind may blow at the same time provided they are not opposites; otherwise, he thought, they would neutralise one another. The same phenomenon is much favoured by the poets: of. Vergil,

Aen. 1.85-86 una Eurusque Notusque ruunt creberque procellis\Africus;

Horace, Od. 1.3.12-13 . . . nec timuit praecipitem Africum\decertantem

Aquilonibus; Homer, Od. 5.295-297 ouv S'ffSpos xe Noxos x'erreaov

Ze^upos xe Suaans | Kai Bopens aieprryevexns , ueya Kuya KUAIVSWV.

156.5. horum - saeviunt. Andersson [op. cit., p. 31) recognizes in this passage an echo of Vergil, Georg. 3.240 sq. ima exaestuat unda\ vorticibus.

156.14. neque - lege naturae. Vegetius divides the year into four seasons with respect to sailing: the perilous winter months, November

11 to March 10 [cf. 158.9); the safe time, from May 27 until September 14

(157.2-3); and about two months during which the safety of soiling is uncertain, September 14 to November 11 [of. 157.5-6).

Vegetius defines the seasons according to celestial events such as the risings and settings of stars and constellations, as do 76

other ancient authors. In many instances the various sources that give

dates for these events seem to disagree with one another concerning

the precise days in question. For instance, Vegetius sets the rising

of the Pleiades at May 27 while Pliny {N.H. 2.123 and 18.287) claims

that they rise on May 10 (Varro, E.B. 1.28.1 dates the same phenomenon

to May 9). Possibly, such discrepancies may originate from observations

taken in different geographical latitudes. (E.J. Bickerman, The Chronology

of the Anoient World [London, 1968] p. 43 provides a table showing how

the dates of celestial phenomena vary at different latitudes).

157.2. Paohone. To arrive at this reading Th. Mommsen ("Zu Vegetius"

Hermes 1 {not 2 as in Lang's apparatus critious} [1866] p.131) has

corrected the emendations of Turnebus and Scriverius, viz. Pharmuti and

Pauni respectively. All three are the names of Egyptian months, Pharmuti

commencing on March 27, Pachon on April 26 and Pauni on May 26 {of. E.J.

Bickerman, op. cit. p. 50). Happily, Pachon ends on May 25, a date

which coincides closely with that given by Vegetius, May 26 (that is, he

says that Pachon has ended by May 27). Moreover, the reading of- E, pachnitae, can easily be seen as a corruption of Paohone at the hands of

a scribe unfamiliar with Egyptian months.

It is perplexing, however, to find in a Latin work an Egyptian

date so unexpectedly appearing in the midst of so many Roman dates;

but perhaps Vegetius was struck by the coincidence --viz. Paohone

deourso . . . ortum Pliadum. Certainly, if Mommsen's reading is correct,

it shows him to have been a man of diverse knowledge. 77

157.3. Aroturi ovtum. The rising of Arcturus marks the end of summer

{of. Aristotle, Hist. Anim. 596bl sqq.). Pliny [N.H. 2.124) gives the same date as Vegetius for this phenomenon: ad sidus aroturi, .quod exoritur

XI diebus ante aequinoctium autumni — that is, September 14, the day after the Ides and the very day mentioned by Vegetius {of. 157.7-8).

N.B. The date in diem viii deoimwn kal. Octobres in 157.3-4 is the same as post idus Septembres in 157.7-8, viz. September 14 and marks the rising of Arcturus; the date viii kal. Octobres in 157.8-9 is the day of the autumn equinox, viz. September 24.

157.8. vehementissimum sidus. Cf. Pliny, N.H. 18.310 . . . vehemen- tissimo significatu. While Pliny states that this star is a sign of bad weather to come, Vegetius attributes the turbulence of the atmosphere to the star itself. Our author indeed seems to believe readily in the power of the stars, for he often speaks of them as the cause, not merely the portents, of good and bad weather {of. 158.13-14; 159.10-13; 159.

15-160.2; 160.7-10).

157.9. aequinoctialis . . . aoerba tempestas. The ancients generally agree that the weather tends to be quite foul during both equinoctial seasons; of. Cicero, Ad Att. 10.17.3; Caesar, B.G. .4.36.2.

Besides Arcturus, there are other portents of bad weather during September and October; of. Pliny, N.H. 2.106; 18.278; Columella

11.2.66-75. 78

157.10. aeduli pluviales. Cf. Manilius 1.165 Haedi olaudentes

sidere pontum; Euripides, Ion 1156-1157 'lades re, vauxiAoisjaoujieaxaxov

ariyexov ; Claudian, Epig. 23,3-4 sio non imbriferam nootem duoentibus

Haedis \lonio credam turgida vela mart.

Although aeduli and Taurus are without expressed verbs,

probably oritur is to be understood from the context. Presumably,

Vegetius refers to the ascendant of the constellation in the case of

Haedi. No other ancient source gives an exact date for this phenomenon.

Vegetius, in fact, seems to have misunderstood his sources, for two

very reliable ancient authors discuss Haedi in terms of daily movements

rather than "ascendant"; of. Pliny, N.H. 18.312 . . . matutino exoriri

[on September 29] . . . oocidunt Haedi vespere [on October 5];

Columella 11.2.73 . . . oriuntur vespere [on October 6].

158.1. Vergiliarum ocoasus. This constellation is also known as

Pleiades; of. Hesiod, Works and Days 618-621 eux' av IUrnaSes aBevos ogpiyov ftapiwvos | f£\)yovoa\ TriTrxaxnv es riepoei6ea TTOVXOVJ^TI TOXG

TTavxoioov aveyoov Buiouaiv anxcu "When the Pleiades, fleeing the over•

bearing might of Orion, fall into the misty sea, then rage the blasts

of all the winds."

Vegetius gives no specific date in November for the setting

of this constellation, but Pliny (N.H. 2.125) mentions the eleventh,

which is the very day that Vegetius says marks the closing of the

seas for the winter [of. 158.1-2). Although these benign stars have

not yet set, it is unsafe to sail from September 14 to November 11

because of the unwholesome influence of ArcturMS and other stars 79

(cf. 157.5-10). In simpler terms, sailing is safest in the time between the rising (cf. 157.2) and setting (cf. 158.1) of the Pleiades or

Vergiliae.

158.2. sextum idus Martias. The tenth of March. From this day until

May 15 (cf. 158.9), or possibly until May 27 (cf. 157.2-3) sailing may be attempted, but is not advisable (cf. 158.10-11). Vegetius does not explain why this is so, but Cicero (Ad. Att. 10.17.3) gives us to under• stand that the inclement weather of this period is due to the vernal equinox: Nunc quidem aequinoctium nos moratur, quod valde perturbatum est.

Because the weather is so unstable during the equinoctial season it is impossible to fix a precise date upon which sailing becomes safe. And so Pliny, like Vegetius, sets an early date for first sailing, but does not guarantee safety: N.H. 2.122 Ver ergo aperit navigantibus maria . . . is dies sextus Februarias ante idibus. The

Imperial government, looking to the safety of its property,- forbade the loading of government-owned cargoes before April 1: Theodosian Code

13.9.3 Placuit sane ut Novembri mense navigatione subtracta, Aprilis qui aestate est proximus susceptionibus adplicitur. Cuius susceptioni- bus neoessitas ex Kal. Aprilib. in diem Kal. Octobr. mensuram servabitur.

158.3. lux - deturbat. Vegetius is no longer speaking of the threat of violent storms, but of the other circumstances that make off-season sailing uncomfortable as well as dangerous. Poor atmospheric conditions render reefs and shores invisible even at close range. Since ancient ships hugged the coastline, they could not risk sailing in darkness;

thus the shortness of winter days would lead to much shorter daily

stages. This in turn, meant a longer time at sea and prolonged exposure of the sailors to the cruelties of cold winds, rain and snow without the amenities of warm, dry clothing, shelter and heating.

158.6. natalem . . . nqvigationis. Perhaps this festival was in

Christian times taken over from or related to that of the devotees of

Isis. The Isiac celebration was known as the iTAoicujjeaia (cf. John

Lydus, De Mens. 4.45; Apuleius, Metam. 11.17) and as the navigium

Isidis (cf. Apuleius, loc. cit.) in honour of Isis Pelagia. After a colourful procession to the shore solemn prayers were offered for the safety of ships and those who sail in them (the proceedings are described by Apuleius, Metam. \\.8sqq.; short comments appear in J.G.

Fraser, The Golden Bough, Abridged Version [London, 1933] pp. 383-384;

R.E. Witt, Isis in the Greco-Roman World [London, 1971] pp. 165 sqq.\ for iconographical representations see P. Bruneau, "Isis Velagia a

Delos", BCH 85 [1961] pp. 435-446).

The custom of celebrating the sailing festival probably predates the cult of Isis, just as it has survived in some modern

Christian societies. Venice celebrates its regatta; the folk of the

Peiraeus and Patras observe the blessing of the waters on the feast of the Epiphany and the people of Bari, on St. Nicholas' day.

158.10. non . . . cesset industria. Despite the risks, merchants took to the seas during the supposedly unsafe seasons in quest of profit 81

(of. Pliny, N.H. 2.125). Despite the better judgement of the persons involved, circumstances sometimes necessitated the transport of cargoes during the worst months (of. Suetonius, Claud. 18). The closure of the seas, therefore, was not complete and absolute (many instances of off-season sailing are cited by E. de St.-Denis, "Mare olausum" Revue des Etudes Latines 25 [1947] pp. 196-214; J. Rouge, "La navigation hivernale sous I'empire romaine," Revue des Etudes Anoiennes 54 [1952] pp. 316-325).

158.12. mercium. Metonymy. Literally, merx is "merchandise, goods"; here, "trade, commerce."

158.14. oommovent. Vegetius seems to believe that these constellations not only warn of approaching storms, but actually stir them up; of.

Manilius 2.87 sqq.; Seneca, N.Q. 2.11.2; Pliny, N.H. 2.105 sqq.; also note to 157.8, above.

158.15. oerti dies. Some of these are cited by Pliny, N.H. 18.211 sqq.

158.15. auctorum adtestatione. Vegetius1 brief note (18 lines) amounts to an introductory comment to whichever of the full treatises the reader later consults. Compare it, for instance, to Pliny's introduction to meteorology (N.H. 18.201-209).

159.3. curam trifariam. Since men cannot rely absolutely upon human calculations [How often can the modern weatherman's predictions be 82 trusted entirely?], sailors must watch for storms the day before one is due; and if it has not arrived by the end of the day predicted, the possibility of an error in the forecasting must be allowed for and the vigil maintained for yet a third day. Cf. Pliny, N.H. 18.207 nunc praecurrente nee paueis diebus tempestatum significatu, quod TrpoxEiya^Eiv

Gvaeoi vocants nunc postveniente, quod £TriX£i.yotC£iv_, et plevumque alias cel-

evius3 alias tardius caeli effeotu ad terram deeiduo; Vettius Valens

188.27.

- 159.5. IIpoxeiya?£iv . . . xel-ya?e'iv • • • yeTaxsiyaceiv Lang restores the Greek characters although all the manuscripts show Latin trans• literations. These show a variety of forms, e.g. chimazon II, eymazon E,

gymnazon EP15 indicating that the copyists had the Greek words either before them or read to them, each interpreting the sounds differently.

It seems obvious that the Greek versions showed the present participial form ending in -wv rather than the infinitive ending in -EIV. Neverthe• less, Lang, perhaps mindful of Pliny's syntax {of. loc. cit.), prefers the infinitive ending. There is some justification for this in that if the Greek words were to be rendered as present participles they ought to appear in the plural form to agree with pvaecedentes, nascentes and subsequentes. With the infinitive forms we may interpret the passage as meaning "they say in Greek that 'it storms early,'" etc. rather than "in Greek it is called 'an early storm.'"

159.9. auctores plurimi. Precisely which authors Vegetius consulted beyond those he names in the text is a matter of speculation; Pliny 83

[N.H. 18.209-214) names a few who dealt with this subject, and therefore might have been used by our author -- viz. Vergil, Caesar, Sosigenes

Hesiod, Thales, Anaximander, Euctemon and Eudoxus. In addition

Suetonius ought to receive mention since his work was consulted after

Vegetius' time by Isidore (cf. Nat. Eer. 38).

159.10. Tvansitus - tuvbave. Some celestial bodies are able to cause

"very violent storms" (158.13-14); the planets, however, merely "upset calm weather."

159.13. Intevluniovum dies. These are the days during which the moon is not seen, viz,, the days before the new moon appears (cf. note to 152.10 quintodecima). For about three days each month there is an eclipse of the moon because the earth is between it and the sun, block• ing the light. The Romans had several names for this period: Pliny,

N.H. 16.190 . . . in coitu . . . quern diem alii intevluniavii3 alii silentis lunae appellant; Cato, De Agv. 37 . . . intermestri.

Theophrastus explains the rough weather of these days as the result of the influences of the sun and moon opposing one another

(De Signis, 5).

159.15. Multis - fuscata. Sailors today still predict the weather by observing the moon in much the same fashion as the ancients. For more information on the various signs see Aratus, Phaen. 778-818;

Theophrastus, De Signis 8,12,27,31,51; Suetonius/Isidore, Nat. Rev.

38.1-3; Vergil, Geovg. 1.427-437; Pliny, N.H. 2.128, 18.347-350. 84

Part of Varro's treatise on this subject survives in the last passage of Pliny's work cited above. It appears that Vegetius might have made use of the first half of Varro's comment, which reads as follows:

Si quarto die tuna erit directa, magnam temp estat em in mari

praesagiet} nisi si covonam circa se habebit et earn sinceram, quoniam illo modo non ante plenam lunam hiematuram ostendit.

Si plenilunio per dimidium pura erit3 dies serenos signifi- cabit; si rutila, ventos; nigresoens, imbres.

159.16. signis. Unlike the planets and constellations, Vegetius attributes to the moon no power of its own to cause storms. Rather, it acts as a mirror to reflect signs that would not be visible otherwise to the human eye; of. Seneca, N.Q. 1.15.7 Non est enim in speculo quod ostenditur "That which is shown is not in the mirror."

160.7. Sol. On the subject of weather signs given by the sun see

Vergil, Georg. 1.438 sqq.; Aratus, Phaen. 819-899; Pliny, N.H. 18.342-

346; Theophrastus, De Signis,passim; Suetonius/Isidore, Nat. Her.

38.4-5.

160.8. obieota nube varietur . . . pluvia inpendente maoulosus

Andersson (op. oit.} p. 30) puts this passage among those in quibus, he says, sine dubio Vergilium poetam non nominatum Vegetius imitatus est. Vegetius' words do, in fact, echo Vergil, Georg. 1.441-443 85

-lite ubi nascentem maaulis oariaverit ortum \ conditus in nubem medioque refugerit orbe suspecti tibi sint imbves. On the other hand, Vegetius mentions only the sunrise while Vergil also deals with the sunset.

160.9. ventis urguentibus. Vergil {Georg. 1.453) specifies that Eurus, the east wind, will blow when this sign appears.

160.9. pallidus. Vegetius does not tell us what this sign forecasts.

Vergil (Georg. 1.446-449) and Pliny (N.H. 18.342) say that when the sun is pale at its rising, hail is portended.

160.10. Aer. Such phenomena as rainbows and distant objects appearing to be nearer are mentioned by Pliny (N.H. 2.150) and Theophrastus (De

Signis 3.22).

160.11. mare ipsum. Some of the signs displayed in the waters of the sea are discussed by various ancient authors; of. Aratus, Phaen.

909 sqq.; Theophrastus, De Signis 29,31,40 and De Ventis 6.35-36;

Cicero, De Div. 1.13; Vergil, Georg. 1,356 sqq. Pliny (N.H. 18.359) is especially informative:

mare si tranquillum in portu cursabit murmurabitve

intra se, ventuxn praedicet; si in hieme, et imbrem;

litora ripaeque si resonabunt tranquiHo, asperam

tempestatem, item maris ipsius tranquillo sonitus spumaeve

dispersae.aut aquae bullantes. Pulmones marini in

pelago pluriurn die rum hiernem portendunt. Saepe 86

et silentio intumescit inflaturnque altius solito

iam intra se esse ventos fatetur. .

Even today we speak of such phenomena as "the calm before the storm." The weather, of course, affects the condition of the waters in a storm area, which in turn must also have some effect on conditions in more distant areas.

160.11. nubiumque magnitude- vet species. Ancient literature provides considerable information concerning the art of predicting weather from the type and appearance of clouds; cf. Pliny, N.H. 18.355-357; Aratus,

Phaen. 938 sq., 988 sqq., 1018 sqq., Theophrastus, De Signis. 3,13,34,

43,45,51-53; Vergil, Georg. 1.397,401.

160.12. avibus. According to today's popular lore birds fly low before a storm and when gulls are seen to keep to the land there is a storm at sea. The ancients noticed the same phenomena and their literature mentions many other signs that might be observed in the behaviour of various kinds of birds; cf. Pliny, N.H. 18.362-363;

Theophrastus, De Signis 15,19,23,28,38-41,52,53; Aelian, N.A. 7.7;

Aratus, Phaen. 918-1027; Vergil, Georg. 1.361-423; Varro apud Servium,

Comm. in Verg. Georg. 1.375.

160.13. piscibus. Vegetius leads us to understand that Vergil and

Varro mention weather signs given by fish; but no such lore is evident in the Georgics and no passage of Varro's on this subject has survived. 87

The following make mention of the subject without furnishing any sub•

stantial details: Pliny, N.H. 9.55, 31.22; Athenaeus, Deipnosoph.

8.333d sqq.; Aelian, N.A. 12.1; Plutarch, Sollevt. Anim. 22.5. It is

worth noting that Theophrastus {De Signis 19; of. Suetonius/Isidore,

Nat. Her. 38.1) claims that a dolphin swimming close to shore, almost

coming out of the water, portends either rain or a storm; Pliny {N.H.

9.20 sqq.) however, reminds us that a dolphin is not a fish.

Although we have little information concerning the role of

fish in weather forecasting, it seems that fish oracles were common

in antiquity; of. A. Bouche-Le Clerq, Histoire de la divination dans

I'antiquite, vol. 3 (Paris, 1879) pp. 151-152.

160.13. Vergilius. Andersson (op. oit. p.27 sqq.) has catalogued

numerous Vergilian passages from which Vegetius seems to have borrowed.

Those which are of interest here, dealing with weather forecasting, for

the most part belong to Georg. 1. Andersson's comment (op. cit. p. 30) on Vegetius1 debt to Vergil is worth quoting:

"... imitationes Vergilii etiam E. Sander (Zu Vegetius

IV 38; 41; Philol. Wochenschrift 48 [1928] p. 909 sq.) inspexit

sed ad scriptovem quendam rettulit, ex quo sumpsit Vegetius.

D. Schenk ilium soriptorem Frontinum fuisse I.I. p. 76 sqq.

iudioavit, quern in tertioet quarto libris conscribendis

Vegetium compilavisse contendit. Equidem non video, cur non

Vegetius ipse Vergilium imitari potuerit."

Pliny gives similar acknowledgement to Vergil {N.H. 18.209). 88

160.15. Haec. That is, the lore itself; the works of Vergil and

Varro are altior doctrina.

160.15. si se scire, etc. Without sciunt the relative adverb eatenus

might appear to dangle; Lang, following Forster, seems to have inserted

it to clarify the meaning of the sentence. To do so, however, is

unnecessary since anyone reading it would assume that scire in the

preceding clause indicates the verb .that is to be understood with

eatenus.

161.1. tertia pars. That is, water is the third of the basic sub•

stances of which the whole of creation is composed (earth, air, fire, water). Pliny {N.H. 2.10) and Seneca {N.Q. 3.12.3) call water the fourth

element while Lucretius (5.495 sqq.) seems to rank "it second.

161.2. suo - vegetatur. Since he considers water to have a mobility

of its own, apart from the influence of the winds, he must consider

the moon {cf. 161.11 sq.) to have only a small effect on it. Pliny, on the other hand, appreciates the importance of the sun and moon in

causing tides: N.H. 2. 212 sed aestus maris accedere ac reciprocare maxima mirum, pluribus quidem modis, verum causa in sole lunaque

161.4. aestu . . . rheuma. The tides and currents of the Mediterran• ean Sea are slight in comparison with those of the world's great oceans

{of. E. Semple, The Geography of the Mediterranean Region [New York,

1931] pp. 582 sqq.; M. Cary, The Geographic Background of Greek and 89

Roman History [Oxford, 1949] pp. 26-28; Casson, op. ait. p. 273). The rise and fall of the water level is not dramatic except in certain areas such as the Malic Gulf (cf. Herodotus 7.198), the Syrtes on the coast of Africa (of. Pliny, N.H. 5.26), Venice and the Hellespont.

Nevertheless, currents, even small ones, have a noticeable effect on rowing and sailing vessels, particularly in places where the force of the current can be multiplied, viz. near the shore and in narrows. The

Straits of Messina, for instance, were notorious for the treacherous currents racing through the narrows (of. Livy 21.49, 29.7; Polybius

34.2.5).

161.7. secunda adiuvat, retardat adversa. The effects of tide and current must be taken into account in the planning of a battle, and utilised. Vegetius advocates attacking when the flow of the tide opposes the enemy (cf. 163.14).

161.10. cui - ventus. Can Vegetius mean to say literally that the tide can cause a wind to stop blowing or reverse itself? Perhaps the statement ought to be interpreted as meaning that sometimes ships under full sail cannot make progress against a strong tide.

161.12. ideo - agnosoere. In this section Vegetius emphasises the importance of studying local conditions for the purpose of ensuring the safety of the ship. Later he demonstrates also how factors peculiar to a certain place may be turned to the enemy's disadvantage; cf.

163.13 si vento urguentur adverso, etc. 90

161.14. Nauticorum - vitentuv. Here Vegetius deals with the hazards of coastal waters; on the high seas these do not exist; cf. 161.17 tanto enim secuvitas maior est, quanto mare altius fuevit.

162,1. non ventomm flatibus - praestat. The mast and sail were often left ashore when a battle was to be fought, or at least they were unrigged and kept on board in case they should become useful; cf. Polybius 1.61.1 sqq.

Livy 36.44; Xenophon, Hell. 2.1.29; Thucydides 7.24.2; Dio 50.33.5.

Vegetius, however, thinks that the mast and sail were left in place for battle, for below (cf. 164.15 sqq.) he outlines a tactic for damaging the enemy's rigging. This may indicate that he is thinking specifically of the battle of Actium, at which Antony's fleet kept the sails on board, although not rigged until needed.

162.5. Malta - turribus. The mode of fighting that Vegetius describes in this chapter is typical of the Hellenistic Age, not the Late Empire.

The last practical display of these arts took place at Actium in 31 B.C.

Since after this important event there was no large-scale naval fighting going on, this sort of warfare fell into disuse. During the Empire the large ship that was used in pitched sea-battles was abandoned in favour of the smaller, faster liburnian. Zosimus' account of the battle between Constantine and Licinius (cf. Hist. Nov. 2.23) is rather sketchy, but it shows that the art of naval warfare had taken a step backward; Licinius' fleet, on the one hand, relied on the use of the ram, while Constantine's men in their freighters made every effort to grapple and board them. In these circumstances a man in Vegetius' 91

position would inevitably have recourse to more ancient sources in

order to learn how proper battles were fought in ships. For this

reason, Vegetius' comments have much in common with those of other

ancient authors dealing with naval battles, especially the battle of

Actium. Thus it is hardly surprising that their accounts should

have a similar ring. For instance, the sentences with which we are

dealing seem to echo passages in Dio's account of Actium: 50.33.8

{cf. also 50.23.3) e'xicaaev av xis i6oov xa yxyvo\ieva , cos yixpa yeyaAois

oyoxcoaou xeixecu xiatv r\ KCU vrfaois TTOAAOUS KCU TTVKVOUS CK 0aAaaans

TroAiopicouy evens, ouxoos ox yev e-rriBnvca xe xtov amcjxov wcmep nfreipou KCU

Epuyaxos xivos eTreipwvxo , KOL\ Travxa xa Is xouxo cj)epot/xo cmoi/5n irpoanyov oi d£ aTTeco8ouvxo ocuxous , o xi TTOX£ ev xoo xoiouxw ^xXci 6paa9ai ynxavwyevoi.

"Anyone watching the event might compare it, likening small things to

great, to walls or to many islands close together under siege from seaward.

Thus the one side would try to scale the boats as if storming a fortress

on land and earnestly brought forward all the weapons used for this,

while the others tried to repel them using whatever engines are employed

in such a case."

162.8. Quid - flammis. This comment adds nothing to our knowledge

of ancient sea battles, but it transmits the same sense of horror as

Dio's account of Actium -- battle on land is quite dangerous, but in a

sea battle those who escape being disembowelled by hooks and swords or

crushed by stones shot from catapults may yet perish by drowning or

burning {cf. Dio 50.35). 92

162.11. catafracti - oereis. Our author lists these same items as infantry equipment {cf. 23.10).

The body armour worn by Roman soldiers was not the same in all periods, but was changed according to need. There were three types used in the legions: hardened leather jerkins with metal shoulder plates, the lovioa segmentata and the cataphraotus, or lorica squamata

{of. G. Webster, The Roman Imperial Army [Oxford, 1969] pp. 29,124-127).

By the first century A.D. the lorica segmentata was the standard cuirass of the miles gregavius, or common soldier. This was composed of metal strips and plates, some riveted to leather and some hinged in order to give the wearer freedom of movement. In the third and fourth centuries, however, the lorica segmentata gave way to the cataphraotus, or coat of mail, which gave much better protection; cf.

Ammianus Marcellinus 24.4.15 Romani hostem undique lamminis ferreis in modum tenuis plumae oonteotum, fidentemque quod tela rigentis ferri lapsibus impaota resiliebant . . . laoessebant ''The Romans were attacking the enemy, who were covered completely with plates of iron that gave the appearance of a thin cover of feathers and who were confident because the missiles bounced off as they struck the hard iron." This kind of armour seems to have been known at Rome from at least the second century B.C. {cf. Webster, op. cit., p. 29) but was not commonly used until there was a greater need for better protection against the enemy's weapons. Daremberg and Saglio

{Diotionnaire des antiquites [Paris, 1904] s.v. lorica) observe that this superior armour was first adopted by senior soldiers such as centurions and Pretorian Guardsmen {cf. Dio 79.37) and later became 93 the standard issue of the Imperial armies. The cataphvactarii, fore• runners of the medieval knights, wore this sort of armour, and their horses as well wore body protection.

162.13. scuta . . . valldiora . . . et ampliora. Larger and heavier shields could easily be adopted by marines since in a naval battle there is no need to march about carrying the equipment.

162.15. harpagones. These devices are not the same as the contrivance mentioned in Book 1 (60.19) which is elsewhere (144.19-20) described as a scissor-like device called a lupus.

Although Appian {B.C. 5.118)credits Agrippa with the invention of the naval apTrct?, he probably merely revived its use, for Livy (30.10.

16-17) in fact shows that it was employed as early as the First Punic

War. This piece of equipment was actually an improved grappling device for catching hold of the enemy and pulling him alongside. With the grapple mounted on an iron-bound shaft to facilitate launching from a catapult it was possible to hook the enemy from a far greater distance.

To the butt of the shaft a chain was attached instead of a rope, so that once grappled the enemy could not sever the line. Moreover, even if the device failed to catch hold of the ship it would often wound and kill enemy marines, since it was launched with tremendous force.

Lucan (3.635-46) describes the bloody death of an unfortunate soldier standing in the path of such a weapon:

Fevrea dum puppi rapidos manus inserit uncos,

Adfixit Lyoidan. Mersus J'oret ille prof undo, Sed prohibent socii suspensaque crura reteriknt.

Scinditur avolsus, neo, sicut volnere, sanguis

Emicuit lentus; ruptis cadit undique venis,

Discursusque animae diversa in membra meantis

Interceptus aquis. Nullius vita perempti

Est tanta dimissa via. Pars ultima trunci

Tradidit in letum vacuos vitalibus artus;

At tumida quia pulmo iacet, qua viscera fervent,

Haeserunt ibi fata diu luctataque multum

Hac cum parte viri vix omnia membra tulerunt.

"Thus Lycidas was pierced by a grappling-iron that hurled its swift hooks on board. He would have sunk in the sea, but for his comrades who seized his legs as they swung in the air. He was torn asunder, and his blood gushed out, not trickling as from a wound, but raining on all sides from his severed arteries; and the free play of the life coming through the different limbs was cut off by the water. No other victim's

life escaped through so wide a channel. The lower half of his body resigned to death the limbs

that contain no vital organs; but where the lungs were full of air and the heart of heat, there death was long baffled and struggled hard with

this part of the man, till with difficulty it mastered the whole body " (Duff's translation). 162.14. Praeter - saxa. Vegetius' syntax is baffling. The

accusatives are easily understood to be dependent upon praeter;

clearly iaoula and saxa are nominative, subjects of diriguntur. In

the lines between these words, however, our author accumulates a

catalogue of words in the ablative case, comprising both the missiles

[sagittis, missibilibus, plumbatis) and the means for hurling them

[fundis, fustibalis, onagris, ballistis, scorpionibus). The latter

could well be regarded as ablatives of means or instrument, but

this certainly does not account for the former. No adequate explana•

tion has yet been offered, nor can I produce one.

162.16. fustibalis. Vegetius describes this device as a stick

four feet long with a sling attached (98.21) so that a man could launch

stones onager-fashion using his arms. It has a greater range than

the ordinary sling (58.5 sqq.).

162.16. plumbatis. Lewis and Short {s.v. plumbata) suggest that

these are lead balls. This meaning, however, suggests sling bullets,

the word for which is glandes. Nor is Vegetius likely to mean catapult balls, for the ancient references cited by E. Marsden in his excellent work [Greek and Roman Artillery': Historical Development

[Oxford, 1969] Index, s.v. "shot") usually mention stone projectiles, although metal ones are also known.

Schwebel [op. cit., p. 178) describes them as "javelins, or arrows combined with lead and feathers" and G.R. Watson [op. cit., p. 69) calls them "loaded javelins." By Vegetius1 own statements we 96

can see that they were hand-thrown missiles (148.15 sqq.) which in flight

resembled arrows (20.11 prope sagittariorum scutati imitari videntur

officium); and they were also called mattioharbuli (19.21; 49.7; 98.9).

162.16. onagris. The onager or "wild ass" was the one-armed, torsion-

powered stonethrower djovayKooVj of. Phi Ion, Pol. 91.36; Apollodorus,

Poliorcetioa W 188.2 sqq.). It consisted basically of a heavy oak

frame held together in the fashion of a frame saw by twisted ropes of

sinew. In the centre of the twists of sinew was placed a beam

resembling a yoke pole. At the end of this shaft was a sling of tow or an iron cup for the stone. The arm would be lowered, the stone

inserted in the sling, and the whole assembly released; the twisted

sinews would then snap the arm upwards, launching the stone [of.

Ammianus Marcel 1 inus 23.4.4-6; E. Marsden, Greek and Roman Artillery:

Technical Treatises[ Oxford, 1971 ] Plate 14 , Figures 1—6 ).

Ammianus Marcellinus refers to the same engine also as a catapult (cf. 24.2.13) and this name has been applied to the stone-

throwing onager since the Middle Ages. It should be noted, however,

that earlier catapult or KaxaTTeAxris denoted a two-armed arrow firer.

Because of its recoil the onager had to be set on a very stable pad {cf. Ammianus Marcellinus 23.4.5). Moreover, its heavy, horizontal wooden frame made it cumbersome to move and operate {cf.

Marsden, op. cit., p. 264; these observations are based on experience with working models). It is obvious that such pieces could not be used in smaller ships, such as Liburnian biremes; considerable space 97

would be required not only for the mounting and operating of the machines,

but also for the storage of projectiles. Even in the case of the

quinqueremes of the second century the rowers had to stabilize the

ships with their oars when the artillery was being discharged {cf. Livy

36.44.8). .

Sometimes heavier pieces were set on the specially constructed

artillery platforms amidships {cf. Athenaeus, Deipnosoph. 5.208c).

Possibly the more cumbersome pieces, onagers especially, were set on pads

fitted with bearings which allowed the "gunners" to swivel and aim them

in any direction quickly and easily (Figure 6 shows plans of such pads

recovered from the wrecks at Nemi, in which they were probably used for

some less warlike purpose).

162.16. ballistis. Vitruvius {De Arch 10.10-11) gives detailed

instructions for building these engines and I refer the reader to

Marsden's very detailed discussion {op. cit., pp. 194-205).

This engine consisted of a vertical wooden frame having two

springs of twisted sinew and two arms which were strung together giving

the impression of a giant crossbow. A versatile piece of artillery,

it could be made to fire either stones or bolts {cf. Caesar, B.C. 2.2).

Smaller arrow firers made on the two-armed pattern were called scorpiones {cf. Vegetius 144.7-9; Vitruvius, De Arch. 10.10.1). As

Marsden's illustrations show {Greek and Roman Artillery: Historical

Development [Oxford, 1969] Plates 4,6,7,8), weapons of this type were much less clumsy than onagers, being mounted and balanced on an up• right base. 98

Marsden {op. cit., p. 171) calculates that a quinquereme could carry three large ballistae, two comparatively small onagri,

"gunners", ammunition for these pieces and forty marines in addition to the ship's company. Larger vessels, of course, such as Antony's dekaremes, could carry even more armaments.

169.19. pontibus. Verbal similarities show that this passage may have been borrowed from Frontinus,, Strategemata 2.3.24: hostilem apprenderet navem, superieoto ponte transgrediebatur Romanus et in ipsorum ratibus comminus eos trucidabat. The two passages are iden• tical in sense and they are firmly connected by the word pons. Although it has commonly been translated as "boarding bridge" in both instances there is no evidence for the use of such devices in antiquity, except perhaps the sambuca {of. J.G. Landels, "Ship-Shape and Sambuea -

Fashion," JHS 86 [1966] pp. 69-77), a large ramp used at sieges of maritime cities.

Since Frontinus in the passage cited describes Roman tactics of the First Punic War, it is likely that for pons we ought to under• stand that he speaks of the oorvus {of. Polybius 1.22). Although the corvus was primarily a grappling device {cf. Athenaeus, Deipnosoph 208d,

KopctKes) it was also equipped with a deck and rails so that on those few occasions when necessity arose, it could be used as a bridge {cf.

H.T. Wallinga, The Boarding-Bridge of the Romans [Groningen, 1956] pp.

54-57; J.H. Thiel, A History of Roman Sea-Power Before the Second Punic

War [Amsterdam, 1954] pp. 101-128).

Being well aware that structures resembling siege-towers were commonly installed on the decks of fighting ships {cf. 5-8, 21 sqq.) 99

Vegetius could easily have assumed that pons in Frontinus meant the same sort of bridge that was incorporated in siege engines {of. 142.13 sqq.).

162.21. pvopugnacula. The "battlements" of a ship would be the rails, constructed either as a solid wooden wall or as a frame upon which shields could be hung. The well-known Praeneste relief (of. Casson,op. oit.3 Plates 130,132) shows the rail as a solid wall with shields that seem to be purely ornamental. The relief also shows a narrow deck or fighting platform extending outside the rail and hull, but it is difficult to tell whether the rail's uprights would be continuations of the ship's ribs or whether the rail is set inboard from the ship's side.

162.21. turresque. These towers, resembling wooden siege engines, were erected in the bows -- compare the English "forecastle" -- amid• ships and in the stern. So that they would not cause a hindrance to the sailors or obstruct the helmsman's vision they were taken down when not needed for fighting. Assembled, moreover, they could easily over• balance the ship if the water were at all rough, and especially during a battle alert, when they would be filled with stones (cf. Athenaeus,

Deipnosoph. 5.208c) in the same way as the city walls in Vegetius' treatise on sieges (cf. 133.19 sqq.). Athenaeus Mechanicus (27.7) and

Polybius (8.4.3-11) describe a tower-like device (actually a covered ladder) used in sea-borne sieges of coastal cities. Carried in a horizontal attitude, these were raised when the city wall was reached TOO and the soldiers would climb through them to the battlements.

163.1. excelsioribus tabulatis. At several points in his account of

Actium Dio emphasizes the advantages of fighting from the taller ships

{cf. 50.18.4-6, 23.2-3, 29.1, 32.8). Antony's speech before the battle explains the matter plainly: 50.18.6 TTOU 6n. KCU XO£OXOJV KCU ac))£v6ovnxu)v xoaouToov eTTiirAeovTcov, KCU frpoaexi KCU COTO TOOV Trupyoov avwOev auxoov

ecjuKVooyevoov Suvriaexai TXS 0

163.2. Oleo - succendunt. Presumably the same sort of incendiary devices are used in naval warfare as in seige warfare {cf. 140.13 sqq.).

Nothing could be more devastating to ancient ships than fire, since they were not only made of wood but were also smeared with wax and pitch. From very early times, therefore, men sought to destroy the ships of their enemies,first by burning them on the beaches {cf.

Homer, It. 15.701-702,718), then by carrying the flame against them at sea. In 190 B.C. the Rhodians became the first to use the simple fire-pot suspended on the end of a long pole ready to be dropped on the deck of any enemy ship that came near enough {cf. Polybius 21.7;

Suidas, Lexicon, s.v. Tnjp

{of. Thucydides 7.53.4; Frontinus, Stvategemata 4.7.14). The ultimate incendiary weapon of ancient times, apparently more deadly than the flaming missiles Vegetius mentions, was "Greek fire," a sort of flame- 101 thrower developed in the Byzantine fleets {of. R.H. Dolley, "Naval

Tactics in the Heyday of the Byzantine Thalassocraty" Atti 8° Congr.

Stud. Biz., vol. 1 [Roma, 1953] pp. 330-331; Casson, op. cit., pp. 152-

153).

163.6. saxo. As Vegetius has said previously (133.19 sqq.) stones may be hand-thrown, dropped, or launched from slings, staff-slings and artillery. In naval warfare large stones and lead weights called

"Dolphins" sometimes were suspended from the yard ends so that they could be dropped upon the enemy if he came alongside [cf. Thucydides

41.2; Diodorus 13.78.7, 79.3).

163.7. inter - corpora. The very thought of bodies being devoured by "sea monsters" in the aftermath of a naval engagement is the final horror for both Vegetius and Dio (of. 50.35.3). The ancient sources show that the Mediterranean is the home of many carnivors {e.g.

Pliny, N.H., 9.78; Athenaeus, Deipnosoph. 330a; Aristotle, Hist.

Anim. 540bl7). Pliny mentions that fish known to have eaten human flesh were a sought-after delicacy {N.H. 12.4). Oppian names the Ox ray as a man killer {cf. Halieutica 2.141 sqq.). D'Arcy Thompson

{A Glossary of Greek Fishes [Oxford, 1947] lists at least fifteen denizens of the Mediterranean that may be regarded as man eaters.

These are for the most part sharks and dogfish, scavengers rather than predators.

A geometric vase found at Pithekoussai, dating to the eighth century B.C. {cf G. Richter, A Handbook of Greek Art" [London, 102

1965] PI. 402, p. 283) shows a hapless, shipwrecked sailor being eaten

by a monstrous fish.

163.11. insidiae. Lying in wait for an unsuspecting victim was the

standard practice of pirates both ancient and modern {of. H.A. Ormerod,

Piracy in the Ancient World [London, 1924] Chapter 1). This, one would

think, is hardly the sort of tactic the serious admiral would employ

because of the apparent difficulty of carrying it off on a large scale.

Imagine trying to conceal a large fleet behind a small island! Never•

theless, Octavian's naval forces surprised Antony's on several occasions

before the battle of Actium {cf. Dio 50.11.1-3, 12.5, 14.2). In a

much earlier battle, the famous Persian disaster at Salami's, the Greeks,

by Aeschylus' account, seem to have taken the enemy by surprise {Persai

384-405). This was not what could be called an ambuscade, but none•

theless the Greek fleet was out of the Persians' sight until the last

moment before the engagement, and were attacking instead of fleeing as

the Persians had expected.

163.12. si longo remigio fatigati sunt. Sander ( Mus- 99 [1956], p.

165 ) suggests that this is based upon Frontinus, Strategemata 2.1.1 and

3.2.14; dealing with land warfare, these passages are not at all relevant.

What Sander suggests, then, is that Vegetius has adapted the strategem

of ambush on land to naval warfare. This is implausible since Vegetius,

not having any direct knowledge of seamanship and naval tactics, would

probably not be competent to make such an application. It is much more

likely that he is reporting something that he has read or heard of in 103 connection with an historical event (some examples are cited above, note to 163.11 insidiae).

The same objection applies to Sander's attempt to link Vegetius' next comment {si pro rostris est rhewna) with Frontinus, Strategemata

1.5.12, 2.1.15 and 2.2.8.

163.15. si statio - habet. In the preceding conditional clauses

Vegetius has outlined opportune occasions for engaging the enemy. This clause and the next, si dimicandi, etc., describe circumstances under which there will certainly be a fight. A wise admiral would not join battle with his men fatigued or with the wind and current opposing him; but if he is "cornered" he must fight his way past the blockade. This was the position into which Themistocles manoeuvred the Greek fleet at Sal amis and the predicament in which Antony found himself at

Actium.

163.19. acies3 non directae . . . sed inourvae. A concave battle line facilitates turning the enemy's flanks, particularly if he is drawn towards the deceptively yielding centre. It is important also to match the length of the enemy's line, lest he execute a flanking manoeuvre; the line, moreover, ought not to curve back too sharply or deeply, but ought to describe an arc somewhat less than a semicircle

{of. Syrianus Magister, Naumach. 9.26, 31).

The acies inourva was such a standard strategem in the popular impression that it became virtually a commonplace in Roman accounts of naval engagements. In Lucan's rhetorical version of the 104

battle against the Massaliotes (Phavs. 3.514-752) it is mentioned, while Caesar (B.C. 1.56-58) gives it no place in his factual account of

the same engagement. Similarly, Plutarch [Aug. 65) says nothing of a curved battle line in connection with the battle of Actium, despite

its appearance in Dio's detailed account (50.31.5 sqq.; of. Propertius

4.6.25). Indeed, there is good reason for doubting that the curved formation was employed on this occasion (of. W.W. Tarn, "The Battle of

Actium," JRS 21 [1931] pp. 173-199; J.M. Carter, The Battle of Actium

[London, 1970] p. 220).

164.5. alto et libevo mavi. The loss of "fighting thrust" is unim• portant in comparison with two other possible results of taking up an inshore battle position. The first is the loss of more ships on the rocks of a lee shore than in the actual fighting -- the very disaster which befell Licinius' fleet in A.D. 324 (cf. JZbsimus Hist. Nov.

2.24.2). Vegetius has elsewhere recommended that the deep water is safer (161.17). The other is the psychological advantage given to the enemy in the offshore position; those nearest the shore may be tempted to break off the engagement and take refuge on land, partic• ularly if it is a friendly shore (cf. Leo, Peri Thai, in A. Dain,

Naumachia [Paris, 1946] p. 26). This is a further illustration of the general principle stated earlier (146.6-8) that the enemy should always be left an avenue of escape as a temptation to cut and run. 105

164.10. assev. No such weapon is mentioned by other ancient author•

ities. Dio mentions that the Veneti joked about Caesar's fleet,saying

that they would sink the Roman galleys with their "poles" (39.41.2 =

Caesar, B.G. 3.14) probably meaning boat-hooks. Clearly, however, the

point of the joke is that the Roman ships seemed very weak and flimsy,

almost oversized canoes, in comparison with the heavy-timbered Gallic

craft.

The assev and the falx described here bear the same relation•

ship to one another as the avies and the falx of siege warfare {of.

137.10 sqq.); the one is a heavy instrument which delivers forceful

blows with its blunt end, and the other, a shaft with a blade mounted

at its tip.

Vegetius' naval ram, or assev, seems a very unwieldy weapon;

a beam of any considerable size or weight swinging on a mast would

certainly cause the ship to rock, possibly to capsize.

164.15. falx. In Homer {of. II. 15.388,677) we read of long pikes

used for cutting the enemy's rigging and wounding his men. Caesar's men found them particularly useful in action against ships that could outsail their own:

B.G. 3.14.5-7 = Dio 39.43.4. Una evat magno usui ves

pvaepavata a nostvis, faloes pvaeacutae insevtae adfixaeque

longuviis, non absimili fovma muralium falcium. His cum

funes qui antemnas ad malos destinabant comprehensi

adductique evant, navigio vemis incitato pvaecidebant, ut,

cum omnia Galliois navibus spes in velis avmamentisque 106

consisteret, his eveptis, omnis usus navium uno tempore

eriperetur. "One thing prepared by our men was of

great use -- sharp, hooked blades combined with and

fixed to long poles, a device not unlike the hooks used

against walls. When the ropes fastening the yards to

the masts were seized by these, and pulled as the ship

was driven forward by the oars, they cut them; and so

since all the hope of the Gallic vessels lay in their

sails and rigging, once these were snatched away all the

usefulness of the ships was removed at a stroke."

Since mast and sail were usually left ashore or taken down in battle situations, the falx was probably not widely used in military fleets. However, Philostratus (imagines 1.19.3 Speuava em 6opaxojv) mentions its use by pirates. Undoubtedly the falx was effective against merchantmen which relied chiefly on their sails for power.

164.17. chalatorios. This emendation is favoured by Keller, Turnebus and others as well as by Lang. Substituting the Greek letter x for

Latin o or chy we may easily derive an adjective chalatorius from xaAaoo, to loosen or let fall. In our text it would be a substantive (funes chalatorios) meaning "ropes for lowering."

Since neither chalatorios nor collatorios is otherwise known in the Latin vocabulary of seafaring there is no reason for favouring the one more than the other. Nevertheless, it is possible to identify the part of the rigging which they denote; namely, the ropes that support the yard and sail. 107

Casson suggests that Vegetius means "lifts" (cf. "Studies in

Ancient Sails and Rigging," American Studies in Papyrology, vol. 1

[New Haven, 1966] p. 56). This seems an unlikely interpretation since when the sail is set the lifts would be high aloft, out of reach of the falx (see Figure 7); nor does it seem possible that the man with the falx would have time to cut them all, for in some ancient representations there are as many as eight (e.g. Casson, Ships and Seamanship, Plate

141). Moreover, according to Casson's interpretation of a ship's rigging (op. cit. , Plate 171; Figure 7b) the sail would be supported by the halyards even after all the lifts were cut. It is also important that Casson's immoveable lifts do not allow for the lowering of the sail.

J. Rouge ("Recherches sur 1'organisation du commerce maritime,"

Ec. prat, hautes et., 6 me sec. Cent. rech. hist., etc. 21 [Paris, 1966] p. 52) is probably correct in suggesting "halyards," the ropes used for lowering and raising the sail and yard. Certainly it would be easier to cut these lines than the lifts since they descend along the mast to the deck (see Figure 7a).

165.4. minoribus - gubernaoula. This, must have been an extremely perilous operation; a small boat close alongside a large ship would be completely at its mercy if seen by the enemy crew.

165.8. lusoriis. This word, coming from lusus, means literally

"pleasure boat," as in Seneca (De Benef. 7.20.3). This does not mean that the "cutters on the Danube" were luxury yachts, but that they were 108 not intended for naval battle -- i.e. they lacked rams. Thus the word lusoria may denote any of the various kinds of craft that might be put to military use, such as lembi in Ammianus Marcellinus (17.13.17).

The Theodosian Code (7.17) mentions judiciariae and agrarienses, names that refer probably to the ships' business rather than their class or design.

These lusoriae constituted a separate branch of the armed services which Vegetius passes over with a mere mention here (see note on 165.9 reticendum puto)although he has earlier indicated that there are two naval services, unum liburnarum, aliud lusoriarum (34.13-14).

165.8. in Danubio. The first permanent river fleets, like the deep sea fleets were founded by Augustus. Throughout the imperial period the squadrons on the. Rhine, the Danube, the Euphrates, the Nile and other rivers formed an important tactical arm of the landward defences,

"spying out conflicts or an opportunity for expeditions" {Theodosian

Code 7.17), transporting supplies and swiftly carrying troops to troubled areas (of. Tacitus, Ann. 13.53).

The Danube fleet comprised fifteen separate commands accord• ing to the Notitia Dignitatum, compiled perhaps in Vegetius' own lifetime.

165.9. vetioendum puto. Hitherto Vegetius has been dealing with the ancient military organisation. In this single instance he indicates that he knows more of current practices than he is prepared to divulge. Several possible explanations for this present themselves. 109

Possibly he avoids such an up-to-date subject as being out of place in this work which was to be based on the treatises of more ancient authorities (cf. 5.3 sqq.); nor, indeed, had any of these much to say about river fleets. Perhaps, on the other hand, our author restrains himself out of prudence from commenting on the reigning emperor's disposition of the Danube fleets, lest he appear to offer unwelcome criticism. Again, we might guess that his silence has been brought on by a reluctance to discuss publicly any details of the operations of this important arm of the empire's defensive forces, lest such information reach an enemy outside the frontier. 110a

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ILLUSTRATIONS 126

Figure 1. Map of the Adriatic Basin. 127

Aparctias (Septentrio)

Thrascias Boreas (Circius) (Aquilo)

Iapyx Kaikias (Favonius) (Euroborus) Zephyrus Apheliotes (Subvespertinus) (Subsolanus)

Lips Eurus (Africus) (Volturnus)

Libonotus Leukonotus (Corus) (Albus Notus)

Notub (Auster)

Figure 2. Vegetius' Windrose. Vegetius Seneca Pliny Suet/lsid. Vitruvius Gellius Aristotle N.Q. V,xvi N.H. 11,119-121 Rer.Nat.37 1,6,4-5,10 11,22 Meteor.363a-364a Caecias Kaikias Caecias Vulturnus Caecias Aquilo (Euroborus) (Caecias) (Boreas)

Apheliotes Subsolanus Subsolanus Subsolanus Solanus Eurus » , * (Subsolanus) (Apheliotes) (Apeliotes) (Apeliotes) (Apheliotes, a7tr)Aia>Tri<; ^nhsr&l /arm c ^ Eurus Eurus Vulturnus Eurus Eurus Volturnus (Vulturnus) (Vulturnus) (Eurus) eupoq Volturnus (Euronotus) Leukonotus Leukonotus Phoenix Euroauster Leukonotus (Albus Notus)

Libonotus Euronotus Libonotus Euronotus Libonotus (Corus)

Lips Africus Africus Africus . Africus Africus (Africus) (Lips) (Lips) (Lips) Subvesperus (Lips) Zephyrus Favonius Favonius Zephyrus Favonius Favonius ^ecpupoc, (Subvespertinus) (Zephyrus) (Zephyrus) (Favonius) Circias (Zephyrus) Iapyx Corus Corus Corus Caurus Caurus (Favonius) (Argestes) (Argestes) (Argestes) (Argestes, Corus (o\up.Triac,, CKI pt T flnvv^ —^ r J / Thrascias Thraskias Thrascias Circius Thracias (Circius) (Thrascias)

Aparctias Septemtrio Septentrio Septentrio Septentrio Septentrionarius Bopeaq f (Septentrio) (Aparktias) (Aparctias) (Aparktias) (a;rapHT ia<;) Boreas Aquilo Aquilo (Boreas) Aquilo Supernas (A.quilo) Meses (Boreas) 129

CIG vol.14.1308.

ORI SEP occ, M E RI TEN

ENS TR)0 DENS DIES

A<|>H KAIKI B0P6 Arw 0PA i A nY = zeY AIY AIBO NO 6YPO CY Al (0 AC AC tic KIAC KIAC CHO POC AFRI NOTOC TOC NOTOC POC TH C UUL CIR FAVO AVSTRO EVRO AQVI SEPTEN RVS CVS AVSTER EV SOLA TUR LO TRIO CIVS NIVS AFRI AVS RVS NVS NVS CVS TER

c. CIL vol.8 .26652 b. CIG 518. 6 lOPEAE Boreas SEPTENTRIO AQVILO EVROAQVILO KAI MAE Kcuxlae e APHAinTHZ uuLTVRNTS EVRVS LEVCONOTVS EYPOZ NOTOZ NO'TO? 9 A I t AAJ/ LIBONOTVS AFR.CVS AVSTER _EYPOZ Zlcpvgoe m ZK i pan k ARGESTES CIRCIVS FAONI

Figure 4. Wind Lists from inscriptions. o ®

o ® o ® o ® o ®

019 o ® o ® o ® o ®

Figure 5. Diagram illustrating the principle of multiple-rower oars. 131

Figure 6. Revolving pads from the Nemi Ships(Ucelli,Fig. 211,213). 132

Figure 7. Running rigging.