Catholic Reformation in Protestant Britain For John Bossy Catholic Reformation in Protestant Britain

ALEXaNDra WaLSHaM Trinity College, Cambridge, UK First published 2014 by Ashgate Publishing

Published 2016 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN 711 T hird Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business Copyright © Alexandra Walsham 2014 Alexandra Walsham has asserted her right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the author of this work.

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British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

The Library of Congress has cataloged the printed edition as follows: Walsham, Alexandra, 1966– Catholic Reformation in Protestant Britain / by Alexandra Walsham. pages cm.—(Catholic Christendom, 1300–1700) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-7546-5723-1 (hardcover) 1. Counter-Reformation—Great Britain. 2. Catholic Church—Great Britain—History—16th century. 3. Catholic Church—Great Britain—History—17th century. 4. Counter-Reformation— England. 5. Catholic Church—England—History—16th century. 6. Catholic Church—England—History—17th century. 7. Great Britain—Church history— 16th century. 8. Great Britain—Church history—17th century. 9. England— Church history—16th century 10. England—Church history—17th century. I. Title. BX1492.W275 2015 282’.41009031—dc23 2013043325

ISBN 9780754657231 (hbk) Contents

List of Figures vii Series Editor’s Preface xi Preface and Acknowledgements xiii List of Abbreviations xvii

1 In the Lord’s Vineyard: Catholic Reformation in Protestant Britain 1

PART I CONSciENcE AND CONFORMiTY

2 Yielding to the Extremity of the Time: Conformity and Orthodoxy 53

3 England’s Nicodemites: Crypto-Catholicism and Religious Pluralism 85

4 Ordeals of Conscience: Casuistry and Confessional Identity 103

PART II MIRAcLES AND MiSSiONARiES

5 Miracles and the Counter-Reformation Mission 129

6 Holywell and the Welsh Catholic Revival 177

7 Catholic Reformation and the Cult of Angels 207

PART III COMMUNicATiON AND CONVERSiON

8 Dumb Preachers: Catholicism and the Culture of Print 235

9 Unclasping the Book? The Douai-Rheims Bible 285 vi Catholic ReFormation in ProteStant Britain

10 This New Army of Satan: the Jesuit Mission and the Formation of Public Opinion 315

PART IV TRANSLATiON AND TRANSMUTATiON

11 Translating Trent? English Catholicism and the Counter Reformation 341

12 Beads, Books and Bare Ruined Choirs: Transmutations of Ritual Life 369

Bibliography 399 Index 473 List of Figures

2.1 ‘Reasons of Refusall’: Robert Persons, A brief discours containing certayne reasons why Catholiques refuse to goe to Church (Douai [London secret press], 1580), title-page. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library. Shelfmark Peterborough.E.5.12. 58 2.2 Bell’s ‘comfortable advertisement’ on conformity denounced: Henry Garnet, An apology against the defence of schisme ([London secret press], 1593), title- page. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library. Shelfmark Syn.8.59.123. 65

5.1 Garnet’s straw: ‘Miraculosa effigies R.P. Henrici Garneti’: from Andreas Eudaemon-Joannes, Apologia (Cologne, 1610). © The Trustees of the British Museum. Department of Prints and Drawings: 1861,0518.1314; AN1024564. 148 5.2 Image of the crucifix discovered in the trunk of an ash tree on the estate of Sir Thomas Stradling in Glamorganshire, 1561: Nicholas Harpsfield,Dialogi sex contra summi pontificatus, monasticae vitae, sanctorum, sacrarum imaginum oppugnatores, et pseudomartyres (Antwerp, 1573 edn), fold-out plate attached to p. 369. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library. Shelfmark Pet. A. 2.8. 155 5.3 The interior vision that led to the conversion of John Genings: John Genings, The life and death of Mr Edmund Geninges (St Omer, 1614), facing p. 94. By permission of the Master and Fellows of Trinity College, Cambridge. Shelfmark C. 10.80(1). 164

6.1 Exterior of the chapel over St Winefride’s Well. © Crown copyright: Royal Commission on Ancient and Historical Monuments of Wales. 180 6.2 Bathing pool of St Winefride’s Well. © Crown copyright: Royal Commission on Ancient and Historical Monuments of Wales. 181 viii CatholIc ReformatIon In Protestant BrItaIn

6.3 Interior of St Winefride’s Well. © Crown copyright: Royal Commission on Ancient and Historical Monuments of Wales. 182 6.4 Robert, abbot of Shrewsbury, The admirable life of Saint Wenefride virgin, martyr, abbesse, trans. J[ohn] F[alconer] ([St Omer], 1635), title-page and frontispiece. Courtesy of Special Collections, University of Exeter. Shelfmark Syon Abbey 1635/ROB. 190 6.5 The martyrdom of St Winefride: Giovanni Battista de Cavalleriis, Ecclesiae Anglicanae Trophaea (Rome, [1584]). © The British Library Board. Shelfmark 551.e.35. 192 6.6 Holywell in the early eighteenth century: engraving. © The Trustees of the British Museum. Prints and Drawings: AN128898001, Registration number: 1867,0309.638; British XVIIc Mounted Roy. 200

7.1 Jeremias Drexelius, The angel guardian’s clock (Rouen, [1630]), title-page. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library. Shelfmark Syn.8.62.6. 218

8.1 Henry VIII distributing the word of God (verbum dei) to the English people: The bible in Englyshe [The Great Bible] (London, 1539), title-page. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library. Shelfmark Young 35. 236 8.2 The bible outweighing all the pope’s ‘trinkets’: A new-yeeres-gift for the pope ([London, c.1625]). By permission of the Pepys Library, Magdalene College, Cambridge. 237 8.3 ‘A Showe of the Protestants Petigrew as ye have it before at large deducted’, in The apologie of Fridericus Staphylus … intreating of the true and right understanding of holy Scripture: of the translation of the Bible in to the vulgar tongue: of disagreement in doctrine amonge the Protestants, trans. Thomas Stapleton (Antwerp, 1565), fold-out plate, between sigs Gg4 and Hh1. © The British Library Board. Shelfmark 698.d.1. 255 8.4 The execution of Margaret Clitherow at York, 1586, from Richard Verstegan, Theatrum crudelitatum haereticorum nostri temporis (Antwerp, 1587), p. 77. © The British Library Board. Shelfmark 4570.d.21. 262 LIst of FIgures ix

8.5 Protestant laypeople following the preacher in their bibles compared with Catholics fingering their rosary beads: John Foxe, Actes and monuments (London, 1610 edn), detail from title-page. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library. Shelfmark K*7.1. 271 8.6, 8.7 Books for the illiterate?: Godly contemplations for the unlearned ([Antwerp, 1575]), title-page and sig. H1r. By permission of the President and Fellows of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. Shelfmark Δ.14.10. 277 8.8 The literature of private prayer: A method, to meditate on the psalter, or great rosarie of our blessed ladie (Antwerp [English secret press], 1598), sigs E8v–F1r. © The British Library Board. Shelfmark 3456.aa.10. 279

9.1 The Rheims New Testament: The new testament of Jesus Christ, translated faithfully into English, out of the authentical Latin (Rheims, 1582), title-page. By permission of the Master and Fellows of Trinity College, Cambridge. Shelfmark C.12.23. 288 9.2 Anti-Protestant annotations on Colossians 2: The new testament of Jesus Christ, translated faithfully into English, out of the authentical Latin (Rheims, 1582), pp. 540–41. By permission of the Master and Fellows of Trinity College, Cambridge. Shelfmark C.12.23. 305 9.3 St Mark writing the Gospel: The new testament … the fourth edition, enriched with pictures ([Rouen?], 1633), illustration facing sig. A1r. Courtesy of Special Collections, University of Exeter. Shelfmark 1633/BIB. 311

10.1 A Protestant warning to beware of false prophets: A newe secte of friars called Capichini ([London, 1580]). © The British Library Board. Shelfmark Huth 50 (43). 326

12.1 ‘Certaine of the Popes Merchandize lately sent over into England’, fold-out plate in B[ernard] G[arter], A newe yeares gifte dedicated to the popes holiness and all the Catholikes addicted to the sea of Rome (London, 1579). © The British Library Board. Shelfmark 3932.dd.15. 378 12.2 ‘Lady Hungerford’s Meditations upon the Beades’, fold-out plate in John Bucke, Instructions on the use of the beades (Louvain, 1589). © The British Library Board. Shelfmark Huth 75. 380 x CatholIc ReformatIon In Protestant BrItaIn

12.3 ‘The Prospect of Glasenbury Abby’: William Stukeley, Itinerarium Curiosum (London, 1724), plate 37. By permission of the Syndics of Cambridge University Library. Shelfmark Ll.11.61. 390 12.4 The ruined Lady Chapel, Mount Grace Priory, a destination of Catholic pilgrims in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: Samuel and Nathaniel Buck, A Collection of Engravings of Castles, and Abbeys in England, 3 vols (London, 1726–39), i. 12. By permission of the Master and Fellows of Trinity College, Cambridge. Shelfmark L. 6.56–58. 391 Series Editor’s Preface

Catholic Christendom, 1300–1700 counter-balances the traditional, still-influential understanding of medieval (or Catholic) and reformation (or Protestant) religious history that has long resulted in neglect of the middle ground, both chronological and ideological. Continuities between the middle ages and early modern Europe remain overlooked or underestimated, in contrast to the radical discontinuities, and in studies of the later period especially, the identification of ‘reformation’ with various kinds of Protestantism too often leaves evidence of the vitality and creativity of the Catholic church, whether in its Roman or local manifestations, out of account. The series therefore covers all varieties of religious behavior, broadly interpreted, not just (or even mainly) traditional institutional and doctrinal church history, and is to the maximum degree possible interdisciplinary, comparative and global, as well as non-confessional. The goal is to understand religion, primarily of the ‘Catholic’ variety, as a broadly human phenomenon, rather than as a privileged mode of access to superhuman realms, even implicitly. The period covered, 1300–1700, embraces the moment which saw an almost complete transformation of the place of religion in the life of Europeans, whether considered as a system of beliefs, as an institution, or as a set of social and cultural practices. In 1300, vast numbers of Europeans, from the pope down, fully expected Jesus’s return and the beginning of His reign on earth. By 1700, very few Europeans, of whatever level of education, would have subscribed to such chiliastic beliefs. Pierre Bayle’s notorious sarcasms about signs and portents are not idiosyncratic. Likewise, in 1300 the vast majority of Europeans probably regarded the pope as their spiritual head; the institution he headed was probably the most tightly integrated and effective bureaucracy in Europe. Most Europeans were at least nominally Christian, and the pope had at least nominal knowledge of that fact. The papacy, as an institution, played a central role in high politics, and the clergy in general formed an integral part of most governments, whether central or local. By 1700, Europe was divided into a myriad of different religious allegiances, and even those areas officially subordinate to the pope were both more nominally Catholic in belief (despite colossal efforts at imposing uniformity) and also in allegiance than they had been four hundred years earlier. The pope had xii Catholic Reformation in Protestant Britain become only one political factor, and not one of the first rank. The clergy, for its part, had virtually disappeared from secular governments as well as losing much of its local authority. The stage was set for the Enlightenment.

Thomas F. Mayer, Founding Series Editor Preface and Acknowledgements

This collection of essays is intended as a contribution to our understanding of how the Catholics of England, Wales, and to a lesser extent Scotland, responded to the Reformation and adapted to the proscription and persecution of their religion in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. It reflects the development of my thinking on post-Reformation Catholicism in the years since the publication of Church Papists: Catholicism, Conformity and Confessional Polemic in Early Modern England (1993). Prefaced by an extended introduction written especially for this volume, the chapters presented here in revised, updated and expanded form were published between 2000 and 2010. Some were commissioned for volumes; others appeared in journals and conference proceedings. Despite their genesis at different times during the last decade and a half, collectively they offer a coherent vision of how these minority Catholic communities energetically resisted their absorption into the Protestant kingdoms that comprised the British Isles. Readers will note points of intersection and themes in common between the essays. I have not sought to eliminate all areas of repetition, in order to preserve the integrity of the arguments developed in individual chapters. Errors have been corrected, new evidence has been incorporated where it has come to light and adjustments have been made to signal and reflect more recent historiographical interventions. Earlier versions of these essays appeared in the following locations. Chapter 2: ‘“Yielding to the Extremity of the Time”: Conformity, Ortho- doxy and the Post-Reformation Catholic Community’, in Peter Lake and Michael Questier (eds), Conformity and Orthodoxy in the English Church 1560–1642 (Boydell and Brewer, 2000), pp. 211–36. Chapter 3: ‘England’s Nicodemites: Crypto-Catholicism and Religious Pluralism in the Post-Reformation Context’, in Keith Cameron, Mark Greengrass and Penny Roberts (eds), The Adventure of Religious Pluralism in Early Modern France (Peter Lang 2000), pp. 287–303. Chapter 4: ‘Ordeals of Conscience: Casuistry, Conformity and Confessional Identity in Early Modern England’, in Harald Braun and Edward Vallance (eds), Contexts of Conscience in Early Modern Europe 1500–1700 (Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), pp. 32–48, 191–6. Chapter 5: ‘Miracles and the Counter-Reform- ation Mission to England’, Historical Journal, 46 (2003), 779–815; Chapter 6: ‘Holywell: Contesting Sacred Space in Post-Reformation Wales’, in Will Coster and Andrew Spicer (eds), Sacred Space in Early Modern xiv Catholic Reformation in Protestant Britain

Europe (Cambridge University Press, 2005), pp. 209–36. Chapter 7: ‘Catholic Reformation and the Cult of Angels in Early Modern England’, in Joad Raymond (ed.), Conversations with Angels: Essays Towards a History of Spiritual Communication 1100–1700 (Palgrave Macmillan, 2011), pp. 273–94. Chapter 8: ‘“Domme Preachers”? Post-Reformation English Catholicism and the Culture of Print’, Past and Present, 168 (2000), 72–123. Chapter 9: ‘Unclasping the Book? Post-Reformation English Catholicism and the Vernacular Bible’, Journal of British Studies, 42 (2003), 141–67. Chapter 10: ‘This Newe Army of Satan’: The Jesuit Mission and the Formation of Public Opinion in Elizabethan England’, in David Lemmings and Claire Walker (eds), Moral Panics, the Press and the Law in Early Modern England (Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), pp. 41–62. Chapter 11: ‘Translating Trent? English Catholicism and the Counter Reformation’, Historical Research, 78 (2005), 288–310. Chapter 12: ‘Beads, Books and Bare Ruined Choirs: Transmutations of Catholic Ritual Life in Protestant England’, in Benjamin Kaplan, Bob Moore, Henk van Nierop and Judith Pollmann (eds), Catholic Communities in Protestant States: Britain and the Netherlands c.1570–1720 (Manchester University Press, 2009), pp. 103–22. I am very grateful to the editors, presses and journals listed for permission to republish these essays in revised form. As this book was going to press, news reached me that Thomas Mayer had lost his battle with cancer. I shall always be grateful to him for his interest in including this volume in his ‘Catholic Christendom’ series, which now stands as a memorial to him. At Ashgate Tom Gray has displayed quite remarkable reserves of patience in the face of repeated and embarrassing delays due to other publishing commitments, heavy administrative burdens and moving institutions. I thank him for his long- suffering. Acknowledgement must also be made of the British Academy, the Leverhulme Trust, the University of Exeter and the University of Cambridge for funding the research on which various parts of this book are based and for providing sabbatical leave. Among the many libraries and archives in which I have worked, I particularly wish to acknowledge the Archives of the Archdiocese of Westminster; Archives of the British Province of the Society of Jesus; Bodleian Library, Oxford; British Library; Downside Abbey; University of Exeter Library; Folger Shakespeare Library, Washington, DC; National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth; and, above all, the Cambridge University Library. I should like to reiterate the thanks I extended to a number of friends, colleagues and fellow scholars on the first publication of these essays. For passing on references, reading drafts, offering constructive criticism, saving me from serious mistakes and offering general encouragement, I owe much to Margaret Aston, Julia Crick, Simon Ditchfield, Eamon Duffy, Tom Freeman, Mark Greengrass, Sarah Hamilton, Arnold Hunt, Preface and Acknowledgements xv

Elizabeth Ingram, Paulina Kewes, David Lemmings, Scott Mandelbrote, Peter Marshall, Tom McCoog, John Morrill, Judith Pollmann, Michael Questier, Joad Raymond, Alec Ryrie, Ethan Shagan, Alison Shell, Bill Sherman, Andrew Spicer and Lucy Wooding. As well as providing all these services, Anne Dillon has been a particular source of wisdom and kindness. Laura Kounine did excellent technical work in converting some of the chapters into suitable electronic formats. Stephen Cummins compiled the bibliography efficiently. It is a pleasure to mention several of my recent and current research students: Carys Brown, Liesbeth Corens, Andrew Czaja, Aislinn Muller and Coral Stoakes, whose exciting new work in this field has stimulated my thinking. I have additionally benefited from the sensible advice of the editors and referees of the journals in which several of these essays appeared, and the members of the seminar audiences to which earlier versions were presented. The embryo of the introduction was a paper delivered at a symposium in honour of Christopher Haigh at Jesus College, Oxford, in 2009; the invitation to give a plenary lecture at the ‘What was Early Modern English Catholicism?’ conference at Ushaw College, Durham, in 2013 helped me to improve a later draft considerably. It is a matter of tremendous regret and sadness that two of those who contributed significantly to the making of this collection are no longer with us. Chapter 7 was originally written in memory of Trevor Johnson, whose sudden death in June 2007 shocked his contemporaries and robbed Counter Reformation history of one of its brightest stars. The second loss recorded here is that of my former doctoral supervisor, Patrick Collinson, whose immensely subtle studies of puritanism remain a reservoir of inspiration, and whose support throughout the 21 years I knew him was constant and unfailing. The dedication records my debt to the greatest scholar of English Catholicism of the last century, John Bossy. His generosity to a young scholar at the start of her career and his continuing friendship have been of enormous importance.

Alexandra Walsham West Wratting ThIs paGe has been left blanK IntentIonallY List of Abbreviations

AAW Archives of the Archdiocese of Westminster, London AHR American Historical Review APC Acts of the Privy Council, ed. John Roche Dasent, 32 vols (London, 1890–1907) ARCR A.F. Allison and D.M. Rogers, The Contemporary Printed Literature of the English Counter-Reformation between 1558 and 1640: An Annotated Catalogue, 2 vols (Alder- shot, 1989–94) ARG Archiv für Reformationsgeschichte BL British Library, London Bodl. Bodleian Library, Oxford CHR Catholic Historical Review Clancy Thomas H. Clancy, English Catholic Books, 1641–1700: A Bibliography (Chicago, 2nd edn 1996). CRS Catholic Record Society CS Camden Society CSPD Calendar of State Papers Domestic, of the Reigns of Edward VI, Mary I, Elizabeth I, and James I, 12 vols, eds R. Lemon and M.A.E. Green (London, 1856–72) EETS Early English Text Society EHR English Historical Review ERL English Recusant Literature 1558–1640, 394 vols, select. and ed. D.M. Rogers (London, 1968–79). Foley Henry Foley, Records of the English Province of the Society of Jesus, 7 vols in 8 (London, 1877–84) HJ Historical Journal HMC Historical Manuscripts Commission JBS Journal of British Studies JEH Journal of Ecclesiastical History JEMH Journal of Early Modern History JMH Journal of Modern History JRH Journal of Religious History Morris John Morris, The Troubles of our Catholic Forefathers, 3 vols (London, 1872–77). NH Northern History NLW National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth xviii CatholIc ReformatIon In Protestant BrItaIn

NS New Series ODNB Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (http://www. oxforddnb.com/) OED Oxford English Dictionary (http://www.oed.com/) OS Original Series, Old Series P&P Past and Present PS Parker Society RH Recusant History SCH Studies in Church History SCJ Sixteenth-Century Journal SP State Papers STC A.W. Pollard and G.R. Redgrave, A Short Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland and Ireland and of English Books Printed Abroad, 1475–1640, revised and enlarged by W.A. Jackson, F.S. Ferguson and Kathleen F. Pantzer, 3 vols (1976–91). TNA The National Archives, Kew TRHS Transactions of the Royal Historical Society

In quotations from primary sources, unless otherwise stated, the original spelling has been retained, though the letters i and j, u and v have been made to conform to modern usage, and the archaic ‘thorn’ letter has been transcribed as ‘th’. Punctuation and capitalisation have generally been modernised, and abbreviations and contractions have been silently expanded. All dates are in Old Style, but the year has been taken to begin on 1 January. CHAPTER 1 In the Lord’s Vineyard: Catholic Reformation in Protestant Britain

This collection of essays opens with a prayer: a fervent ‘prayer for the reparatione and reformatione of our Countrie’. Adjoined to Adam King’s translation of Peter Canisius’s influential catechism, it implored ‘maist merciful God’ to ‘look upon thy kirks prophaned be the hands of infidels, and the afflictione of thy deer flock’ and ‘cairfullie visite the vynyaird planted be thy right hand whilk the wyld bair trawails to wort and root out: strengthen the labourars thairof against the raige of thame who seiks to destroy it … mak thame victoriouse and mak thame that works weil thairin to possesss thy kingdome’.1 Published in the year of the Spanish Armada, 1588, this was a prayer for the restoration of Calvinist Scotland to its historic allegiance to Rome through the agency of the missionary priests. In describing it as a vineyard, King was, of course, invoking a compelling biblical metaphor for the visible Church of God upon earth. And this was a scriptural trope echoed by King’s fellow Catholics across the British Isles. In 1614, the English layman John Heigham wrote from his exile in the Low Countries, beseeching the ‘religious fathers and reverend priests to whome is committed the care of this our devastated vyniarde’ to distribute the ‘heavenlie Manna’ and ‘divine foode’ of the blessed sacrament to his co-religionists at home, ‘least they perishe by famine’, despite the grave dangers they faced in doing so.2 A few years later the same phrase sprang to the lips of Matthew Kellison, president of the English Catholic seminary at Douai, in his account of the life and martyrdom of Thomas Maxfield, the son of a Staffordshire recusant and an alumnus of the college, who had eagerly returned to labour in ‘this vineyard of ours’ before being arrested and executed at Tyburn in July 1616. Maxfield himself wrote in his farewell letter to Kellison of his pride in being a member of this blessed

1 Peter Canisius, Ane catechisme or schort instruction of Christian religion drawen out of the scripturs and ancient doctours, trans. [Adam King] (Paris, 1588), fo. 37v. 2 John Heigham, A devout exposition of the holie masse with an ample declaration of all the rites and ceremonies belonging to the same (Douai, 1614), sig. †6r–v. 2 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN house of men who ‘hath afforded to our poor barren Contrye so much good and happie seed’.3 The Catholic Church to which all these writers self-consciously adhered was a universal Church, which by the early seventeenth century stretched not merely across the European continent but across the globe. As Gregory Martin wrote in a letter to his beloved, but misguided Protestant sisters, we are ‘of such a faith as is professed in Fraunce, in Spaine, in Flanders, Brabant, Zelant, &c. In a great part of Germanie, in all Italy, and beyond, wheresoever there be christians, and is now preached to the Indians, that never heard of Christ before, and encreaseth wonderfullye’.4 These quotations draw into focus the central themes of this book. The essays that comprise it examine key aspects of the experience and evolution of post-Reformation Catholicism, focusing chiefly on the period between the accession of Elizabeth I in 1558 and the outbreak of the Civil War in 1642, but extending across the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. They centre primarily on the realms of England and Wales, but place these against the backdrop of comparative events and tendencies in the kingdoms of Scotland and Ireland. Written over the course of the last decade and a half, and presented in revised and expanded form here, they reflect stages in an intellectual journey that has coincided with the historiographical transformations surveyed in this initial chapter. As a subject the history of Catholicism in the British Isles has emerged from the shadows and become one of the liveliest arenas of scholarly enquiry at the current time. The fruits of this new surge of interest by both historians and literary critics have been rich and abundant. A symptom and product of these trends, the essays in this volume are collectively underpinned by three key convictions. First, reacting sharply against the insularity of previous accounts, Catholic Reformation in Protestant Britain underlines the importance of investigating developments in this region in relation to wider international initiatives for the rejuvenation of the Catholic faith, for the recovery of territories and peoples temporarily lost to the forces of heresy and for the evangelical conversion of the indigenous peoples of Asia and the Americas to Christianity. It seeks to highlight not only what might be gained from doing so, but also what insights the British situation might

3 Quotation from John Bolt’s translation of Vita et martyrium D. Max-fildaei (Douai, 1616), widely attributed to Kellison; J.H. Pollen (ed.), ‘The Life and Martyrdome of Mr Maxfield, Priest, 1616’, in Miscellanea III, CRS 3 (London, 1906), pp. 30–58, pp. 34, 56. See also p. 37. 4 ‘To my lovinge and best belove sisters’, in Gregory Martin, A treatyse of Christian peregrination … whereunto is adjoined certen epistles written by him to sundrye his frendes: the copies whereof were since his decease founde amonge his wrytinges ([Paris], 1583), unpaginated. IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 3 contribute to our understanding of the movement for Catholic renewal as a whole. The second suggestion made by this book is the necessity of adopting a perspective that examines Catholicism and anti-Catholicism, Protestantism and anti-Protestantism as inextricably linked bodies of opinion and practice, which exerted powerful reciprocal influence upon each other. It endeavours to shed light not merely on the internal history of the Catholic communities it studies but also on their lateral connections with other churches, congregations and sects. Thirdly, these essays emphasise the degree to which the condition of being a proscribed and persecuted minority constrained and shaped the experience of British Catholics and left lasting scars on the memory of subsequent generations. Practising one’s faith in secret, evading detection by hostile authorities and coping with exclusion from public life presented real difficulties and challenges to the Catholic laity and to the priesthood that served them. Yet while in some respects this served as a straitjacket, in others it functioned as a fillip and a stimulus. Paradoxically, it catalysed processes of religious identity formation and facilitated tendencies that were slower to emerge in territories where the Church was buttressed by the strong arm of the state and benefited from the support of a fully functioning episcopal hierarchy. If it often inhibited, at other times it operated as an effective incubator of developments that are now seen as a hallmark of the Counter Reformation itself. It placed obstacles in the path of some reform initiatives and fostered internal friction, but it also created unexpected opportunities and imbued English, Welsh and Scottish Catholicism with a peculiar dynamism. And this derived in large part from the experience of living in the multiconfessional society that was the most lasting and troubling legacy of the advent and entrenchment of Protestantism in these islands. Catholic Reformation in Protestant Britain revisits older questions and raises new ones under four main headings. Part I (Conscience and Conformity) focuses upon the strategies employed by Catholic laypeople and clerics in response to the legislative requirement that they attend worship in reformed churches. It explores the moral dilemmas that surrounded the issue of how to behave in a context in which recusancy was a punishable offence and in which interaction with Protestants was perceived to threaten the very existence and survival of their faith. The chapters in this section examine how Catholics reconciled their consciences with outward conformity; the intellectual consequences of debates about dissimulation for theories of toleration; and the implications of these practices for interconfessional relations. Part II (Miracles and Missionaries) offers a fresh perspective on the activities and impact of the Jesuit and seminary-trained priests sent to Britain from Rome, Spain and the Low Countries and draws attention to the imaginative ways in which 4 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN they sought to succour the faithful, reclaim those who had strayed and convince heretics that the Catholic Church was the only safe haven for their souls. It highlights their careful cultivation of aspects of traditional piety suppressed by Protestantism, the risks entailed in the evangelical tactics they employed and the ongoing determination of many missionaries to reclaim the nation as a whole to the bosom of Rome. Part III (Communication and Conversion) focuses upon how post-Reformation Catholicism reacted to the rapid changes linked with the birth and expansion of the printing industry and the spread of reading and writing literacy. It analyses how it utilised the new typographical medium in conjunction with older modes of communication; assesses the degree to which it overcame its deep and long-standing ambivalence about translating Scripture into the vernacular; and investigates the manner in which it sought to mould public opinion, craft its historical legacy and deflect the polemical attacks of its enemies. Part IV (Translation and Transmutation) provides an overview of how the ritual life of Catholics was recast in the wake of the Reformation. It traces how they adapted to having intermittent access to the sacraments of penance and the mass and examines the curious mixture of handicap and advantage attendant upon becoming a Church under the cross. The rest of this introduction erects a more detailed historiographical and analytical framework for the essays that follow. It provides a synoptic overview of the changing scholarly landscape from which they have emerged, serves as a gloss and commentary upon their intersections with each other and offers some reflections on the future development of this flourishing field.

I

Coloured by confessional sentiment and suffused with an unmistakeable strain of apology, until very recently the historiography of Catholicism in Britain was the near exclusive preserve of committed believers: a subfield, if not a ghetto occupied by the ancestors of those who had suffered for their faith in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Its natural focus was the heroic band of missionary priests and laypeople who risked and sometimes sacrificed their lives defying official attempts to persecute their beleaguered religion into extinction. An extension of early modern martyrology itself, it was something of ‘a self-satisfied cottage industry’ which overlooked individuals who did not fit into this inspiring mould.5 It omitted those whose attitudes and actions contaminated the empowering image of

5 Thomas M. McCoog, ‘Construing Martyrdom in the English Catholic Community, 1582–1602’, in Ethan H. Shagan (ed.), Catholics and the ‘Protestant Nation’: Religious Politics and Identity in Early Modern England (Manchester, 2005), p. 95. IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 5 resilience and unity constructed by contemporary clerical leaders. A bias towards the former was inbuilt in the sources which these priests and their successors assiduously gathered, transcribed and edited for the edification of posterity and to assist the ongoing campaign to secure the canonisation of the martyrs. Overtly or tacitly, it also shaped the pioneering endeavours of the scholars who founded the Catholic Record Society and the great bibliographers who catalogued the remarkable body of printed literature that emanated from the community and its diaspora.6 Inward-looking and afflicted by a kind of tunnel vision, this historiographical tradition was also a vertical history which neglected the horizontal relationships between Catholics and the several varieties of Protestants alongside whom they lived in these islands.7 Aptly described by Hugh Aveling as ‘a particularly locked hortus conclusus’,8 it replicated the splendid isolation that the ecclesiastical hierarchy insisted was the only way to save the faith from complete annihilation and it often dwelt on the tribulations of clergy and laity at home at the expense of their connections with the wider movement for spiritual and institutional renewal that was sweeping across Europe and beyond the seas to America and Asia. Indeed, it usually presumed that persecution effectively insulated this community from the currents of change to which their coreligionists on the Continent were exposed. For their part, most historians of the Counter Reformation showed little interest in Catholic minorities living in Protestant lands. Their excoriating experiences were at odds with the resurgent, militant and victorious Church of Rome with whose successful alliance with secular authority and role in the creation of powerful nation states these scholars were chiefly preoccupied.9

6 This includes the Publications of the Catholic Record Society, its monograph series and its journal Recusant History; Antony Allison and David Roger’s ARCR, and the Scolar Press series of facsimiles of English Recusant Literature (1968–79). For Scotland, see, for example, William Forbes-Leith (ed.), Narratives of Scottish Catholics under Mary Stuart and James VI (London, 1889). 7 For a critique of this approach in relation to Protestant nonconformity, see Patrick Collinson, ‘Towards a Broader Understanding of the Early Dissenting Tradition’, in his Godly People: Essays on English Protestantism and Puritanism (London, 1983), pp. 527–62. 8 Hugh Aveling, ‘Some Aspects of Yorkshire Catholic Recusant History, 1558–1791’, in G.J. Cuming (ed.), The Province of York, SCH 4 (Leiden, 1967), p. 100. 9 Much early work on Catholicism was written from a partisan perspective, though its pioneering quality should not be denied: for example Charles Dodd, Church History of Catholicism, ed. M.A. Tierney, 5 vols (London, 1839–43); J.H. Pollen, The English Catholics in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth: A Study of their Politics, Civil Life and Government (London, 1920); J.H. Pollen, The Counter Reformation in Scotland (London, 1921); P.F. Anson, The Catholic Church in Modern Scotland 1560–1937 (London, 1937). The German Lutheran A.O. Meyer’s England and the Catholic Church under Queen Elizabeth, trans. J.R. McKee (London, 1915; 2nd edn 1967) is a valuable and unjustly overlooked study of 6 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN

Within the British historical mainstream, meanwhile, the study of Catholicism’s reduction to an embattled and passive minority has long remained an ‘intellectual backwater’, an obscure byway and minor distraction from the grand narrative of progress that released the people of England, Wales and Scotland from popish ignorance, superstition and tyranny.10 The tale of Protestantism’s triumph as the official and popular religion in Britain (though ultimately not in Ireland) left little room for those who had fruitlessly resisted the onward march of the Gospel, except as a motley crew of fugitives, traitors and conservative reactionaries. Anti- popery and patriotism combined to confine Catholics to the fringes and margins of serious academic enquiry and, moreover, to exclude them from the literary canon. As Alison Shell has so acutely observed, these prejudices continue to cloud our vision and to condition how we interpret sixteenth- and seventeenth-century religious culture in subtle and insidious ways.11 Over the last 35 years, however, our understanding of Catholicism in early modern England has been decisively reconfigured. Research on Wales and Scotland has been less extensive and slower to develop, but is now catching up rapidly.12 A critical turning point in this process was the publication of John Bossy’s The English Catholic Community 1570– 1850 in 1975. This marked a fork in the path between the settled and still vibrant tradition of recusant history and a newer style of historical enquiry infused with the spirit of the French Annales school and shaped by critical engagement with the disciplines of religious sociology and (to a lesser extent) social anthropology. Turning aside from his earlier work on exile politics, diplomatic relations and the link with France,13 Bossy’s aim in this book was to excavate the internal constitution and logic of English Catholicism as ‘a body of people … with its own internal structure and way of life’ rather than its relationship with the Protestant majority

English Catholicism in its domestic and international context. The most influential older account of the Counter Reformation was Hubert Jedin, Katholische Reformation oder Gegenreformation? (Lucerne, 1946). 10 Christopher Haigh, ‘Catholicism in Early Modern England: Bossy and Beyond’, HJ, 45 (2002): 481–94, at 493. See also the comments of Ethan Shagan, ‘Introduction: English Catholic History in Context’, in Shagan, Catholics and the ‘Protestant Nation’, pp. 1–21. 11 Alison Shell, Catholicism, Controversy and the English Literary Imagination, 1558– 1660 (Cambridge, 1999), p. 103 and passim. 12 For a useful earlier overview of Catholicism in its British context, see Michael A. Mullett, Catholics in Britain and Ireland, 1558–1829 (Basingstoke, 1998). Katharine Olson is currently completing a major study of Welsh Catholicism; for Scotland see the forthcoming work of Scott Spurlock and Stephen Holmes. 13 John Bossy, ‘Elizabethan Catholicism: The Link with France’ (unpubl. PhD dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1961); John Bossy, ‘English Catholics and the French Marriage 1577–81’, RH, 5 (1959–60): 2–16. IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 7 or its repression and subjugation by the Erastian state. Approaching religion as ‘a continuum of behaviour rather than belief’, it traced the process by which the Catholic gentry and aristocracy progressively severed the bonds that united them with their neighbours and peers. It presented post-Reformation Catholicism as ‘a branch of the English nonconforming tradition’ and explicitly compared it with other dissenting groups such as Quakers and Presbyterians. This was closely linked with Bossy’s conviction that the community he placed under the microscope was the novel creation of the seminary priests and Jesuits who began arriving on the shores of this island in the 1570s.14 Bossy’s insistence that there was a sharp caesura between medieval Christianity and its muscular Tridentine successor rested on two assumptions. First, he implicitly subscribed to the view that the pre- Reformation Church was essentially moribund and derelict. His work was predicated on the idea that Protestantism had delivered a death- blow to an old fashioned brand of religion that was concerned ‘less with doctrinal affirmation or dramas of conscience than with a set of ingrained observances’ tied to the cycle of the week and the seasons.15 Described by Keith Thomas as ‘a ritual method of living’,16 its demise was symptomatic of the shift from communal to individual Christianity that was the leitmotiv of Bossy’s wider interpretation of the effects of the concurrrent early modern movements for religious renewal.17 It contrasted sharply with the more strenuous and self-conscious species of piety practised in the holy households of the devout, which increasingly manifested itself in studious withdrawal and segregation from Anglican society. Secondly, Bossy’s vision betrayed the influence of Jean Delumeau’s decisive 1971 survey of Catholicism between Luther and Voltaire, which underlined the Counter Reformation’s intolerance of the lax morals and apathetic, quasi- pagan religiosity practised by the illiterate rural populace of Europe.18

14 John Bossy, The English Catholic Community 1570–1850 (London, 1975), quotations at pp. 7, 108, 296. Patrick McGrath’s Papist and Puritans under Elizabeth I (London, 1967) had also recognised the points of comparison between Catholic and Protestant dissent. 15 John Bossy, ‘The Character of Elizabethan Catholicism’, P&P, 21 (1962): 38–59, at 39. The same assumptions shaped his view of Ireland: ‘The Counter Reformation and the People of Catholic Ireland, 1596–1641’, in T.D. Williams (ed.), Historical Studies: Papers Read Before the Irish Conference of Historians VIII (Dublin, 1971), pp. 155–69. 16 Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century England (Harmondsworth, 1973; first publ. 1971), p. 88. 17 John Bossy, ‘The Counter Reformation and the People of Catholic Europe’, P&P, 47 (1970): 51–70; John Bossy, Christianity in the West 1400–1700 (Oxford, 1985). 18 Jean Delumeau, Catholicism between Luther and Voltaire, trans. Jeremy Moiser (London and Philadelphia, 1977). 8 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN

When the lingering residues of nostalgia and survivalism had been swept from the scene, what was left in England and Wales was a fervent, insular and politically quiescent upper class. For all the refreshing intellectual currents that inspired Bossy to approach his subject as a sociological phenomenon and to chart its evolution over the longue durée, his study still bore the tell-tale marks of a denominational paradigm inherited from the past. It too was concerned with the genesis and genealogy of the Catholic community as a congregation of recusants and regarded this deliberate act of separation as the principal criterion for membership of it.19 Bossy’s bold thesis was vigorously challenged by Christopher Haigh, whose work on Lancashire laid the foundations for a radically revisionist interpretation of the English Reformation, which turned on the point that the triumph of Protestantism was less the consequence of a groundswell of popular anticlericalism and enthusiastic support for the reformed Gospel than of a haphazard series of legislative acts and bureaucratic manoeuvres contingent upon the rise and fall of political faction. Encumbered by a forbidding theology of salvation which insisted that only a tiny remnant was predestined to salvation, he argued, the Reformation was passively resisted by much of the populace and struggled to put down permanent roots for several generations.20 The most memorable metaphor he employed to describe it was obstetric: Protestantism had a premature birth, experienced a difficult labour and came forth as a sickly child, which not merely failed to thrive but nearly perished in its first years.21 Haigh’s interest in Catholicism was a by-product of the assiduous attention he paid to the precarious health of this ailing infant. Rejecting the idea that late medieval Christianity and its institutional embodiment on earth was in terminal decline, he stressed instead the strength of traditional religion and the crucial role played by an intrepid band of Marian priests in the early decades of Elizabeth’s reign in establishing a stalwart recusant community. These conservative clerics and the laity for whom they catered were the umbilical cord that linked post-Reformation Catholicism with its precursor. Their achievements had been wrongly eclipsed by the activities of the missionaries, whose contribution to saving the faith from oblivion was exaggerated by the Jesuit Robert Persons to

19 Bossy, English Catholic Community, ch. 8. For an incisive and critical discussion of Bossy’s sectarian model, see Caroline M. Hibbard, ‘Early Stuart Catholicism: Revisions and Re-Revisions’, JMH, 52 (1980): 1–34, esp. 5–9. 20 Christopher Haigh, Reformation and Resistance in Tudor Lancashire (Cambridge, 1975); (ed.), The English Reformation Revised (Cambridge, 1987); English Reformations: Religion, Politics and Society under the Tudors (Oxford, 1993). 21 Christopher Haigh, ‘The English Reformation: A Premature Birth, A Difficult Labour and a Sickly Child’, HJ, 33 (1990): 449–59. IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 9 boost the reputation of his own order and by subsequent commentators who perpetuated this ‘fairy story’. In fact, the seminary priests were guilty of strategic and operational errors that resulted in a maldistribution of resources and left large numbers of ordinary Catholics without spiritual sustenance. Abandoning the perils of itinerant ministry to the poor for the comfortable life of a resident chaplain to the recusant nobility and gentry, they were in large part responsible for Catholicism’s retreat by c.1603 into ‘country house oblivion’. Its contraction into a small sect was not a function of persecution, let alone the charismatic power of Protestant preaching, but rather of the selfish decisions made by the very men whom Bossy, in common with previous historians, had seen as the saviours of the community, and by their wealthy patrons.22 These claims were disputed by Patrick McGrath, together with the suggestion that the term ‘mission’ was a misnomer.23 The priests who crossed the Channel, Haigh declared, were better conceived as members of a pastoral organisation than emissaries of an evangelical movement; they came to reconcile schismatics rather than to convert heretics.24 Lifting the subject from the confessional parameters in which it had hitherto been constrained, Haigh catapulted Catholicism into the heart of the debate about the Reformation. In essence, like Bossy himself, Haigh was concerned with the process by which the recusant community came into being – with the factors that had promoted Catholicism’s transition from monopoly to minority and its crystallisation into a sect. The difference was this: the post-Reformation Catholic community envisaged by Bossy was a fresh-faced adolescent captivated by religious trends of Continental origin, who had stepped into the place vacated by a geriatric faith which had succumbed soon after the bracing winds of Protestantism had blown through its frail bones. Even John Fisher and Thomas More were merely part of its posthumous history rather than the heralds and harbingers of a new era.25 Haigh’s

22 Christopher Haigh, ‘From Monopoly to Minority: Catholicism in Early Modern England’, TRHS, 5th ser. 31 (1981): 129–47; ‘The Continuity of Catholicism in the English Reformation’, in Christopher Haigh (ed.), English Reformation Revised, pp. 176–208; ‘The Church of England, the Catholics and the People’, in Christopher Haigh (ed.), The Reign of Elizabeth I (Basingstoke, 1984), pp. 195–217. 23 Patrick McGrath, ‘Elizabethan Catholicism: A Reconsideration’, JEH, 35 (1984): 414–28. See also Haigh’s response: ‘Revisionism, the Reformation, and the History of English Catholicism’, JEH, 36 (1985): 394–406; and Andrew R. Muldoon, ‘Recusants, Church-Papists, and “Comfortable” Missionaries: Assessing the Post-Reformation English Catholic Community’, CHR, 86 (2000): 242–57. 24 Haigh, ‘Continuity’, pp. 194–5. See also Haigh’s review article, ‘The Fall of a Church or the Rise of a Sect? Post-Reformation Catholicism in England’, HJ, 21 (1978): 181–6, esp. 184; English Reformations, ch. 15 (‘From Resentment to Recusancy’). 25 Bossy, English Catholic Community, p. 4. 10 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN

Catholicism, by contrast, might be compared with a middle-aged man of robust constitution who had initially reeled at the shock of an unfaithful spouse and a swift divorce, but bounced back energetically and quickly adapted to his new circumstances, before handing over the baton to the next cohort of committed adherents of Rome. One important side-effect of Christopher Haigh’s research was the attention it focused upon what he called ‘the church papist penumbra’ – the amorphous mass of individuals who conformed fully, partially or occasionally with the established Church.26 Like A.G. Dickens and Hugh Aveling before him,27 Haigh was primarily interested in these fringe dwellers as a potential recruiting ground for the recusant community, as a reservoir from which, galvanised by clerical warnings about the evils of bowing to Baal and compromising with heresy, a body of more zealous Catholics was drawn. My own book Church Papists (1993) sought to alter the angle of vision. It argued that conformity was not merely a stepping stone on the road to recusancy, but an enduring and viable strategy for surviving persecution and for reconciling the competing allegiances to crown and faith that confronted those who clung to the faith of their forefathers. The relative invisibility of the church papist in the historical record attests to the success of the clerical campaign to define refusal to attend church as the only acceptable way of expressing Catholic identity and of the closely associated assault upon forms of behaviour that stained the pristine image of stoical resilience which the priesthood was so eager to project to its enemies. A type of dissimulation which could all too easily expose this beleaguered religion to damaging allegations of deceit and hypocrisy, conformity became entangled in a web of inter- and intraconfessional polemic. Challenging the sectarian model that still dominated the field, I suggested that recognising church papists as a persistent presence has significant consequences for our understanding of the shape and character of the post-Reformation Catholic community, as well as the manner in which England became a Protestant nation. It underlines the diversity of early modern Catholicism and the semi-separatism that remained a recurrent feature.28

26 Haigh, ‘Continuity’, 207; ‘Church of England, the Catholics and the People’, p. 205; Reformation and Resistance, p. 275. 27 A.G. Dickens, ‘The First Stages of Romanist Recusancy in Yorkshire 1560–1590’, Yorkshire Archaeological Journal, 35 (1941): 157–81 and ‘The Extent and Character of Recusancy in Yorkshire, 1604’, Yorkshire Archaeological Journal, 37 (1948): 24–48; J.C.H. Aveling, The Handle and the Axe: The Catholic Recusants in England from Reformation to Emancipation (London, 1976), p. 60. 28 Alexandra Walsham, Church Papists: Catholicism, Conformity and Confessional Polemic in Early Modern England (Woodbridge, 1993; paperback edition with new preface 1999). IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 11

As Michael Questier went on to emphasise in Conversion, Politics and Religion (1995), Catholics moved back and forth between conformity and recusancy with ease and frequency. These positions were not polar opposites or mutually exclusive categories. Nor was church papistry a symbol of resignation to Protestant hegemony and an uncomplicated sign of loyalty to the state and monarchy. Examining the strategies, political and pastoral, persuasive and punitive, by which proselytisers on both sides of the divide sought to effect changes of religion, Questier declared that there was no such thing as a unitary Catholicism and characterised it instead as ‘a series of dissident oppositional expressions of religious motive’.29 His subsequent work has served to underscore the point that the conflicts which erupted over conformity within Catholic ranks were not simply a function of lay resentment of and resistance to the directives of hard-line clerics unsympathetic to the plight of their charges.30 Such sentiments were not entirely absent from these disputes, but it is necessary to stress the willingness with which the missionary priests made compassionate allowances and casuistical concessions to tender consciences overwhelmed by external pressures. They cooperated with the elite laity in devising short-term strategies for surviving persecution and preserving their financial strength and political clout until their return to the corridors of power. Furthermore, as I argue in Chapter 2, the historiographical eclipse of the church papist has been accompanied by the eclipse of dissidents within the Catholic priesthood such as Thomas Bell who diverged from the uncompromising insistence of Robert Persons and others upon wholesale recusancy. Stigmatised as heretical deviants, these figures became convenient scapegoats in the quarrels that wracked the community and divided it schismatically in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Although they were swept under the carpet as an embarrassment by contemporary commentators and quietly eliminated from the accounts written by later historians, it was by no means inevitable that the outcome of these conflicts would be the triumph of those who opposed the advocates of qualified conformity, as the different policies that evolved in other contexts of minority Catholicism show, including Poland and Scotland. In the latter, the Jesuits themselves sanctioned attendance at Calvinist sermons, regarding exposure to preaching as less hazardous than

29 Michael C. Questier, Conversion, Politics and Religion in England, 1580–1625 (Cambridge, 1996), p. 204. 30 See Michael Questier, ‘The Politics of Religious Conformity and the Accession of James I’, Historical Research, 71 (1998): 14–30; ‘What Happened to English Catholicism after the English Reformation’, History, 85 (2000): 28–47; ‘Conformity, Catholicism and the Law’, in Peter Lake and Michael Questier (eds), Conformity and Orthodoxy in the English Church, c.1560–1660 (Woodbridge, 2000), pp. 237–61. 12 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN exposure to prayer.31 Lake and Questier’s recent study of the York butcher’s wife Margaret Clitherow has developed these themes further. They have demonstrated that her martyrdom in 1586 occurred against the backdrop of these fractious internal struggles and shown how her memory was utilised as a tool to buttress the victors’ point of view. Precipitated by rival visions of how to tackle the challenges of ecclesiastical establishment, in complex ways these struggles foreshadowed the Appellant and Archpriest controversies.32 Replayed again then, albeit in a different key, they alert us to the plurality of Catholic communities and identities engendered by the Protestant Reformation in Britain. Conformity and recusancy were not simply religious but also intrinsically political issues. Non-attendance at church was an act of conscientious objection and civil disobedience, and by 1593 its consequences were crippling fines, confiscated estates, constraints on mobility and sometimes extended imprisonment. It was a radical stance, deliberately subversive of the prescriptions laid down by the state and potentially destabilising of the social, gender and patriarchal orders. This is an insight that recent publications in this field have served to bring to the fore, correcting the emphasis on the conservative quiescence of post-Reformation Catholicism that has long prevailed in the secondary literature.33 It is not surprising that one of the hallmarks of the tradition of recusant history was an insistence upon the passivity and loyalism of the community. Its practitioners were eager to vindicate their Catholic forebears from the highly effective smear campaign mounted by the Protestant establishment and redeem their reputation as patriotic Englishmen and women. Real coups and conspiracies were played down as wild aberrations and the work of unruly mavericks, if not dismissed as figments of the imagination akin to the rumours of a popish scheme to assassinate Charles II fabricated by Titus Oates in the late 1670s. According to Francis Edwards, the Gunpowder Plot of 1605 was invented by the Jacobean regime to tar adherents of the Church of Rome with the brush of treason.34 The associated notion that as time passed the recusant laity became increasingly politically impotent

31 See Chapter 2, below. 32 Peter Lake and Michael Questier, The Trials of Margaret Clitherow: Persecution, Martyrdom and the Politics of Sanctity in Elizabethan England (London, 2011). 33 See esp. Peter Lake and Michael Questier, ‘Puritans, Papists, and the “Public Sphere” in Early Modern England: The Edmund Campion Affair in Context’, JMH, 72 (2000): 587–627; Peter Lake and Michael Questier, The Antichrist’s Lewd Hat: Protestants, Papists and Players in Post-Reformation England (New Haven and London, 2002), part II. 34 Francis Edwards, Guy Fawkes: The Real Story of the Gunpowder Plot? (London, 1969); ‘Still Investigating Gunpowder Plot’, RH, 21 (1993): 305–46. See also Leo Hicks, An Elizabethan Problem (London, 1964). But see Mark Nicholls, Investigating Gunpowder Plot (Manchester, 1991). IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 13 and indifferent has also persisted. This has been perceived as a function both of their disenfranchisement by the state and of their own voluntary withdrawal from political engagement. Bossy described the progress of Elizabethan Catholicism ‘from inertia to inertia in three generations’, as ‘loyalty supplanted enterprise’;35 Arnold Pritchard stressed the overriding fidelity of the gentry;36 and for Haigh too the Catholics of post-Reformation England were essentially apolitical.37 Peter Holmes placed some important question marks beside these propositions, but his own suggestion that lay views vacillated between resistance and non-resistance in a cyclical pattern and chronological rhythm is overly schematic and unsatisfying. It is also predicated on an assumed and stark dichotomy between these two positions.38 A key contribution to rethinking the relationship between Catholics and the ‘Protestant Nation’ was the volume edited by Ethan Shagan under this title in 2005. Intent upon reinscribing Catholicism within the historical mainstream and reinserting it into the central political narratives of the period, this collection of essays highlighted the significant contributions its adherents made to a common political culture and their agency as political actors throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.39 The political engagement of Catholics had not been wholly neglected completely in the intervening years, though the focus of discussion tended to fall upon leading lights within the priesthood. In the mid-1990s, Michael Carrafiello suggested that the spiritual language in which the English mission was couched was never more than a cover for Robert Persons’ ambition to effect the violent overthrow of the Protestant regime.40 Around the same time, Bossy acknowledged Persons’ entanglement in a variety of

35 Bossy, ‘Character of Elizabethan Catholicism’, 57. See also ‘The English Catholic Community 1603–1625’, in Alan G.R. Smith (ed.), The Reign of James VI and I (London and Basingstoke, 1973), pp. 91–105; and ‘Unrethinking the Sixteenth-Century Wars of Religion’, in T. Kselman (ed.), Belief in History: Innovative Approaches to European and American Religion (London, 1991), 267–85. 36 Arnold Pritchard, Catholic Loyalism in Elizabethan England (London, 1970). See also W.R. Trimble, The Catholic Laity in Elizabethan England 1558–1603 (Cambridge, MA, 1964). 37 This is implicit throughout Haigh’s earlier work, for example ‘Continuity of Catholicism’, ‘From Monopoly to Minority’, English Reformations, chs 15–16, but cf. The Plain Man’s Pathway: Kinds of Christianity in Post-Reformation England, 1570–1640 (Oxford, 2007), ch. 9, esp. p. 189. 38 Peter Holmes, Resistance and Compromise: The Political Thought of the English Catholics (Cambridge, 1982). 39 Shagan (ed.), Catholics and the ‘Protestant Nation’. 40 Michael Carrafiello, ‘English Catholicism and the Jesuit Mission of 1580–1581’,HJ , 37 (1994): 761–74; Michael Carrafiello, Robert Persons and English Catholicism, 1580– 1610 (London, 1998). 14 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN treasonous projects and Eamon Duffy similarly presented Cardinal Allen as a figure of considerable political ambivalence.41 Jesuit involvement in the international politics of contemporary Catholicism has also been a major theme of Thomas McCoog’s two books on the Society.42 Shagan’s collection, however, marked a clear recognition that the old chestnut of whether or not the English mission was a pastoral or political enterprise was a classic question mal posée, an insight that also underpins the work of Victor Houliston. Houliston’s excellent study of Persons’ polemic peers behind the rhetorical façade of the ruthless schemer constructed by contemporary controversialists to discover a man whose eirenic spiritual writings and strategic and satirical interventions in debates about the shape of the commonwealth cannot be neatly separated. They were all part of ‘an apostolate of letters’ through which he sought to advance the Catholic cause at home and abroad and reinstate Rome to institutional dominance. Taken together these texts constitute a coherent vision of resistance politics.43 Equally important insights have emerged from the work of Stefania Tutino,which is progressively transforming our understanding of the character and contours of Catholic political thought in this period, and its reciprocal interactions with wider European developments. Her book Law and Conscience (2007) charts Catholicism’s contribution to reconfiguring the nexus between temporal and religious authority and to delineating separate spheres of allegiance. And in a series of compelling articles she has delineated how key figures like Nicholas Sander and Robert Persons deployed quasi-contractual theories of government to question the authority of, and justify political disobedience to, a heretical sovereign whom the Pope had excommunicated. Persons drew not merely on ideas circulating within the French Catholic League, but also those embedded in that explosive Huguenot charter for revolt, the Vindiciae contra tyrannos. One consequence of this was to render the arguments enshrined in this tract problematic for Protestants and to necessitate their ‘secularisation’. Such developments further illustrate the intricate and dialectical relationship between reformed and Catholic political thinking, and the pressing need to rescue Catholicism from the

41 John Bossy, ‘The Heart of Robert Persons’, in Thomas McCoog (ed.), The Reckoned Expense: Edmund Campion and the Early English Jesuits (Woodbridge, 1996), 141–58; Eamon Duffy, ‘William, Cardinal Allen, 1532–1594’, RH, 22 (1995), 265–90. 42 Thomas M. McCoog, The Society of Jesus in Ireland, Scotland, and England, 1541– 1588: ‘Our Way of Proceeding’ (Leiden, 1996); Thomas M. McCoog, The Society of Jesus in Ireland, Scotland, and England 1589–1597; Building the Faith of Saint Peter Upon the King of Spain’s Monarchy (Farnham, 2012). 43 Victor Houliston, Catholic Resistance in Elizabethan England: Robert Persons’ Jesuit Polemic, 1580–1610 (Aldershot, 2007), at p. 20. IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 15 margins and relocate it at the centre of our interpretations of intellectual developments in the early modern era.44 The vigorous debates about recusancy in which Robert Persons engaged with representatives of the Church and state were themselves a critical juncture. As I discuss in Chapter 3 and especially Chapter 4, its clerical Catholic advocates frequently justified this by citing the comparable arguments employed by Calvin and other heretical writers against nicodemites and ‘mass gospellers’ during the reign of Mary I and in parts of Europe where Protestantism remained a persecuted religion in the late sixteenth century. In doing so, they showed that concepts of ideological purity cut across confessional boundaries and inadvertently laid the foundations for respect for the rights of an erroneous conscience. This was also implicit in Robert Persons’ insistence in the dedicatory epistle to Elizabeth I that prefaced his Brief discours contayning certayne reasons why Catholiques refuse to goe to Church (1580) that refusal to attend heretical worship was a surer sign of political integrity than dissembling conformity. Geoffrey Elton regarded the eloquent calls of the Jesuit for religious liberty in other texts as merely ‘tendentious’,45 but in the light of the evidence assembled and analysed here the conventional assumption that Catholicism played no more than a minor and equivocal role in the rise of toleration should perhaps be reassessed.46 If Persons saw toleration as simply a temporary measure and a prelude to a reunification of the realm under one creed by the hand of providence, he concurred in this view with many pioneering contemporary Protestant writers themselves. Few in early modern society subscribed to the idea that religious pluralism was a positive development: convinced that truth was singular and indivisible, most continued to believe it was a recipe for disorder and

44 Stefania Tutino, Law and Conscience: Catholicism in Early Modern England, 1570–1625 (Aldershot, 2007); ‘Huguenots, Jesuits and Tyrants: Notes on the Vindiciae Contra Tyrannos in Early Modern England’, JEMH, 11 (2007): 175–96; ‘The Political Thought of Robert Persons’s Conference in Continental Context’, HJ, 52 (2009): 43–62. See also her ‘Between Nicodemism and “Honest” Dissimulation: The Society of Jesus in England’, Historical Research, 79 (2006): 534–53; and Thomas White and the Blackloists: Between Politics and Theology during the English Civil War (Aldershot, 2008). For an earlier examination of Catholic political thought of lasting value, though less alive to its place within wider intellectual frameworks, see Thomas H. Clancy, Papist Pamphleteers: The Allen-Persons Party and the Political Thought of the Counter-Reformation in England, 1572–1615 (Chicago, 1964). 45 Geoffrey Elton, ‘Persecution and Toleration in the English Reformation’, in W.J. Sheils (ed.), Persecution and Toleration, SCH 21 (Oxford, 1984), pp. 163–87, at pp. 183–5. 46 Catholic thinkers are conspicuous by their absence from Perez Zagorin, How the Idea of Religious Toleration Came to the West (Princeton, 2003). 16 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN chaos, something to be endured only as a necessary evil, and a source of suspicion and unease. In short, it was a form of intolerance itself.47 As Stuart Schwarz’s penetrating study of the Iberian Catholic world has shown, however, out of the soil of these assumptions alternative attitudes could also grow – attitudes rooted in doubt, indifference and the view that each human being could find salvation in the faith of his or her choosing, which ran counter to the dogmatism that is too often assumed to have dominated this culture. Schwarz’s social history of ideas and ‘cultural history of thought’ recasts the debate about the origins of the theory and practice of tolerance that now prevails in Western society.48 Persons’ book may be seen as a testament to the extent to which the goalposts were in the process of moving, and to the part that minority Catholicism played in articulating the shifts engendered by the fragmentation of Christianity in the era of the Reformation. It strikes a chord with Peter Holmes’ recent observation that the ethical quandaries that confronted Catholic missionaries and lay communities in Britain and other contested territories in Europe and its empires may have contributed significantly to the evolution of the science of casuistry and the emergence of a relativistic, probabilist moral theology in the seventeenth century.49 It is increasingly clear, moreover, that recusants and church papists continued to retain office and influence in post-Reformation society. Michael Questier’s meticulous and powerful study of the aristocratic Browne family of Sussex and its entourage, Catholicism and Community in Early Modern England (2006) should be acknowledged as a particular landmark. Carefully unravelling the webs of patronage, kinship and clientage woven around them, Questier shows that the Catholic nobility remained significant players in local and county politics and skilfully positioned themselves in an attempt to reach some kind of modus vivendi with the Protestant state. The internal clerical conflicts about ecclesiastical organisation and governance in which they became embroiled in the early seventeenth century were expressions of a set of problems and issues remarkably similar to those dividing the Church of England, with which, in various ways, they were enmeshed. His book has helped to rescue Catholics from the wings and restore them to the centre of the political

47 On the wider intellectual context in the British Isles, see Alexandra Walsham, Charitable Hatred: Tolerance and Intolerance in England 1500–1700 (Manchester, 2006), pp. 1–5, 40–49, 228–47. 48 Stuart B. Schwarz, All Can be Saved: Religious Tolerance and Salvation in the Iberian Atlantic World (New Haven and London, 2008). 49 Peter Holmes, ‘Introduction’, in Peter Holmes (ed.), Caroline Casuistry: The Cases of Conscience of Fr Thomas Southwell SJ, CRS 84 (2012), pp. xi–xxxv, at xxxv. See also Stefania Tutino, Shadows of Doubt: Language and Truth in Post-Reformation Catholic Culture (Oxford, 2014), esp. pp. 28–32. IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 17 stage.50 It has also served to complicate and problematise the very concept of ‘loyalty’, a vexing question that crystallised with particular acuity around James I’s Oath of Allegiance of 1606.51 And the varied pattern of English responses to this measure cannot be abstracted from their wider European context. The arguments deployed by those who sanctioned swearing it brought authors such as the Benedictine Thomas Preston and the Scottish jurist William Barclay under the radar of the curia and Inquisition. Such episodes demonstrate how far British Catholicism was entangled in the wider internal and international politics of the Church of Rome, as well as the ways in which it drew on resources such as Gallican thought to respond to the dilemmas presented by its minority status.52 In depicting post-Reformation Catholicism as at times ‘perilously uncompliant’,53 Questier’s work also unsettles long-standing assumptions about the essential passivity of the laity and converges with a growing sense that traditional dichotomies between resistance and compromise, acquiescence and treachery, are deeply misleading. Sandeep Kaushik has illuminated the complex outlook of the Northamptonshire magnate Sir Thomas Tresham, within which protestations of allegiance coexisted with veiled threats and with circumspect expressions of potentially subversive ideas. Concealed behind the defensive rubrics he employed in his public discourse with the state were deliberate acts of passive disobedience. He carefully carved a path between justifying an individual’s refusal to obey the dictates of a secular power and intimating that the state was illegitimate. The conciliatory tone of his petitions to the crown for a mitigation of Catholic persecution and his overt condemnation of the ‘monsters’, ‘vipers’ and ‘caitiffs’ who devised plots to topple and kill the monarch must be set alongside his private determination to defy its efforts to exterminate his religion. Although he dissociated himself from the more overtly dissident behaviour of his younger brother William, who fled England in 1582 and had close associations with the duke of Guise, he perhaps differed from his sibling less in the substance of his political philosophy than in the practical

50 Michael Questier, Catholicism and Community in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 2006). 51 See Michael Questier, ‘Loyalty, Religion and State Power in Early Modern England: English Romanism and the Jacobean Oath of Allegiance’, HJ, 40 (1997): 311–29; Michael Questier, ‘Catholic Loyalism in Early Stuart England’, EHR, 123 (2008): 1132–65; Johann P. Sommervile, ‘Papalist Political Thought and the Controversy over the Jacobean Oath of Allegiance’, in Shagan (ed.), Catholics and the ‘Protestant Nation’, pp. 162–84. 52 Stefania Tutino, ‘Thomas Preston and English Catholic Loyalism: Elements of an International Affair’, SCJ, 41 (2010): 91–109. 53 Questier, Catholicism and Community, p. 66. 18 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN means of achieving it.54 A similarly complicated picture has emerged from recent work on the extended Throckmorton family of Coughton in Warwickshire. Encompassing schismatics and recusants, zealous Protestants and traitors, this was a divided household and dynasty which exemplifies the muddy and ambivalent currents that ran through English Catholicism in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: impulses towards patriotism and assimilation swirled alongside those towards segregation and conspicuous nonconformism.55 It is much harder to recover the political attitudes of Catholics below the level of the gentry, though indictments for seditious words provide us with a tantalising glimpse of what may be merely the tip of an iceberg of dissent. Behind David Browne, the Essex husbandman prosecuted in January 1581 for declaring that he ‘wolde doe the beste he colde’ to assist an invading army led by the late earl of Westmorland (whom he believed to be alive, well and biding his time in Ireland) and the tailor George Binkes who boldly stated that the Pope was ‘supreme head over all Christendom, and that King Philip of Spain is right king of England’ in 1592, stand an unknown number of others who shared their contempt for the current government and hoped that it would soon be overturned, but who prudently kept their opinions to themselves.56 In George Gifford’s popular Dialogue between a papist and a protestant of 1582 the figure of the church papist himself defended the practice of regicide, protesting that ‘it is one thing to commit treason against a prince which is godly, and another thing to kill an heretike which is no lawfull prince’.57 While Gifford’s book was a polemical intervention designed to underline the threat presented by Catholicism, the caricatures that comprised it drew on his own personal experience as a village pastor. And at the parochial level, even after the debacle of 1605, there were still people who held militant views. Four years later Henry Foxwell of Aisholt in Somerset told a Protestant minister who preached against Catholic ceremonies that ‘he would meet him both with word and sword’.58 This may be no more than the release of hot air but in

54 Sandeep Kaushik, ‘Resistance, Loyalty and Recusant Politics: Sir Thomas Tresham and the Elizabethan State’, Midland History, 21 (1996): 37–72, esp. 52–5. See also Gerard Kilroy, Edmund Campion: Memory and Transcription (Aldershot, 2005), ch. 5. I draw also on an unpublished paper of my own, written prior to Kaushik’s article, but now superseded by it: ‘An English Politique? Sir Thomas Tresham and Elizabethan Catholicism’. 55 Peter Marshall and Geoffrey Scott (eds), Catholic Gentry in English Society: The Throckmortons of Coughton from Reformation to Emancipation (Farnham, 2009). 56 J.S. Cockburn (ed.), Calendar of Assize Records: Essex Indictments: Elizabeth I (London, 1978), pp. 213–14; Haigh, Plain Man’s Pathways, p. 188. 57 George Gifford, A dialogue between a papist and a protestant, applied to the capacitie of the unlearned (London, 1583 edn), fo. 102r. 58 Cited in Haigh, Plain Man’s Pathway, p. 189. IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 19 regarding the Gunpowder Plot as the last gasp of a community that steadily reconciled itself to its minority status, to quote Simon Ditchfield, we may be guilty of ‘falling into the usual trap of failing to forget the future’.59 Historians of Catholicism are beginning to take a leaf out of the book of recent scholars of puritanism: just as Patrick Collinson’s memorable depiction of the latter as ‘as factious and subversive as the Homily on Obedience’ is giving way to a renewed sense of the unruly radicalism latent within it, so too is there increasing awareness of the continuing part Catholics played in testing the limits of England’s monarchical republic and in delineating a ‘qualified form of citizenship’.60 Men like William Hungate alert us to a sector of the community that was by no means supine or resigned to subjugation: denouncing John Jewel’s famous Apology as a book ‘full of lyes and untreuthes’, he said ‘thatt he had of longe tyme foreborne to speake and argew of relygyon, butt now he would talke his bellye full, and would learne argumentes to dyspute with the proudest protestant yn England’.61 Catholics were not bystanders and spectators on the events that propelled the three kingdoms of the British Isles towards its mid- and late seventeenth- century revolutions; they were also participants in them. In recognising the contingent and conditional quality of Catholic compliance, we should not overlook those who chose the option of exile or were forcibly deported overseas. Neglected since Peter Guilday’s study of 1914, this category of displaced persons is now receiving the renewed attention that has long been overdue.62 Peter Marshall’s work on those who fled in the wake of the Henrician Reformation has been complemented by Katy Gibbons’ fine study of those who settled in Paris and moved in the outer circles of the French Catholic League during the Elizabethan period. These emigrés yield important new insights into the relationship between English Catholics and the continental territories where they sought asylum. A destabilising presence in their host environment and a source of

59 Simon Ditchfield, ‘Tridentine Catholicism’, in Alexandra Bamji, Geert Janssen and Mary Laven (eds), The Ashgate Companion to the Counter Reformation (Farnham, 2013), p. 17. 60 Patrick Collinson, The Religion of Protestants: The Church in English Society 1559– 1625 (Oxford, 1982), p. 177; ‘The Monarchical Republic of Queen Elizabeth I’, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, University of Manchester, 69 (1987): 394–424; ‘The Elizabethan Exclusion Crisis and the Elizabethan Polity’, Proceedings of the British Academy, 84 (1994), 51–92. See Peter Lake, ‘The Monarchical Republic of Elizabeth I Revisited (by its Victims) as a Conspiracy’, in Barry Coward and Julian Swann (eds), Conspiracies and Conspiracy Theory in Early Modern Europe: From the Waldensians to the French Revolution (Aldershot, 2004), pp. 87–111. Quotation from Houliston, Catholic Resistance, p. 48. 61 BL, Lansdowne MS 97, fo. 179r. 62 Peter Guilday, The English Catholic Refugees on the Continent, vol. I, The English Colleges and Convents in the Catholic Low Countries, 1558–1795 (London, 1914). 20 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN ongoing anxiety in London, their activities further question the stereotype of isolation and introversion embedded in the older historiography.63 Movement across national boundaries was inherently disturbing to the authorities and the experience of flight and dislocation radicalised and intensified the confessional awareness of those who left their homeland for Spain and the Low Countries. Brokers between the Catholic community in England and the international sponsors to whom they looked to launch a holy crusade, immigrants such as Richard Verstegan were also critical figures in the burgeoning book trade examined here in Chapter 8.64 Anne Dillon’s study of Verstegan’s production of graphical illustrated French and Latin broadsheets of Calvinist atrocities against the martyrs illuminates the visual component of his programme of propaganda. Leading Catholic rulers on the Continent were the intended audience of these prints, which he hoped would provoke them to ride to the rescue and uproot heresy from England.65 Academic expatriates residing in the Flemish territories of Philip II did not always adopt the strategy of protesting loyalty to Elizabeth and blaming her counsellors: Thomas Stapleton’s Latin Apologia addressed to the king in 1592 was a venomous ad hominem denunciation of the queen as a second Jezebel, evil genius, and witch designed to warn the rebel provinces of Holland and Zeeland of the consequences of embracing Protestantism and presenting England as a ‘pestilential hydra’. Attesting to a spirit of militant opposition and apocalyptic resistance that ‘strains the language of loyal opposition’, such texts assist in disentangling the exile experience from the ‘contradictory myths concerning obedience and treachery’ that surround it. They too imply that the passivity of post- Reformation Catholicism has been greatly exaggerated.66 All of these enterprises must be regarded as a vital arm of what Geert Janssen has christened ‘the Counter-Reformation of the Refugee’.67 The

63 Peter Marshall, ‘Catholic Exiles’, in his Religious Identities in Henry VIII’s England (Aldershot, 2006), pp. 227–61; Katy Gibbons, English Catholic Exiles in Late Sixteenth- Century Paris (Woodbridge, 2011). 64 Paul Arblaster, Antwerp and the World: Richard Verstegan and the International Culture of Catholic Reformation (Leuven, 2004). See also R. Zacchi and M. Morini (eds), Richard Rowlands Verstegan: A Versatile Man in an Age of Turmoil (Turnhout, 2012). 65 Anne Dillon, The Construction of Martyrdom in the English Catholic Community, 1535–1603 (Aldershot, 2002), ch. 5. See also Christopher Highley, ‘Richard Verstegan’s Book of Martyrs’, in Christopher Highley and John N. King (eds), John Foxe and his World (Aldershot, 2002), pp. 183–97. 66 Jan Machielsen, ‘The Lion, the Witch and the King: Thomas Stapleton’s Apologia pro Rege Catholico Philippo II (1592)’, EHR, 129 (2014): 19–46, at quotations at 19, 45, 21. 67 Geert Janssen, ‘The Counter-Reformation of the Refugee: Exile and the Shaping of Catholic Militancy in the Dutch Revolt’, JEH, 63 (2012): 671–92. See also Geert Janssen, ‘The Exile Experience’, in Bamji, Janssen and Laven (eds), Ashgate Companion, pp. 73–90. IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 21

English, Scottish and Welsh colleges and seminaries founded overseas like- wise provided a location for a ‘diaspora activism’ that highlights the multiple and competing narratives of nationhood that coexisted in this period.68 In the later seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, as impressive new research by Liesbeth Corens is revealing, English Catholics in the Habsburg- ruled Southern Netherlands continued to hope that the formal restoration of their faith as the state religion could still be achieved and to mobilise themselves to bring this about, negotiating the fluid interface between their religious and patriotic identities in extraordinarily subtle ways.69 The men and women who left England, Wales and Scotland to enter monasteries and convents on the Continent are another important component of this diaspora. Geographical separation sharpened the vocations of those who joined contemplative orders in France and the Low Countries and mysticism and claustration were no bar to the nuns’ involvement in a lively political culture that linked exiles with their coreligionists at home. Far from preventing participation in dissident activity, their liminal position offshore afforded them opportunities to engage in the controversies that would determine Catholicism’s future. They formed what Claire Walker has called ‘dislocated pockets of resistance to the Protestant Church and state’.70 Through the medium of writing, some of them, including the Benedictine Barbara Constable, functioned as ‘closet missionaries’ and articulated theories of the conditional nature of authority of their own.71 Their actions embodied a dialectical conception

68 See Mark Netzloff, ‘The English Colleges and the English Nation: Allen, Persons, Verstegan and Diasporic Nationalism’, in Ronald Corthell et al. (eds), Catholic Culture in Early Modern England (Notre Dame, IN, 2007), pp. 236–60; and David Worthington (ed.), British and Irish Emigrants and Exiles in Europe, 1603–1688 (Leiden, 2010), part 4. 69 Liesbeth Corens, ‘English Catholics in the Southern Netherlands, c.1660–1720’ (forthcoming PhD dissertation, University of Cambridge). 70 Claire Walker, Gender and Politics in Early Modern Europe: English Convents in France and the Low Countries (Basingstoke, 2003), quotation at p. 174. See also her ‘Prayer, Patronage and Political Conspiracy: English Nuns and the Restoration’, HJ, 43 (2000): 1–23; ‘Loyal and dutiful subjects: English nuns and Stuart politics’, in James Daybell (ed.), Women and Politics in Early Modern England, 1450–1750 (Aldershot, 2004), pp. 228–42; ‘Crumbs of News: Early Modern English Nuns and Royalist Intelligence Networks’, Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies, 42 (2012): 635–55. On how Protestants responded, see Liesbeth Corens, ‘Catholic Nuns and English Identities. English Protestant Travellers on the English Convents in the Low Countries, 1660–1730’, RH, 30 (2011): 441–59. 71 Heather Wolfe, ‘Dame Barbara Constable: Catholic Antiquarian, Advisor, and Closet Missionary’, in Corthell et al. (eds), Catholic Culture, pp. 158–88; Jenna Lay, ‘An English Nun’s Authority: Early Modern Spiritual Controversy and the Manuscripts of Barbara Constable’, in Laurence Lux-Sterritt and Carmen M. Mangion (eds), Gender, Catholicism and Spirituality: Women and the Roman Catholic Church in Britain and Europe (Basingstoke, 2011), pp. 99–114. 22 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN of the relationship between action and contemplation, empowerment and abnegation, akin to that which Laurence Lux-Sterritt has discerned at the heart of Mary Ward’s ill-fated foundation in imitation of the Jesuits, the English Ladies.72 The physical exile of these men and women mirrored the inner exile experienced and cultivated by those whom circumstances compelled to stay at home. As Lowell Gallagher has commented, post- Reformation Catholicism was ‘a nomadic, experimental and interstitial’ phenomenon, whose adherents had to ‘navigate with vigilance and diplomacy their status as ‘insiders’ or ‘outsiders’. A significant stimulus to literary creation, the retreat into a reserved mental space was not the antithesis but the alter-ego of religious and political engagement.73 Catholics thus continued to claim a voice and assert their place in contemporary politics. As Peter Lake and Michael Questier have argued in their analysis of the Edmund Campion affair, they played a role in the genesis of a rudimentary (but still discernably Habermasian) public sphere. By focusing on the ways in which Catholics and their Protestant opponents manipulated the media of the spoken and printed word for polemical advantage and convenience, they have transcended the parameters of the earlier debate about the objectives of the Jesuit mission and illuminated its efforts to exploit ‘an echo chamber of public interest’, sway popular opinion and challenge the legitimacy of the Elizabethan regime. The exchanges in which Persons and Campion engaged with their Protestant opponents constituted part of an ‘overt ideological guerrilla war’ – a paper war in which they tussled over the questions of allegiance, obedience, trust and dissimulation that exercised states and their dissenting subjects across Reformation Europe.74 These themes were partially anticipated in my essay on ‘Dumb Preachers’ (Chapter 8), which highlights the use of print as an instrument of agitation. They are pursued further in Chapter 10, which explores the excitement and disquiet that surrounded the Jesuit mission,

72 Laurence Lux-Sterritt, Redefining Female Religious Life: French Ursulines and English Ladies in Seventeenth-Century Catholicism (Aldershot, 2005); ‘Mary Ward’s English Institute and Prescribed Female Roles in the Early Modern Church’, in Laurence Lux-Sterritt and Carmen M. Mangion (eds), Gender, Catholicism and Spirituality: Women and the Roman Catholic Church in Britain and Europe (Basingstoke, 2011), pp. 83–98; ‘Mary Ward’s English Institute: The Apostolate as Self-Affirmation?’, RH, 28 (2006): 192–208. Our knowledge of this dimension of English Catholicism has been transformed by the AHRC funded ‘Who Were the Nuns?’ Project, based at Queen Mary, University of London (http://wwtn.history.qmul. ac.uk/) and the publications it has generated: Caroline Bowden (ed.), English Convents in Exile, 1600–1800, 6 vols (London, 2012–13); Caroline Bowden and James M. Kelly (eds), The English Convents in Exile, 1600–1800: Communities, Culture and Identity (Farnham, 2013). 73 Shell, Catholicism, Controversy and the English Literary Imagination, chs 5–6; Lowell Gallagher, ‘Introduction’, in Lowell Gallagher (ed.), Redrawing the Map of Early Modern English Catholicism (Toronto, 2012), pp. 3–24, at 8–9. 74 Lake and Questier, ‘Puritans, Papists, and the “Public Sphere”’, 605, 607. IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 23 together with the techniques employed by its protagonists and apologists to present it as a formidable challenge to Protestant hegemony and to stir up a sense of apocalyptic expectation. My discussion of the furore associated with the arrival of the ‘new army of Satan’ is symptomatic of another significant development that has occurred in the historiography of Catholicism in the British Isles in the last decade: the recognition that popery and anti-popery cannot be disentangled and must be explored in tandem.75 Catholics and Protestants perceived each other through a series of distorting prisms that decisively shaped how they interacted with each other. Anthony Milton has demonstrated that the self-definition of English Protestantism was intricately but directly linked with how it perceived its relationship with the Church of Rome, while Lake and Questier are exploring how the equation works in reverse, as well as the ways in which the community’s own internal divisions were implicated in these processes.76 Peter Marshall has recently dissected the vibrant ‘black legend’ of John Calvin’s egotism and sexual depravity propagated by Catholic polemicists and how they utilised the allegations of sedition clustered around the Genevan reformer to underline the contrasting ‘loyalty’ of adherents of Rome and their rightful place within the English polity.77 However, the mutually reinforcing processes of identity formation embedded in contemporary polemic have been most extensively and fruitfully explored in recent years not by historians, but by literary critics such as Alison Shell, Frances Dolan, Raymond Tumbleson and Arthur Marotti. Their investigations of the role of Catholicism and anti-Catholicism in practices of cultural representation and Renaissance self-fashioning have taught us to be sensitive to the capacity of rhetoric and language to influence contemporary perception and action. They have drawn attention to the convergences between ideology and fantasy, shown how blurred are the boundaries between reality and imagination and urged us to abandon the futile attempt to demarcate them.78

75 For an earlier clarion call to this effect, see Hibbard, ‘Early Stuart Catholicism’. 76 Anthony Milton, Catholic and Reformed: The Roman and Protestant Churches in English Protestant Thought, 1600–1640 (Cambridge, 1994); Peter Lake, ‘Anti-Popery: The Structure of a Prejudice’, in Richard Cust and Ann Hughes (eds), Conflict in Early Stuart England (London, 1989), pp. 72–106; Michael Questier, ‘Practical Anti-Papistry during the Reign of Elizabeth I’, JBS, 36 (1997): 371–96. 77 Peter Marshall, ‘John Calvin and the English Catholics, c.1565–1640’, HJ, 53 (2010): 849–70. 78 See Shell, Catholicism, Controversy and the English Literary Imagination; Frances E. Dolan, Whores of Babylon: Catholicism, Gender and Seventeenth-Century Print Culture (Ithaca and London, 1999); Raymond D. Tumbleson, Catholicism in the English Protestant Imagination: Nationalism, Religion, and Literature, 1660–1745 (Cambridge, 1998); Arthur F. Marotti (ed.), Catholicism and Anti-Catholicism in Early Modern English Texts 24 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN

A further area in which research has accelerated during the period in which the essays contained in this volume were originally written is the world of interconfessional relations. The question of how both members of competing churches and sects responded to what has been called ‘the adventure of religious pluralism’ and learnt to live with and amidst diversity has been the subject of extensive discussion over the last decade.79 Meticulous archival research by Bill Sheils, Malcolm Wanklyn and others has illuminated the unstable mixture of assimilation and segregation, anxiety and cooperation, which defined interactions between Catholics and their Protestant neighbours.80 Building on these insights, Chapter 3 considers the paradoxical consequences of the strategies Catholics employed to evade persecution and resist annihilation. It suggests that conformity served to entrench this plurality yet further: accepted by the state as a gesture of assent it simultaneously provided a loophole that allowed the old faith to survive and persist. It facilitated coexistence as a gesture of partial compliance but it also created conditions in which church papists became the subject of intense suspicion as a malignant fifth column. It lent credibility to the fear that the greatest threat to the establishment came from those who outwardly appeared to be compliant. Since the initial publication of this essay, I have developed these arguments in a fuller discussion of the dynamics of ‘charitable hatred’, which complements Benjamin Kaplan’s work on a larger European canvas in Divided by Faith.81 As these publications make clear, appreciation

(Basingstoke, 1999); Arthur F. Marotti, Religious Ideology and Cultural Fantasy: Catholic and Anti-Catholic Discourses in Early Modern England (Notre Dame, 2005). 79 In addition to the items cited in subsequent footnotes, see Keith Cameron and Mark Greengrass (eds), The Adventure of Pluralism in Early Modern France (Oxford, 2000); C. Scott Dixon, Dagmar Freist and Mark Greengrass (eds), Living with Religious Diversity in Early-Modern Europe (Farnham, 2009); Nadine Lewycky and Adam Morton, Getting Along? Religious Identities and Confessional Relations in Early Modern England: Essays in Honour of Professor W.J. Sheils (Farnham, 2012); Keith P. Luria, ‘Religious Coexistence’, in Bamji, Janssen and Laven (eds), Ashgate Companion, pp. 55–72. 80 William J. Sheils, ‘Catholics and their Neighbours in a Rural Community: Egton Chapelry 1590–1780’, NH, 34 (1998): 109–33; William J. Sheils, ‘“Getting On” and “Getting Along” in Parish and Town: Catholics and their Neighbours in England’, in Benjamin Kaplan, Bob Moore, Henk van Nierop and Judith Pollmann (eds), Catholic Communities in Protestant States: Britain and the Netherlands c.1570–1720 (Manchester, 2009), pp. 67–83; Malcolm Wanklyn, ‘Catholics in the Village Community: Madeley, Shropshire, 1630–1770’, in Marie B. Rowlands (ed.), English Catholics of Parish and Town 1558–1778 (London, 1999), pp. 210–36. See also Andrzej Bida, ‘Papists in an Elizabethan Parish: Linton, Cambridgeshire, c.1560–c.1600’ (unpubl. Diploma in Historical Studies dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1992). 81 Walsham, Charitable Hatred, esp. chs 5–6; Benjamin J. Kaplan, Divided by Faith: Religious Conflict and the Practice of Toleration in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, MA, 2007). IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 25 of what Willem Frijhoff, writing of the Dutch Republic, describes as ‘interconfessional conviviality’ and ‘social ecumenism’ must be balanced by attention to the circumstances in which the latent virus of prejudice was inflamed.82 We must also consider what prevented intolerance from spilling over into violence. Here Anthony Milton’s suggestion that belligerent expressions of anti-Catholicism helped Protestants to come to terms with the promiscuous interactions with papists they had on a daily basis has considerable mileage.83 It is increasingly apparent that boundary- building was a pre-requisite for peaceful coexistence and that toleration depended, counter-intuitively, on the erection of literal and figurative barriers between those who practised it at the grassroots. Plurality was a powerful agent and catalyst of confessionalisation.84 How far these processes were accelerated as time progressed has yet to be fully investigated. Catholics were not beneficiaries of the Act of Toleration of 1689, but in signalling the state and society’s acceptance that the coexistence of different denominational strands of Christianity was here to stay the legislation undoubtedly altered the atmosphere in which adherents of the Church of Rome interacted with Anglicans and Dissenters. How did the Catholic community cope with its new-found stability and growing visibility under Hanoverian rule, or is this no more than an optical illusion? Did it develop an increasing tendency towards insularity and endogamy, as Bossy suggested,85 or were these processes of cultural differentiation muted by the ongoing horizontal connections

82 Willem Frijhoff, ‘The Threshold of Toleration: Interconfessional Conviviality in Holland during the Early Modern Period’, in his Embodied Belief: Ten Essays on Religious Culture in Dutch History (Hilversum, 2002), pp. 39–65. See also Bob Scribner, ‘Preconditions of Tolerance and Intolerance in Sixteenth-Century Germany’, in Ole Peter Grell and Bob Scribner (eds), Tolerance and Intolerance in the European Reformation (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 32–47. 83 Anthony Milton, ‘A Qualified Intolerance: The Limits and Ambiguities of Early Stuart Anti-Catholicism’, in Marotti (ed.), Catholicism and Anti-Catholicism, pp. 85–115. 84 For important recent work on these themes, see Keith P. Luria, Sacred Boundaries: Religious Coexistence and Conflict in Early-Modern France (Washington, DC, 2005); Keith P. Luria, ‘The Power of Conscience? Conversion and Confessional Boundary Building in Early-Modern France’, in Dixon et al. (eds), Living with Religious Diversity, pp. 109–25; Thomas Max Saffley (ed.), A Companion to Multiconfessionalism in the Early Modern World (Leiden, 2011), esp. Safley, ‘Multiconfessionalism: A Brief Introduction’, pp. 1–19, at p. 11, and Jesse Spohnholz, ‘Confessional Coexistence in the Early Modern Low Countries’, pp. 47–73; Jesse Spohnholz, The Tactics of Toleration: A Refugee Community in the Age of Religious Wars (Newark, 2011). See also my ‘Cultures of Coexistence in Early Modern England: History, Literature and Religious Toleration’, The Seventeenth Century, 28 (2013): 115–37. 85 John Bossy, English Catholic Community, ch. 6. See also his ‘English Catholics after 1688’, in Ole Peter Grell, Jonathan I. Israel and Nicholas Tyacke (eds), From Persecution to Toleration: The Glorious Revolution and Religion in England (Oxford, 1991), pp. 369–87. 26 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN which it maintained with the reformed majority? The diurnal of the Lancashire gentleman Nicholas Blundell reveals that he was a fully integrated member of the town of Little Crosby who maintained a close friendship with its Anglican vicar,86 and other studies reinforce the point that the eighteenth-century recusant gentry were not ostracised from county society. They practised their religion discreetly, but also interacted with their Protestant neighbours in their recreational life and participated in intellectual and cultural pursuits that were markers of their class.87 Sally Jordan’s study of land-owning Catholics in the Thames Valley between the Restoration and 1780, by contrast, stresses the effects of legislative restrictions that prevented their entry into esteemed professions: a partly self-imposed isolation that manifested itself in the formation of a separate and rather incestuous community, tied by faith, business and marriage.88 The tentative suggestions and speculations offered at the end of Chapter 4 clearly require further and fuller investigation. Afforded relatively little attention in this collection, the experience and evolution of Catholicism after 1660 is proving one of the richest terrains of current enquiry. Late Stuart Catholicism’s status as a homogeneous, quiescent and hermetically sealed enclave has been persuasively contested by Geoff Baker’s study of the mental world of the Lancashire gentleman William Blundell through the lens of his reading,89 while recent research on the Rookwoods of Stanningfield in late Stuart Suffolk has probed the intriguing problem of why a family whose members confirmed the aggressive stereotypes that circulated in anti-Protestant polemic nevertheless managed to get along with its neighbours.90 Gabriel Glickman is systematically dispelling enduring myths about the marginality and backwardness of eighteenth-century Jacobitism and underlining the Catholic community’s cosmopolitan sources of inspiration, as well as its

86 The Great Diurnall of Nicholas Blundell of Little Crosby, Lancashire 1702–1728, ed. J.J. Bagley, Record Society of Lancashire and Cheshire 110, 112, 114 ([1968–72]), see for example i. 74, 233; ii. 67, 210, and my discussion in ‘Supping with Satan’s Disciples: Spiritual and Secular Sociability in Post-Reformation England’, in Lewycky and Morton (eds), Getting Along?, pp. 52–4. 87 Leo Gooch, ‘“The Religion for a Gentleman”: The Northern Catholic Gentry in the Eighteenth Century’, RH, 23 (1997): 543–68. 88 Sally Jordan, ‘Gentry Catholicism in the Thames Valley, 1660–1780’, RH, 27 (2004): 217–43. 89 Geoff Baker, ‘William Blundell and Late-Seventeenth-Century English Catholicism’, NH, 45 (2008): 259–77; Reading and Politics in Early Modern England: The Mental World of a Seventeenth-Century Catholic Gentleman (Manchester, 2010). 90 Carys Brown, ‘The Rookwood Family of Stanningfield, Suffolk, and English Catholicism c.1689–c.1737’ (unpubl. BA dissertation, University of Cambridge, 2012). IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 27 entanglement in and contribution to the Enlightenment.91 Approaching the topic from a different perspective, Eoin Devlin’s study of English engagement with Papal Rome and James II’s restoration of diplomatic ties with the Holy See turns on its head some lasting presuppositions and illuminates the absolutist ambitions for re-Catholicisation of this controversial monarch. Exemplifying the mutual benefits to be gained from placing British developments in their European context, and vice versa, it also underlines the point that the prolonged Protestant Reformation was fundamentally shaped by an equally extended Counter Reformation.92

II

The second half of this introduction speaks more directly to the suggestion that Catholicism in Protestant Britain must be understood in relation to the international movement for Catholic renewal. Over the last few decades, the study of this movement has itself been revitalised. Where earlier commentators regarded the initiatives that comprise it as essentially defensive, the rear-guard reaction of an institution jolted into aggressive action only by the onset of Protestantism, newer work has insisted that these were rather the twin strands of a single set of impulses for reform which predated Martin Luther’s momentous protest against indulgences in 1517 and had deeper intellectual and spiritual roots.93 Once integrated into a broader and highly influential thesis about the rise of the confessional state,94 emphasis on the predominantly coercive and acculturating quality of these parallel Reformations has also gradually dissipated.95 The catchwords and keynotes of more recent research have been negotiation, compromise, reciprocity, accommodation and exchange.

91 Gabriel Glickman, ‘Andrew Michael Ramsay (1686–1743), the Jacobite Court and the English Catholic Enlightenment’, Eighteenth Century Thought, 3 (2007): 293–329; The English Catholic Community, 1688–1745: Politics, Culture and Ideology (Woodbridge, 2009); ‘Gothic History and Catholic Enlightenment in the Works of Charles Dodd (1672– 1743)’, HJ, 54 (2011): 347–69; ‘The Church and the Catholic Community 1660–1714’, in Grant Tapsell (ed.), The Later Stuart Church, 1660–1714 (Manchester, 2012), 217–42. 92 Eoin Devlin, ‘English Encounters with Papal Rome in the Late Counter-Reformation, c.1685–c.1697’ (unpubl. PhD dissertation, University of Cambridge, 2010); forthcoming in revised form from CUP. This offers a rather different perspective from Steven Pincus’s 1688: The First Modern Revolution (New Haven and London, 2009), esp. chs 5–6. 93 Critical here was Delumeau, Catholicism between Luther and Voltaire. 94 Wolfgang Reinhard, ‘Reformation, Counter Reformation, and the Early Modern State: A Reassessment’, CHR, 75 (1989): 383–405. 95 For the earlier emphasis on coercion and regulation, see Bossy, ‘Counter Reformation and the People’. 28 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN

Stress on the imposition of Catholic values on the populace through the agency of quasi-absolutist regimes, reinforced by the activities of the Inquisition and other disciplinary tribunals, has been displaced by a fresh awareness of the ways in which the Church of Rome was regenerated from below and within. Historians are now more attuned to the delicate and dialectical interactions between clergy and laity, centre and periphery, universal and particular that characterised the movement for Christian renewal between c.1500 and 1800. They have moved decisively beyond what Simon Ditchfield has called the ‘hackneyed Punch-and-Judy show that is the Counter-versus Catholic Reformation debate’ and broken free of the constricting moulds set by a century and a half of scholarship.96 Critical here is John O’Malley’s observation that the adjective Tridentine is a misleading term for describing the early modern metamorphosis of Roman Catholicism.97 Although it is still widely regarded as an important organ of institutional, ritual and liturgical reform, the Council of Trent has been cut down to size as merely one component of a broader programme. Its decrees and directives do not encompass this project in its entirety and fail to reflect many features of the religious revival that marked the period. They offer little insight into the intense, introspective and sometimes ecstatic spirituality that became the signature of some branches of the movement and they obscure the systematic appeal to the emotions and senses as conduits to divine grace that underpinned baroque piety.98 They also conceal the crucial role played by new and rejuvenated religious orders,

96 Simon Ditchfield, ‘Of Dancing Cardinals and Mestizo Madonnas: Reconfiguring the History of Roman Catholicism in the Early Modern Period’, JEMH, 8 (2004): 386–408, at 387. Textbooks and syntheses reflecting these tendencies include Ronnie Po-Chia Hsia, The World of Catholic Renewal, 1540–1770 (Cambridge, 1998; 2nd edn 2005); Robert Bireley, The Refashioning of Catholicism, 1450–1700 (London, 1999); David Luebke, The Counter Reformation: The Essential Readings (Oxford, 1999); Mary Laven, ‘Encountering the Counter Reformation’, Renaissance Quarterly, 59 (2006): 706–20; Robert Bireley, ‘Redefining Catholicism: Trent and Beyond’, in R. Po-Chia Hsia (ed.), The Cambridge History of Christianity, vol. 6, Reform and Expansion 1500–1660 (Cambridge, 2007), pp. 145–61, Bamji, Janssen and Laven (eds), Ashgate Companion. See also Craig Harline, ‘Official Religion-Popular Religion in Recent Historiography of the Catholic Reformation’, ARG, 81 (1990): 239–62. For an incisive overview of historiographical trends, see John W. O’Malley, Trent and All That: Renaming Catholicism in the Early Modern Era (Cambridge, MA, 2000). 97 O’Malley, Trent and all That, pp. 134–6. See also Simon Ditchfield, ‘Tridentine Catholicism’, in Bamji, Janssen and Laven (eds), Ashgate Companion, pp. 15–31. 98 H. Outram Evennett, The Spirit of the Counter Reformation, ed. John Bossy (Notre Dame, 1970) remains a lasting contribution to our understanding of the spirituality of the movement. On the senses, see now Nicky Hallett, The Senses in Religious Communities, 1600–1800: Early Modern ‘Convents of Pleasure’ (Farnham, 2013); Wietse de Boer, ‘The Counter Reformation of the Senses’, in Bamji, Janssen and Laven (eds), Ashgate Companion, pp. 243–60. IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 29 including the Franciscans and Jesuits, and the impact of the missions they conducted both at home and abroad. Integrating the local and global dimensions of early modern Catholic Christianity and exploring how the Western encounter with indigenous peoples and civilisations in distant parts of the world informed and transformed the Church’s endeavours back in Europe are high on the agenda of historians determined to ‘de- centre’ the Counter Reformation.99 These observations are an important framework for the essays in this collection that centre on the objectives and endeavours of the stream of seminary-trained priests, Jesuits and other regulars sent to Britain in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and their reception by and interaction with the laity with whom they came into contact. It is necessary to re- emphasise the critical part played by mission in the creation of post- Reformation Catholicism in Britain.100 This has long been an arena of historiographical contention, but we have now moved beyond the constraining paradigm of ‘success’ and ‘failure’.101 Christopher Haigh’s scepticism about the evangelical credentials of this enterprise has been overtaken by two interrelated developments: first, by the recognition that the boundaries between heresy and schism, conversion and reconciliation were porous and fluid,102 and second, by increasing awareness that the missionaries were intent not merely upon stiffening the resolve of those already committed to Rome but also upon persuading Protestants to embrace the creed they taught. They found prisons a fertile environment in which to achieve both of these aims, competing with Church of England ministers to win the souls of the convicted criminals alongside whom they were often executed.103 As Lake and Questier, Brad Gregory, Anne Dillon, Susannah Monta and others have shown, they adeptly turned their own deaths into a theatre of martyrdom, transforming the rites of humiliation to which the state subjected them on the scaffold into inspirational spectacles. Celebrating their heroic sacrifice and refuting claims that they died as traitors, printed texts written by their colleagues adhered scrupulously to the standards of humanist hagiography and functioned simultaneously as advertisements of the eternal merits of recusancy. If these martyrological

99 Simon Ditchfield, ‘Decentering the Catholic Reformation: Papacy and Peoples in the Early Modern World’, ARG, 101 (2010): 186–208. 100 Bossy, English Catholic Community, esp. ch. 1. 101 Christopher Haigh, ‘Success and Failure in the English Reformation’, P&P, 173 (2001): 28–49. 102 See esp. Questier, Conversion, Politics and Religion. Forthcoming work by Lucy Underwood will illuminate these complexities further. 103 Peter Lake and Michael Questier, ‘Prisons, Priests and People’, in Nicholas Tyacke (ed.), England’s Long Reformation 1500–1800 (London, 1998), pp. 195–234. 30 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN narratives stressed that England was a Catholic country that required reclamation rather than conversion, this was a rhetorical strategy designed to emphasise the antiquity of the Church of Rome against the novelty of an upstart heresy. They circulated alongside scribally copied accounts that were saturated with signs and wonders reported by bystanders that testified to the spontaneous canonisation of the consecrated caste of priests upon which the laity depended for their sacramental survival and whose courage and charisma led them to be revered as living saints. Joint creations of the community and clergy, these manuscripts testify to the willingness of the Jesuits to exploit aspects of piety that had had come under attack during the Reformation and to fuel the popular appetite for the miraculous. The capacity of martyrs to win over indifferent and even hostile eyewitnesses was widely acknowledged.104 While some recent work on the Reformation has been dismissive of the significance of conversion as a motor of religious change, other scholars have continued to underline the importance of internal revolutions ‘loosed by the holy spirit’ in the later sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.105 People crossed over between Catholicism and Protestantism with surprising frequency in this period and their peregrinations were frequently far more than pragmatic or political manoeuvres.106 Celebrated as converts by the Church which gained them and denigrated by their erstwhile coreligionists as apostates and renegades, the shifting institutional affiliations of clergy and laypeople obscure a series of dramatic individual epiphanies

104 See Peter Lake and Michael Questier, ‘Agency, Appropriation and Rhetoric Under the Gallows: Puritans, Romanists and the State in Early Modern England’, P&P, 153 (1996): 64–107; Brad S. Gregory, Salvation at Stake: Christian Martyrdom in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge, MA, 1999), ch. 7; Dillon, Construction of Martyrdom, esp. ch. 2; Susannah Monta, Martyrdom and Literature in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 2005); Thomas M. McCoog, ‘Construing martyrdom in the English Catholic community, 1582–1602’, in Shagan (ed.), Catholics and the ‘Protestant Nation’, pp. 95–127. 105 The phrase is Ethan Shagan’s in Popular Politics and the English Reformation (Cambridge, 2003), p. 303, though it is a term he rejects as a description of the English Reformation. 106 On conversion, see Questier, Conversion, Politics and Religion; Peter Marshall, ‘Evangelical Conversion in the Reign of Henry VIII’, in Peter Marshall and Alec Ryrie (eds), The Beginnings of English Protestantism (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 14–37; Alison Shell, ‘Multiple Conversion and the Menippean Self: The Case of Richard Carpenter’, in Marotti (ed.), Catholicism and Anti-Catholicism, 154–97; Molly Murray, ‘“Now I ame a Catholique”: William Alabaster and the Early Modern Catholic Conversion Narrative’, in Corthell et al. (eds), Catholic Culture, pp. 189–215; Lieke Stelling (ed.), The Turn of the Soul: Representations of Religious Conversion in Early Modern Art and Literature (Leiden, 2012). A major AHRC project on ‘Conversion Narratives in Early Modern Europe: A Cross- Confessional and Comparative Study, 1550–1700’ led by Simon Ditchfield and Helen Smith has recently drawn to completion at the University of York (http://www.york.ac.uk/crems/ conversion-narratives/). IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 31 that deserve closer inspection. Susan Brigden was instinctively right to suggest at the end of an important article on ‘Youth and the English Reformation’ published in 1982 that by the mid-Elizabethan period it was no longer the new Gospel but Roman Catholicism that had the allure of an exotic, forbidden fruit to the adolescents of the realm.107 The missionaries recognised the vital necessity of winning the support of the next generation, whose defiance of parental pressure to conform with the law they elevated into pious exempla.108 Theirs was a movement fired by the excitement of the young men who entered the seminaries, many of whom came from households fractured by schism if not fully immersed in heresy. Recently subjected to forensic scrutiny by Lucy Underwood, the responsa scholarum of English Colleges in Rome and Valladolid reveal the elasticity of the categories of conversion and reconciliation, and the ambiguous interface between church papistry and nominal Protestantism in contemporary minds. Albeit filtered by the scribes who took down their testimonies, the evangelical language they used to describe their transition to Catholicism is telling: they spoke frequently of divine revelation and sudden interventions of celestial grace.109 We need, then, to recover a sense of the intensity, emotion and energy that underpinned the Counter-Reformation mission to Britain. These themes are developed especially in Part II of this book. Chapter 5 examines how the clergy harnessed fascination with the supernatural to bolster the morale of committed Catholics and persuade confirmed Protestants to cast off their soul-destroying errors. In defiance of the reformer’s insistence that modern miracles had ceased, they brandished the thaumaturgic wonders wrought by martyrs, relics and sacramentals as heavenly testimonies to the truth of their religion. They believed that God had sent these signs not merely to comfort the persecuted, but also to open the eyes of the heretics as he had enlightened the pagans of old. The reports of prodigies and providential interventions that coincided with the arrival of Persons and Campion in 1580 alert us to a body of opinion beyond the ranks of recusants that was open to influence, as I suggest in Chapter 10. Exorcisms, visions and the angelic apparitions discussed in Chapter 7 also proved to be powerful tools for inspiring zeal, defending contested tenets and delivering didactic lessons. These too were elements of religious experience about which the reformers were ambivalent, if not overtly antagonistic. Yet for

107 Susan Brigden, ‘Youth and the English Reformation’, P&P, 95 (1982): 37–67. 108 Alison Shell, ‘“Furor Juvenilis: Post-Reformation English Catholicism and Exemplary Youthful Behaviour’, in Shagan (ed.), Catholics and the ‘Protestant Nation’, pp. 185–206. 109 Lucy Underwood, ‘Youth, Religious Identity, and Autobiography at the English Colleges in Rome and Valladolid, 1592–1685’, HJ, 55 (2012): 349–74. 32 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN this very reason they could prove a mixed blessing. If they could dazzle Protestants into questioning their faith, they could also provoke them to mocking contempt. The epistemological uncertainties that surrounded these phenomena exposed them to alternative interpretations that could be deeply damaging. Attributed by their confessional enemies to the malice of Satan, the Machiavellian stratagems of priests or the deceit of their lay accomplices, they could prove a source of scandal and embarrassment to a Church determined to uphold and defend its ideological and moral integrity. These chapters also highlight the tensions regarding supernaturalism and the discernment of spirits that simmered beneath the surface of the Catholic Reformation more generally. Across Europe, the wariness about manifestations of divine intervention that had prevailed in the early and middle decades of the sixteenth century in the wake of the initial Protestant assault coexisted with and tempered baroque enthusiasm.110 Uncovering a persistent strand of modest scepticism about the supernatural within English Catholic ranks, Francis Young’s recent book shows how early humanist caution converged with neo-Aristotelian metaphysics and later Jansenism to present a powerful challenge to the eager promotion of the miraculous that was the hallmark of the Jesuit mission and to the ‘mystical recusancy’ practised by prominent laymen like Sir Thomas Tresham. In rescuing these marginalised voices, he not only underlines the intraconfessional conflicts that divided the community and its active engagement with Continental theological and philosophical trends. He also shows how these developments helped to create the Protestant stereotype of Catholicism as a religion that specialised in forging false wonders, counterfeiting demonic possession and inventing ‘traditions’.111 The contentions within the sixteenth and seventeenth-century Catholic community surrounding these issues replicate those that were a feature of late medieval Christianity itself. It is increasingly apparent that narratives that locate the ‘disenchantment of the world’ in the post-Reformation period fail to recognise the deep undercurrent of anxiety about the preternatural that troubled the fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Church. Indeed some historians have seen the surge of demonological writing in this era as a response to a ‘crisis of belief’ and discovered worries

110 See Clare Copeland, ‘Sanctity’, in Bamji, Janssen and Laven (eds), Ashgate Companion, pp. 225–41; Clare Copeland and Jan Machielsen (eds), Angels of Light? Sanctity and the Discernment of Spirits in the Early Modern Period (Leiden and Boston, 2013). See also Craig Harline, Miracles at the Jesus Oak: Histories of the Supernatural in Reformation Europe (New York, 2003). 111 Francis Young, English Catholics and the Supernatural 1553–1829 (Farnham, 2013). IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 33 about the nature, reality and efficacy of magic at the very heart of this literature.112 Caroline Walker Bynum detects the paradoxical coexistence of two apparently opposite tendencies: unprecedented enthusiasm for tangible manifestations of the sacred and supernatural alongside renewed suspicion about its compatibility with true spirituality. She identifies ‘an intensifying rejection and an intensifying revering of matter as the locus of the divine’.113 These insights sit a little uneasily alongside Eamon Duffy’s influential study of Catholic England in The Stripping of the Altars. In emphasising the vitality and resilience of ‘traditional religion’ over signs of friction, disharmony and dissent, his book immediately transformed its field. It had the salutary effect of compelling us to rethink long-standing assumptions about the parlous condition of the Church on the eve of the Reformation, but it may have overstated its health.114 However, its power is now starting to wane and the pendulum of interpretation is beginning to swing once again. Robert Lutton and others are questioning Duffy’s emphasis on consensus and suggesting that the fifteenth-century Church was more diverse, fragmentary and internally riven than he implied. Organic changes were occurring within it that allowed lollardy and evangelicalism to germinate.115 Alongside this ran a corrosive humanist critique of ‘superstition’ which fed into a rhetoric of reform that later diverged, bifurcated and took separate institutional forms. These helped to regenerate it from within, but they also destabilised it, supplying an explanation for what Peter Marshall has described as the ‘perplexing fragility’ of some aspects of orthodox

112 Walter Stephens, Demon Lovers: Witchcraft, Sex, and the Crisis of Belief (Chicago, 2002); Michael D. Bailey, ‘The Disenchantment Of Magic: Spells, Charms, and Superstition in Early European Witchcraft Literature’, AHR, 111 (2006): 383–404. See also my ‘The Reformation and “The Disenchantment of the World” Reassessed’, HJ, 51 (2008): 497–528, esp. 502–4. 113 Caroline Walker Bynum, Christian Materiality: An Essay on Religion in Late Medieval Europe (New York, 2011), p. 285 and passim. 114 Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, c.1400–c.1580 (New Haven and London, 1992; 2nd edn 2005). On the vitality of Scottish religion in the same period, see Audrey-Beth Fitch, The Search for Salvation: Lay Faith in Scotland 1480–1560 (Edinburgh, 2009). For Ireland, see Salvador Ryan, ‘Popular Religion in Gaelic Ireland 1445–1645’ (unpubl. PhD dissertation, National University of Ireland, Maynooth, 2002), part II. 115 Robert Lutton, Lollardy and Orthodox Religion in Pre-Reformation England: Reconstructing Piety (Woodbridge, 2006); ‘Geographies and Materialities of Piety: Reconciling Competing Narratives of Religious Change in Pre-Reformation and Reformation England’, in Robert Lutton and Elisabeth Salter (eds), Pieties in Transition: Religious Practices and Experiences, c.1400–1640 (Aldershot, 2007), pp. 11–40. 34 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN piety.116 George Bernard’s recent monograph is the clearest sign that the high-water mark of revisionism has passed, though his emphasis on the areas of vulnerability that counter-balanced its vibrancy still leaves the riddle of why the Reformation occurred ultimately unresolved.117 In the context of these historiographical reorientations, the whole question of the relative roles of continuity and conversion in the making of the Catholic communities of England, Wales and Scotland after 1558 may need to be revisited once more. One site that exemplifies the links between the pre- and post- Reformation Catholic worlds is Holywell in Flintshire. This famous place of pilgrimage centred on the miraculous healing well consecrated to the seventh-century virgin St Winefride, which reputedly sprang up where her decapitated head fell. Chapter 6 traces the history of the shrine from the post-Conquest period to the eighteenth century, demonstrating how it was reinvented and embellished as an icon of Tudor piety on the eve of the break with Rome and how it defied and evaded destruction in the decades that followed the Henrician dissolution of the monasteries. Transformed into the headquarters of the Welsh Catholic revival, it became a rallying point for militant resistance to Protestantism, a centre of missionary outreach to the visitors who flocked to its waters in search of cures; and, in the reign of James II, a symbol of hope that a fully fledged Counter Reformation might soon come to pass in the British Isles. Part of an ancient geography of the sacred, it was also a lieu de mémoire, a bridge to an era of Christian history over which Catholics and Protestants fought bitterly for control. Holywell was one hub in a wide network of hallowed sites in the landscape, which were scarred by iconoclasm but survived as a potent reminder of a glorious past in which the faith of Rome had first been planted in these islands. It was a focus for articulating a historical vision that could unite the Catholics in the various realms that comprised it in defence of what William Allen called ‘the lost British lamb’, but which could also give expression to their separate ethnic and national identities. Christopher Highley has since analysed the narratives the English, Scottish and Welsh constructed about their religious heritage in greater detail and shown how memory was a key battleground in which polemical wars between the churches were waged, a theme I have further investigated in

116 Peter Marshall, ‘Forgery and Miracles in the Reign of Henry VIII’, P&P, 178 (2003): 39–73, at 40. 117 George Bernard, The Late Medieval English Church: Vitality and Vulnerability before the Break with Rome (New Haven and London, 2012). See also my The Reformation of the Landscape: Religion, Identity and Memory in Early Modern Britain and Ireland (Oxford, 2011), ch. 1. IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 35 relation to the landscape.118 In a society in which antiquity was regarded as a guarantor of truth, ecclesiastical history and antiquarianism were vital pieces of ammunition in the struggle for both confessional hegemony and evangelical success.119 Colonising and controlling interpretation of the recent past was an equally essential task. Historians have paid surprisingly little attention to the scholarly practices of the priests like Christopher Grene and his brother Martin, whose role in collecting and editing narratives of the heroic days of the Elizabethan and early Stuart mission and its martyrs – in creating its archive – should be more fully acknowledged. It is an irony that the surge of new work on English Catholicism (including my own) rests in large part on the material gathered and transmitted by early modern priests, and then sifted, selected and published by the heirs of this same tradition such as Richard Challoner, Henry Foley, J.H. Pollen and Bede Camm. Such texts, and the partisan ideological lenses through which they were filtered, deserve to be subjected to more careful and critical scrutiny. If Grene, Challoner and their predecessors were counterparts of the Protestant historian John Foxe, Catholic studies has yet to find its Tom Freeman.120 And the manuscripts these men preserved and interpreted for posterity were the medium in which an earlier generation had enshrined the collective memory of its sufferings. ‘Deprived of shrine and sarcophagus’,

118 Christopher Highley, ‘“The Lost British Lamb”: English Catholic Exiles and the Problem of Britain’, in David J. Baker and Willy Mally (ed.), British Identities and English Renaissance Literature (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 37–50; ‘“A Pestilent and Seditious Book”: Nicholas Sander’s Schismatis Anglicani and Catholic Histories of the Reformation’, in Paulina Kewes (ed.), The Uses of History in Early Modern England (San Marino, CA, 2006), pp. 147–67; Christopher Highley, Catholics Writing the Nation in Early Modern Britain and Ireland (Oxford, 2008); Walsham, Reformation of the Landscape, ch. 3. 119 See, among others, Donna B. Hamilton, ‘Catholic Use of Anglo-Saxon Precedents, 1565–1625’, RH, 26 (2003): 537–55; Felicity Heal, ‘Appropriating History: Catholic and Protestant Polemics and the National Past’, in Kewes (ed.), Uses of History, pp. 109–32; Jason Nice, Sacred History and National Identity: Comparisons between Early Modern Wales and Brittany (London, 2009); Katherine Van Liere, Simon Ditchfield and Howard Louthan (eds), Sacred History: Uses of the Christian Past in the Renaissance World (Oxford, 2012). 120 Andrew Czaja’s Cambridge MPhil dissertation on ‘Catholic History and Memory in Christopher Grene’s Collectanea’ (2013) makes these points convincingly. Grene’s Collectanea are preserved in the archives of Oscott College and the English Province of the Society of Jesus in London. The latter were formerly at Stonyhurst. Richard Challoner, Memoirs of Missionary Priests ([London], 1741–42). Among Tom Freeman’s many interventions, see esp. ‘Fate, Faction and Fiction in Foxe’s Book of Martyrs’, HJ, 43 (2000): 601–24 and ‘Texts, Lies, and Microfilm: Reading and Misreading Foxe’s “Book of Martyrs”’, SCJ, 30 (1999): 23–46; Elizabethan Evenden and Thomas S. Freeman, Religion and the Book in Early Modern England: The Making of John Foxe’s Book of Martyrs (Cambridge, 2011). See also Chapter 5, n. 10, below. 36 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN writes Gerard Kilroy, transcription functioned as a substitute for physical monuments and memorials. The texts it engendered served as sacred relics.121 If history and memory were crucial instruments in the formation of Britain’s post-Reformation Catholic communities, so too were writing and print. The lingering assumption that Catholicism was hostile to the new technology for reproducing texts is another measure of the enduring influence that Protestant polemic has exerted over historical interpretation. Chapter 8 suggests that it has eclipsed the eagerness and ingenuity with which priests embraced the book as a megaphone for broadcasting messages to an international Catholic audience and as a surrogate preacher and pastor to their coreligionists at home. In doing so they were building on foundations laid in the late Middle Ages, not least by the Bridgettines and Carthusians who pioneered the strategy of ‘preaching with their hands’. But it must be acknowledged that persecution provided a particular incentive to their alliance with the press and the pen.122 Deprived of access to the pulpit and public podium, the community and its leaders turned to other methods of projecting their voice. They utilised printing alongside the media of manuscript, image, music and speech to succour the laity, engage in combat with heretics and also (somewhat counterproductively) to prosecute their own damaging internal squabbles and disputes. Augmenting the work of the great Catholic bibliographers, Allison and Rogers, subsequent studies by Alison Shell, Arthur Marotti, Earle Havens and others have delineated the contours of a Catholic ‘culture of persuasion’ which closely mirrored the one engendered by the Protestant Reformation.123 Alongside devotional objects and portable icons, printed texts functioned within this as badges of belonging, as well as sources of consolation, instruments of instruction and foci for meditation. The experience of proscription, I argue, catalysed the process by which Catholicism became as much a religion of the book

121 Kilroy, Edmund Campion, esp. pp. 4, 14, 61, 86. 122 See my ‘Preaching without Speaking: Script, Print and Religious Dissent’, in Julia Crick and Alexandra Walsham (eds), The Uses of Script and Print, 1300–1700 (Cambridge, 2004), pp. 211–34. On the Bridgettines, see E.A. Jones and Alexandra Walsham (eds), Syon Abbey and its Books: Reading, Writing, and Religion 1400–1700 (Woodbridge, 2010). 123 Alison Shell, Oral Culture and Catholicism in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 2007); Arthur Marotti, ‘Manuscript Transmission and the Catholic Martyrdom Account in Early Modern England’, in Arthur Marotti and Michael D. Bristol (eds), Print, Manuscript and Performance: The Changing Relations of the Media in Early Modern England (Columbus, OH, 2000), pp. 172–99; Earle Havens, ‘Notes from a Literary Underground: Recusant Catholics, Jesuit Priests, and Scribal Publication in Elizabethan England’, Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America, 99 (2005): 505–38. See Andrew Pettegree, Reformation and the Culture of Persuasion (Cambridge, 2005). IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 37 as Protestantism. It too developed a distinctive piety interpenetrated by literacy. Chapter 9 tackles the closely related issue of how the English Catholic hierarchy responded to the challenge presented by one of the Reformation’s most powerful weapons: the vernacular Bible. Although representatives of the Church of Rome retained reservations about the translation of Scripture into the vulgar tongue, their embattled condition persuaded them of the necessity of producing a version to fight the heretics on their own terms. Despite efforts to restrain private interpretation of the text by enclosing it in extensive annotations, the publication of the Douai Rheims Bible had the potential to promote lay independence. Like printing itself, it unsettled the hierarchical relationship between the clergy and their spiritual charges and shifted the balance of power. If this was one of the unforeseen consequences of becoming a minority, it was also one of the side-effects of the broader shift from script to print and from Latin to the vernacular about which Protestants had mixed feelings themselves. In deciding to recognise rather than resist the linguistic changes taking place in early modern society, they demonstrated a willingness to respond to local cultures and conditions that is reminiscent of the initiatives of Calvinist ministers in the Gaelic-speaking Highlands and islands.124 Catholic priests operating in Celtic regions were likewise alive to the need to communicate with the laity in their own languages and dialects. Harnessing traditional genres, they composed Welsh ballads and songs, translated prayers, homilies and polemical texts into Cornish and printed broadsides about famous shrines like the Holy House of Loreto in lowland Scots. In Ireland too, Bardic poetry became an important vehicle for resisting the Reformation.125 Likewise, the revival of Catholicism in the Hebrides and other parts of the

124 Jane Dawson, ‘Calvinism and the Gaidhealtachd in Scotland’, in Andrew Pettegree, Alastair Duke and Gillian Lewis (eds), Calvinism in Europe, 1540–1620 (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 231–53. 125 For Welsh ballads, see below, p. 276. On Cornwall, see my ‘Antiquities Cornu- Britannick: Language, Memory and Landscape in Early Modern Cornwall’, in Robert Armstrong and Tadhg O hAnnrachain (eds), Christianities in the Celtic World (Palgrave, forthcoming 2014). The Loreto broadside is The wondrus flittinge of the kirk of our B. Ledy of Loreto (Loreto, 1635). There were corresponding versions in English and Welsh: The miraculous origin and translation of the church of our B. Lady of Loreto (Loreto, 1635); Dechreaud a rhyfedhus esmudiad eglwys yr arglwdhes Fair o Loreto (Loreto, 1635). James January-McCann of Aberystwyth University is currently working on Welsh language recusant literature. The connections between the Gaelic bardic tradition and Catholicism have been investigated by Samantha Meigs, The Reformations in Ireland: Tradition and Confessionalism, 1400–1690 (Basingstoke, 1997) and, with different emphases, by Marc Caball, ‘Religion, Culture and the Bardic Elite in Early Modern Ireland’, in Alan Ford and John McCafferty (eds), The Origins of Sectarianism in Early Modern Ireland (Cambridge, 2005), 158–82. 38 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN

Scottish Gaidhealtachd relied on the capacity of Irish missionaries to work within the powerful clan structures of this semi-feudal society.126 Drawing into the foreground a theme implicit throughout this collection, Chapters 11 and 12 suggest that the social profile and base of post- Reformation Catholicism in Britain was far more heterogeneous than many earlier scholars conceded. The rediscovery of the church papist has been critical in qualifying the idea that the community was predominantly elite in composition, which has been one of the consequences of the historiographical concentration on recusancy. While the wealthy had the resources to pay the crippling fines associated with refusal to attend Protestant worship, conformity was a more affordable lifestyle for the majority. Despite the disproportionate attention lavished on the recusant nobility and gentry (and the copious documentation that survives about them), as Marie Rowland’s volume on Catholics of Parish and Town (1999) has shown, most of those who adhered to the Church of Rome in early modern England and Wales were probably members of the middling and meaner sorts of people.127 We need to look beyond the grand country houses in which the missionaries roosted as ‘sparrows on the roof top’ and recognise the multiplicity of Catholic communities that emerged in the wake of the Reformation.128 It is also necessary to abandon the assumption that committed and articulate Catholicism inevitably collapsed in the absence of regular access to priests and examine the creative adaptations made by Catholic laypeople who lacked constant clerical guidance and were often deprived of the spiritual nourishment of the mass. This was the starting point for Lisa McClain’s Lest we Damned (2004), which explores the explores the course that the laity and clergy charted between Catholic orthodoxy and practical necessity and emphasises their ability to maintain the functions of their piety without adhering strictly to institutional forms. She may, though, be mistaken in seeing the choice and flexibility that characterised English Catholic experience as at odds with the complexion of the Tridentine

126 Cathaldus Giblin, The Irish Franciscan Mission to Scotland, 1619–1646 (Dublin, 1964); Fiona MacDonald, Missions to the Gaels: Reformation and Counter-Reformation in Ulster and the Highlands and Islands of Scotland 1560–1760 (Edinburgh, 2006), chs 2, 4; Scott Spurlock, ‘Confessionalization and Clan Cohesion: Ireland’s Contribution to Scottish Catholic Renewal in the Seventeenth Century’, RH, 31 (2012): 171–94. 127 Rowlands (ed.), English Catholics of Parish and Town. See also J.C.H. Aveling, ‘Catholic Households in Yorkshire 1580–1603’, NH, 16 (1980): 85–101; J.A. Hilton, ‘The Recusant Commons in the North-East 1570–1642’, Northern Catholic History, 12 (1980): 3–13; B.G. Blackwood, ‘Plebeian Catholics in the 1640s and 1650s’, RH, 18 (1986–87): 42–58; B.G. Blackwood, ‘Plebeian Catholics in Later Stuart Lancashire’, NH, 25 (1989): 153–73. 128 T.M. McCoog, ‘“Sparrows on a Rooftop”: “How we Live where we Live” in Elizabethan England’, in T.M. Lucas (ed.), Spirit Style Story: Essays Honoring John W. Padburg (Chicago, 2002), pp. 237–64. IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 39

Church on the Continent.129 Instead, we should regard it simply as an indigenous variation on a wider European theme. Persecution intensified rather than engendered this tendency. As I argue in Chapter 12, the transmutations of ritual life that occurred in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were both intriguing and subtle: the faithful were compelled to seek new spaces in private homes and the landscape in which they could assemble for worship and to find ways of compensating for the rarity with which they could receive the sacraments of penance and the Eucharist.130 Liturgical and devotional practice in England did diverge in some respects from the patterns prescribed by the Council of Trent. Its domestication was in tension with episcopal and conciliar emphasis on the parish and exacerbated the difficulties that surrounded policing the use of sacred items like relics and sacramentals, though these were challenges that faced the ecclesiastical hierarchy throughout Europe. Disestablishment exacerbated rather than created impulses that had long troubled the Church of Rome: the desire of the laity for access to hallowed objects as sources of thaumaturgic protection and as foci for veneration.131 The material culture of religion in post-Reformation Britain has been relatively neglected by modern historians, but a number of scholars are now beginning to investigate how it was implicated in identity formation and the part played by physical artefacts in practices of dissimulation as well as devotion.132

129 Lisa McClain, Lest We Be Damned: Practical Innovation and Lived Experience Among Catholics in Protestant England, 1559–1642 (New York and London, 2004). 130 On the household, see my ‘Holy Families: The Spiritualization of the Early Modern Household Revisited’, in John Doran, Charlotte Methuen and Alexandra Walsham (eds), Religion and the Household, SCH 50 (Woodbridge, 2014), pp. 122–60. For the landscape, see my Reformation of the Landscape, ch. 3. 131 These issues are currently under investigation in the context of Renaissance Italy by Mary Laven and an ERC funded project on ‘Domestic Devotions: The Place of Piety in the Italian Renaissance Home’. See also Silvia Evangelisti, ‘Material Culture’, in Bamji, Janssen and Laven (eds), Ashgate Companion, pp. 395–416. 132 Bede Camm, Forbidden Shrines: An Account of Some Old Catholic Halls and Families in England, and of Relics and Memorials of the English Martyrs (London, 1910), esp. pp. 355–81, is attentive to physical artefacts. For a more recent study see Virginia C. Raguin (ed.), Catholic Collecting: Catholic Reflection 1538–1850: Objects as a Measure of Reflection on a Catholic Past and the Construction of Recusant History in England and America (Worcester, MA, 2006). Maurice Whitehead (ed.), Held in Trust: 2008 Years of Sacred Culture (Stonyhurst, 2008) catalogues some surviving material at Stonyhurst, which is the subject of research by Jan Graffius: ‘The Stuart Relics in the Stonyhurst Collections’, RH, 31 (2012): 147–69. See also my ‘The Pope’s Merchandise and the Jesuits’ Trumpery: Catholic Relics and Protestant Polemic in Post-Reformation England’, in Dagmar Eichberger and Jennifer Spinks (eds), Religion, the Supernatural and Visual Culture in Early Modern Europe: Essays in Honour of Charles Zika (Leiden, forthcoming 2015). James Kelly is currently working on this topic. 40 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN

Even as it incubated tendencies that worried the clergy, in other respects and at the same time the household proved an ideal environment for cultivating an intense and precocious brand of Catholic devotion. It was a nursery of Jesuit-style spirituality and introspective sacrament-centred piety in which women were central figures and exercised an unusual level of agency. John Bossy’s fertile notion of ‘matriarchal Catholicism’ has stimulated some rich explorations of the reconfigurations if not inversions of traditional gender relations that were a perennial feature of the post- Reformation community. These were transformed into edifying exempla in clerical memoirs of pious recusant women, whose stalwart commitment to the Catholic cause was contrasted with the conduct of their lily-livered church-papist husbands. But this hagiographical trope may disguise the extent to which male conformity was part of what I have described elsewhere as a ‘natural division of labour in the management of dissent’.133 The experience of being a Church under the cross thus arguably helped as well as hindered the task of reform. Catholicism in Protestant Britain thus strikingly illustrates Mary Laven’s insight that the Counter Reformation was a movement ‘energised by opposition’.134 It shows that the periphery could set the pace for the centre and that minority Catholic societies anticipated developments that emerged more slowly in regions where Rome was predominant. The precocious foundation of offshore colleges and seminaries for training English, Welsh, Scottish and Irish priests is a case in point: elsewhere their establishment, so critical to the Tridentine reform programme, was a more protracted development. The lessons that historians of other countries might learn from England, Wales and Scotland may serve as a recompense for the inspiration that all the essays in this book have taken from studies of the process of Catholic renewal elsewhere. In stressing the significance of the mission as a tool of religious persuasion and an engine of spiritual transformation they follow the lead of Louis Chatellier and other scholars, who have highlighted the role played by the campaigns of revivalist preaching, catechesis and

133 Bossy, English Catholic Community, p. 153, and see pp. 150–60. Laurence Lux- Sterritt, ‘“Virgo becomes Virago”: Women in the Accounts of Seventeenth-Century English Catholic Missionaries’, RH, 30 (2011): 537–53, at 538; Frances Dolan, ‘Reading, Work and Catholic Women’s Biographies’, English Literary Renaissance, 3 (2003): 328–57; Colleen M. Seguin, ‘Ambiguous Liaisons: Catholic Women’s Relationships with their Confessors in Early Modern England’, ARG, 95 (2004): 156–85. See also Marie B. Rowlands, ‘Recusant Women 1560–1640’, in Mary Prior (ed.), Women in English Society 1500–1800 (London and New York, 1985), pp. 149–80 and ‘Harbourers and Housekeepers: Catholic Women in England 1570–1720’, in Kaplan et al. (eds). Catholic Communities, pp. 200–215. Walsham, Church Papists, pp. 80–81. 134 Mary Laven, ‘Legacies of the Counter-Reformation and the Origins of Modern Catholicism’, in Bamji, Janssen and Laven (eds), Ashgate Companion, pp. 451–69, at 469. IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 41 moral instruction launched by the religious orders, notably the Jesuits and Capuchins, in reinvigorating the piety of ordinary people in the countryside. Itinerant regulars working largely outside diocesan structures in France, Italy, Spain, the Holy Roman Empire and Poland supplemented the activities of the secular priesthood and episcopate which the Council of Trent envisaged as the chief instruments of the revitalisation of parochial life, and may ironically may have been more immediately effective.135 As I comment in Chapter 11, this observation casts the initiatives of the Catholic clergy who returned to Protestant England, Scotland and Wales in a new light. Here, in the absence of an ecclesiastical hierarchy, the clergy had no choice but to operate in missionary mode. This was a situation that played to the strengths of the Society of Jesus, which exercised influence disproportionate to its actual numbers. Although it also sowed the seeds of conflict with seculars who yearned for the restoration of aproper episcopal structure, freedom from the interference of bishops jealous of their authority allowed the Jesuits and their methods to flourish. A roving apostolate also proved well suited to the task of resuscitating Catholicism in the rugged Highlands and islands of Scotland, where the parish system was ill-matched with topographical realities, as the successes of the Lazarists, Franciscans and Vincentians in the Hebrides in the seventeenth century reveal.136 Even after the partial reinstatement of a shadow Catholic hierarchy in seventeenth-century Ireland, secular and regular missionaries remained a vital element of the Counter-Reformation challenge to Protestant hegemony in this most unruly of the Stuart kingdoms.137 Such evidence

135 Louis Châtellier, The Religion of the Poor: Rural Missions in Europe and the Formation of Modern Catholicism, c.1500–1800, trans. Brian Pearce (Cambridge, 1997); David Gentilcore, From Bishop to Witch: The System of the Sacred in Early Modern Terra d’Otranto (Manchester, 1992), ch. 3; idem, ‘Adapt yourselves to the People’s Capabilities: Missionary Strategies, Methods and Impact in the Kingdom of Naples, 1600–1800’, JEH, 45 (1994): 269–96; Trevor Johnson, Magistrates, Madonnas and Miracles: The Counter Reformation in the Upper Palatinate (Farnham, 2009), pp. 126–52; Piotr Storlarksi, Friars on the Frontier: Renewal and the Dominican Order in Southeastern Poland 1594–1648 (Farnham, 2010). Eamon Duffy, ‘The Long Reformation: Catholicism, Protestantism and the Multitude’, in Tyacke (ed.), England’s Long Reformation, pp. 33–70, at 34. 136 Giblin, Irish Franciscan Mission; Benignus Millett, The Irish Franciscans 1651– 1665, Analecta Gregoriana 29 (Rome, 1964). See my Reformation of the Landscape, pp. esp. 190–91. On the Jesuits in Scotland, see Thomas M. McCoog, ‘“Pray to the Lord of the Harvest”: Jesuit Missions to Scotland in the Sixteenth Century’, Innes Review, 53 (2002), 127–88; Michael Yellowlees, ‘So Strange a Monster as a Jesuiste’: The Society of Jesus in Sixteenth-Century Scotland (Isle of Colonsay, Argyll, 2003). 137 For the episcopal hierarchy, Alison Forrestal, Catholic Synods in Ireland, 1600– 1690 (Dublin, 1998); for the role of the regulars, see items cited in n. 136 and Thomas O’Connor, ‘Irish Franciscan Networks at Home and Abroad, 1627’, in Worthington (ed.), British and Irish Emigrants and Exiles, pp. 279–95. 42 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN reinforces the suggestion that persecution paradoxically facilitated as much as it inhibited the task of religious rejuvenation in Britain. The cases of England, Scotland and Wales also endorse recent emphasis on the elasticity of the Counter Reformation and its capacity to adapt itself successfully to different cultural and political environments. Rejecting the rigidities of the Heinz Schilling and Wolfgang Reinhard’s thesis, Marc Forster has demonstrated through his research on southwest Germany that confessional cultures and identities were not merely imposed by bishops and civic officials from above but also sprang up from below.138 Judith Pollmann similarly speaks of the ‘creative and dynamic coalitions between priests and laypeople’ through which religious change was forged in those parts of the Low Countries that remained under the jurisdiction of the Catholic Habsburgs.139 These tendencies are even more apparent in contexts where there was no centralising state or puissant dynasty to support the Church’s endeavours. In the Dutch Republic, as Hal Parker’s study of Faith on the Margins has shown, clergy and laity collaborated as equal partners in a complex process of cultural negotiation which he calls ‘cooperative confessionalisation’.140 Similar forms of collaboration have been observed in studies of Ireland, where the failure of Protestantism to exert control beyond Dublin and the Pale and outside the enclave of settlers in Ulster created a situation in which Catholicism operated as a ‘visible underground church’. Priests and laypeople were equal partners in the struggle of the Catholic majority against Protestant subjugation, the end-product of which was a state that refused to conform to the cuius regio, eius religio principle and in which two rival confessional churches

138 Marc R. Forster, The Counter-Reformation in the Villages: Religion and Reform in the Bishopric of Speyer, 1560–1720 (Ithaca, NY, and London, 1992); Catholic Revival in the Age of the Baroque: Religious Identity in Southwest Germany, 1550–1750 (Cambridge, 2001). 139 Judith Pollmann, Catholic Identity and the Revolt of the Netherlands, 1520–1635 (Oxford, 2011), p. 202 and passim. 140 Charles Parker, Faith on the Margins: Catholics and Catholicism in the Dutch Golden Age (Cambridge, 2008), p. 242 and passim; ‘Cooperative Confessionalisation: Lay- Clerical Collaboration in Dutch Catholic Communities during the Golden Age’, in Kaplan et al. (eds), Catholic Communities, pp. 18–32. Other key studies of Dutch Catholicism include James D. Tracy, ‘With and Without the Counter-Reformation: The Catholic Church in the Spanish Netherlands and the Dutch Republic, 1580–1650’, CHR, 71 (1985): 547–75; Frijhoff, Embodied Belief, esp. ch. 7; Christine Kooi, ‘Sub Jugo Haereticorum: Minority Catholicism in Early Modern Europe’, in Kathleen M. Comerford and Hilmar M. Pabel (eds), Early Modern Catholicism: Essays in Honour of John W. O’Malley, S.J. (Toronto, 2001), pp. 147–62, and her Calvinists and Catholics during Holland’s Golden Age: Heretics and Idolaters (Cambridge, 2012). IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 43 emerged.141 This pattern of interdependency was not always a recipe for harmony and it sometimes came at the cost of sacerdotal control and authority, but it aptly describes the manner in which minority Catholicism in Britain reacted to the twin challenges of survival and revival, and aligns with the picture presented in this volume, and especially in Chapters 11 and 12. These and other essays also question the tendency to posit a fundamental opposition between traditional and Tridentine religion. They reflect another significant trend in the historiography of the Counter Reformation more generally: a drift away from stressing its intolerance of popular culture towards exploring the extent to which it sought, in the words of David Gentilcore, to meet it halfway.142 As I argue throughout this book, we need to reconsider the assumption, shared by Bossy, Haigh and other scholars, that there was an unbridgeable gulf between the Catholicism of the gentry and aristocracy and that of the common people, and between imported Continental and vernacular religion.143 Instead, we must be attentive to their points of contact and the role of dialogue as well as confrontation. And here there are important insights to be gleaned from the burgeoning body of work on the global dimensions of the early modern movement for Catholic renewal, which has been critical in restoring a sense of the centrality of mission to this experiment and correcting the traditional overemphasis on Trent. Scholars of the encounters between Western missionaries and the indigenous religious cultures of the Americas and Asia display a sensitivity to hybridity and syncretism that provides a helpful model for understanding the interaction between local and

141 See Karl S. Bottingheimer, ‘The Failure of the Reformation in Ireland: Une question bien posée’, JEH, 36 (1985): 196–207; Colm Lennon, ‘The Counter Reformation in Ireland 1542–1641’, in Ciaran Brady and Raymond Gillespie (eds), Natives and Newcomers: Essays on the Making of Irish Colonial Society, 1534–1641 (Dublin, 1986), pp. 75–92; Raymond Gillespie, Devoted People: Religion and Belief in Early Modern Ireland (Manchester, 1997); Ute Lotz-Heumann, Die dopplete konfessionalisierung in Irland. Konflikt und Koexistenz im 16. Und in der ersten Hälfte des 17. Jahrhunderts (Tübingen, 2000) and her ‘Between Conflict and Coexistence: The Catholic Community in Ireland as a “Visible Underground Church” in the Late Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries’, in Kaplan et al. (eds), Catholic Communities, pp. 168–82. 142 Gentilcore, ‘Adapt yourselves to the People’s Capabilities’. 143 For Bossy and Haigh, see above. For the tendency to contrast Counter Reformation and vernacular Catholicism in Celtic regions, see Mullett, Catholics in Britain and Ireland, pp. 29, 97–8; William James Anderson, ‘Rome and Scotland, 1513–1625’, in David McRoberts (ed.), Essays on the Scottish Reformation 1513–1625 (Glasgow, 1962), pp. 463–83; Bossy, ‘Counter Reformation and the People of Catholic Ireland’. 44 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN universal religion back in Europe.144 The strategies used by the members of religious orders to bring salvation to ‘heathen’ civilisations converged with those employed by priests who sought to combat heresy. The parallels between the situation in that confronted the Catholic clergy in different continents were not lost on contemporaries. Jesuits in Brittany and the kingdom of Naples talked of the ‘Indians’ within their own midst145 and their colleagues in the British Isles were conscious of the affinities between their endeavours and those of fellow members of the Society abroad. The potential value of comparisons between England and Japan, where the Jesuits created a new Catholic community from scratch in the mid-sixteenth century, was pointed out as long ago as 1978 by Anthony Wright,146 and is now being pursued more systematically by Anne Dillon. As she shows, in each region the order utilised the rosary as a vehicle for conveying Tridentine teaching and sustaining the faith of underground congregations that had only irregular contact with priests. The tactic of using a tactile object was well suited both to the illiterate and to those unfamiliar with the language spoken by foreign evangelists.147 The crucifixion of 26 Christians in Nagasaki in 1597 supplied the Japanese with a body of martyrs to rival those executed by the Tudor and Stuart regime. English Catholics read texts like The theatre of Japonia’s constancy avidly and in the College at St Omer school plays were performed on the subject. During his confinement in Ely Castle in 1590, the recusant gentleman Gabriel Colford translated hundreds of ‘Japonian epistells’ written by Jesuits working in this mission field, alive to the shared experience of

144 For helpful surveys of recent research see Tara Alberts, ‘Catholic Missions to Asia’, and Karin Vélez, ‘Catholic Missions to the Americas’, both in Bamji, Janssen and Laven (eds), Ashgate Companion, pp. 127–45, 147–62. Among some specific studies, see Nicholas Griffiths and Fernando Cervantes (eds),Spiritual Encounters: Interactions Between Christianity and Native Religions in Colonial America (Lincoln, NE, 1999); Ines G. Županov, Missionary Tropics: The Catholic Frontier in India (16th–17th Centuries) (Ann Arbor, MI, 2005); Luke Clossey, Salvation and Globalization in the Early Jesuit Missions (Cambridge, 2008); Mary Laven, Mission to China: Matteo Ricci and the Jesuit Encounter with the East (London, 2011). 145 Gentilcore, From Bishop to Witch, p. 5; Adriano Prosperi, ‘The Missionary’, in Rosario Villari (ed.), Baroque Personae, trans. Lydia G. Cochrane (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 160–94, at 178ff. 146 A.D. Wright, ‘Catholic History, North and South’, NH, 14 (1978): 126–51, esp. 138, and see 144 (on the need to locate English Catholicism ‘within the area of overseas missions’). 147 Anne Dillon, ‘“The Unlearned Mans Booke”: The Jesuits’ Use of the Confraternity of the Rosary in England and Japan, 1549–1700’, unpubl. paper. I am grateful to Dr Dillon for allowing me to cite this in advance of publication. IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 45 persecution that connected Catholicism in the two countries.148 Nor did the similarities escape the attention of the Shogunate. Timon Screech has recently demonstrated that the expulsion of the Society from Japan in 1613 was partly inspired by anti-popish visual propaganda from England imported by the East India Company, which had a vested interest in its departure.149 It is clear that Catholic Reformation in Protestant Britain can no longer be studied in abstraction from its international dimensions. One consequence of approaching Catholicism as a variation on themes being played out on a wider stage is to alert us to the real possibility that the long and contested Reformations that occurred in England and Wales might have had an alternative outcome. It is all too easy to assume that its contraction into a sect was inevitable if not by 1603, with the accession of James I, then certainly by the end of the 1620s. The stress that Christopher Haigh placed on the precariousness of Protestantism in its earliest phases coexists rather uncomfortably with his insistence that the Church of Rome had been reduced, irrevocably, to a minority by the turn of the seventeenth century.150 We need to extend his sense of the vulnerability of the Reformation to reversal in the 1540s, 50s and 60s into a much later period. As Caroline Hibbard and Jonathan Scott have wisely observed, anti-Catholicism must be rescued from its relegation to ‘the realm of pathological political pyschology’. The fears of Stuart Protestants about popish plots, domestic conspiracies and foreign invasion schemes that might put Rome back on top should not be dismissed as figments of a paranoid imagination, instances of mass delusion, and manifestations of irrational ‘moral panic’.151 As I suggest with reference to the Jesuit mission itself in Chapter 10, this obscures their capacity to cast light on contemporary mentalities. It also ignores the fact that they were rooted in an accurate observation of the end result of some of the vicious conflicts taking place on the Continent. Reports of the death of English Catholicism as an agent of regime change may have been exaggerated. In Europe, the Reformation was engaged in a desperate fight for its life, which in some contexts it ultimately lost. Military defeat was followed by aggressive

148 The theater of Japonia’s constancy, trans. William Badduley (St Omer [1624]); Paul Arblaster, ‘“G.C.”, Recusant Prison Translator of the Japonian Epistells’, RH, 28 (2006): 43–54. 149 Timon Screech, ‘The English and the Control of Christianity in the Early Edo Period’, Japan Review, 24 (2012): 3–40. 150 Haigh, English Reformations. 151 Hibbard, ‘Early Stuart Catholicism’, 9; Jonathan Scott, ‘England’s Troubles: Exhuming the Popish Plot’, in Tim Harris, Paul Seaward and Mark Goldie (eds), The Politics of Religion in Restoration England (Oxford, 1990), pp. 107–31. Hibbard’s comment was made in reaction to Carol Z. Wiener, ‘The Beleaguered Isle: A Study of Elizabethan and Early Jacobean Anti-Catholicism’, P&P, 51 (1971): 27–62. 46 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN and very successful campaigns of re-catholicisation. The examples of the Upper Palatinate and Bohemia investigated by the research of Trevor Johnson and Howard Louthan are especially pertinent. Louthan shows how within a century of the Battle of White Mountain in 1620, the Czech kingdom was reconverted to Catholicism by a potent combination of force and persuasion. Repressive initiatives designed to stamp out a tradition of heresy that had Hussite roots and dated back to the fifteenth century were pursued alongside a range of other techniques designed to reactivate attachment to a half-forgotten faith. Louthan is cautious about how far this programme of re-education transformed interior patterns of belief, but he is in no doubt about its effectiveness in creating a public culture of confessional belonging and corporate Catholic identity.152 The story of Bohemia’s re-catholicisation should give us pause for thought. It suggests that in other circumstances England could have followed the same path. While counter-factual speculation is always treacherous, recent research on the reign of Mary I implies that, had she lived, her Counter Reformation might just have worked. Where an earlier generation of scholars were convinced that the thwarted plan of the pious daughter of Catherine of Aragon to restore the Church of Rome was an unmitigated disaster that was doomed from the outset, current work sees it as a creative, conscientious and sincere attempt to reclaim the nation to the Catholic fold that had every chance of success. Contrary to the impression perpetuated by the anglocentric historiographical tradition that once prevailed, nor was it cut off or out of touch with developments in Europe. Lucy Wooding’s emphasis on the distinctively English cast of the Erasmian Catholicism that evolved between 1530 and 1570, before being suffocated by neo-scholastic and Tridentine tendencies,153 contrasts with the stress placed by William Wizeman and others on the degree to which these efforts at regeneration dovetailed with the Catholic evangelicalism emerging in the circles of the Italian spirituali and bore the imprint of, if not actually anticipated the decrees issued by the Council of Trent.154 Since the appearance of Thomas Mayer’s biography, the centrality of Cardinal

152 Johnson, Magistrates, Madonnas, and Miracles; Howard Louthan, Converting Bohemia: Force and Persuasion in the Catholic Reformation (Cambridge, 2009). 153 Lucy E.C. Wooding, Rethinking Catholicism in Reformation England (Oxford, 2000). Cf. the critical review of C.D.C. Armstrong, ‘English Catholicism Rethought?’, JEH, 54 (2003): 714–28. 154 See William Wizeman, The Theology and Spirituality of Mary Tudor’s Church (Aldershot, 2006) and his ‘Re-imaging the Marian Catholic Church’, RH, 28 (2007): 353–64. John Edwards and Ronald Truman (eds), Reforming Catholicism in the England of Mary Tudor: The Achievement of Friar Bartholomé Carranza (Aldershot, 2005). For a recent collection on Marian Catholicism reflecting a range of interpretations, see Eamon Duffy and David Loades (eds), The Church of Mary Tudor (Aldershot, 2006). IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 47

Reginald Pole (himself a key player in the European arena) as the architect and impresario of the Marian reform programme has been beyond doubt.155 Meanwhile, in Fires of Faith, Eamon Duffy has argued that England in the 1550s was the foremost ‘laboratory for Counter-Reformation experimentation’, adding to the mix the controversial suggestion that the strategy of executing stubborn Protestants was neither short-sighted nor misguided as a mechanism for restoring uniformity.156 The graphic engraved broadsheet depicting the martyrdom of the Carthusian fathers under Henry VIII published in Rome in 1555 investigated by Anne Dillon in a remarkable new book was designed not merely as a justification of the burnings but also as an imperative to carry them through to completion. Produced in the workshop of Michaelangelo himself for Philip II of Spain, it was designed to encourage him in the divinely appointed task of eliminating the cancer of heresy from the realm he jointly ruled with Mary. In the process, Dillon reveals in compelling detail the extent to which the England was caught up in the unpredictable currents of religious reform that swirled within Catholic Christendom in the fluid middle decades of the sixteenth century and implicated in the political ambitions of the Habsburg dynasty.157 Meanwhile, the blueprint for the restoration of Catholicism Robert Persons sketched out in his notorious ‘Memorial’ written in 1596, discussed at the beginning of Chapter 11, provides a startling glimpse of what might have happened had the Spanish Armada succeeded or Elizabeth been assassinated or ejected in favour of Mary Queen of Scots. Protestants themselves urgently prepared for these eventualities by devising the Bond of Association and by contemplating the structure of an interregnum government.158 And suspicion about James VI’s religious proclivities ran rife despite his Calvinist upbringing. Only in hindsight has the Gunpowder Plot to blow up the king and Parliament been seen as a last ditch attempt bungled by a bunch of amateur conspirators. Puritan anxiety that Laudianism amounted to a kind of Counter Reformation by stealth is another index of the continuing worry that the reformed religion was not yet safe. Fed by the news of the Thirty Years War filtering across

155 Thomas F. Mayer, Reginald Pole: Prince and Prophet (Cambridge, 2000). 156 Eamon Duffy, Fires of Faith: Catholic England under Mary Tudor (New Haven and London, 2009), quotation at p. 8. On the burning of Protestants, see chs 4–8. 157 Anne Dillon, Michaelangelo and the English Martyrs (Farnham, 2012), p. 291. 158 See Collinson, ‘Monarchical Republic’ and ‘Elizabethan Exclusion Crisis’; David Cressy, ‘Binding the Nation: The Bonds of Association 1584 and 1696’, in DeLloyd J. Guth and J.W. McKenna (eds), Tudor Rule and Revolution: Essays for G.R. Elton from his American Friends (Cambridge, 1982), pp. 217–34; Paulina Kewes, ‘The Puritan, the Jesuit, and the Jacobean Succession’, in Susan Doran and Paulina Kewes (eds), Doubtful and Dangerous: The Question of Succession in Late Elizabethan England (Manchester, 2014). 48 CATHOlic REFORmATiON iN PROTEsTANT BRiTAiN the Channel in the 1620s and 30s, this reached a high pitch in the wake of the slaughter of Protestant settlers during the Irish Rebellion of 1641, which evoked memories of the horrific events of the St Bartholomew’s Day massacres in France in 1572.159 Some contemporaries, among them William Prynne, thought that the regicide itself was the dastardly work of the papists and that sects like the Quakers were Catholics in disguise.160 Continuing concern about Catholicism’s capacity to subvert the status quo underpinned the Popish Plot scare and the Exclusion crisis and precipitated the so-called Glorious Revolution which toppled the Catholic James II from the throne. Louis XIV’s 1685 revocation of the Edict of Nantes, which brought an end to toleration of the French Huguenots, seemed to the Protestant majority a horrifying spectre of what might happen if the king abused the royal supremacy and used it to reverse the Reformation. Protestants never felt entirely secure and throughout the seventeenth century some Catholics remained confident that they would live to see their religion triumphantly restored to its rightful place on top. Casuists continued to discuss cases of conscience that pertained to the possibility that ‘England should be converted’ and to consider what might be expedient and necessary for ‘the peace and quiet of the whole kingdom, and for the introduction of the Catholic faith’ in this instance.161 They were convinced that the missionary enterprise to reconvert the nation to Rome launched more than a century before had not yet run out of steam and that laypeople had a key part to play in reinstating the religion to which generations of faithful people had adhered. Like the martyred priest Thomas Maxfield, they continued to hope and pray that the ‘Lord’s vineyard’ would be rescued from the Protestant heretics who had temporarily possessed it and produced poisonous grapes instead of sweet and nutritious fruits. The experience and memory of exclusion, marginalisation and persecution, then, invested post-Reformation Catholicism with a distinctive imprint. It created communities imbued with a potent sense of their religious identity as true believers surrounded by a sea of heresy and coloured by the conflicting allegiances and calls of conscience which the condition of being an embattled minority carried with it. The men, women and children who comprised them responded in different ways

159 See Arthur Marotti, ‘Plots, Atrocities, and Deliverances: The Anti-Catholic Constructions of Protestant English History’, in his Religious Ideology and Cultural Fantasy, pp. 131–201. 160 William Lamont, Marginal Prynne, 1600–69 (London, 1963), pp. 138–40, and ch. 6 passim. 161 Peter Holmes (ed.), Caroline Casuistry: The Cases of Conscience of Fr Thomas Southwell SJ, CRS 84 (Woodbridge, 2012), case 115. IN THE LORD’s ViNEYARD 49 to these challenges and carved their own paths through the thicket of ethical and political dilemmas entailed in living in a pluralistic society. They engaged directly in debate with the Protestant state; negotiated and tested the limits of allegiance to it; and adapted creatively to the challenges of maintaining the beliefs and practices of their faith in a context in which they were prohibited. They were conscious of their place in the long history of Christianity in the British Isles but also of their membership of an international Church which transcended national boundaries. They saw their own struggles as part of a wider spiritual revival with Europe and of a campaign of evangelical activity that stretched across the oceans to distant parts of the world. It is the contention of this collection of essays that the phenomenon of minority Catholicism has much to contribute to our understanding of this continental and global movement: a multi-stranded and immensely dynamic movement that transcended boundaries and linked the people of far-flung regions together through their common adherence to a distinctive creed and code of ritual, but which also adapted itself idiosyncratically to the different environments in which it found itself. Historians cannot afford to ignore Britain in their efforts to delineate the significance and lasting consequences of this cluster of ecclesiastical and spiritual impulses. Contrasts between contexts where the Church of Rome was dominant and those where it was banned and beleaguered should not be overstated. Far from a mere sideshow or pale shadow of events taking place in the Catholic heartlands of Europe, the story of Catholicism sub jugo haereticorum (under the yoke of heresy) is vital to them. The influences exerted were dual and mutual: British Catholicism did not develop in a vacuum, but nor was Catholic renewal and reform in other regions untouched by what was occurring in the Tudor and Stuart realms of England, Wales and Scotland. Paradoxically, persecution and suffering created an environment and conditions that both constrained and facilitated the early modern resurgence of the Church of Rome in the British Isles. This page has been left blank intentionally Bibliography

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Cartwright, Thomas, Syn theoi en christoi the answere to the preface of the Rhemish testament (Edinburgh, 1602). STC 4716. ——— A confutation of the Rhemists translations, glosses and annotations (Leiden, 1618). STC 4709. A catalogue of martyrs in England: for the profession of the Catholique faith, since … 1535 ([Douai], 1608). STC 25771. ARCR, II, 846. A catalogue of the severall sects and opinions in England and other nations (London, 1647). Wing C1411. Catholic Record Society, Miscellanea II, CRS 2 (London, 1906). Catholic Record Society, Miscellanea III, CRS 3 (London, 1906). Cavalleriis, Giovanni Battista de, Ecclesiae Anglicanae trophaea (Rome, [1584]). ARCR, I, 944. Cecil, William, The execution of justice in England for maintenaunce of publique and Christian peace, against certeine stirrers of sedition, and adherents to the traytors and enemies of the realme, without any persecution of them for questions of religion, as is falsely reported and published by the fautors and fosterers of their treasons (London, 1583). STC 4902. ——— The execution of justice in England, ed. Robert M. Kingdon (Ithaca, NY, 1965). Challoner, Richard, Britannia sancta (London, 1745). ——— Memoirs of Missionary Priests, ed. J.H. Pollen (London, 1924). The character of a Jesuit (London, 1681). Wing C1977. Chardon, John, A sermon preached in S. Peters Church in Exceter (London, 1580). STC 5001. Charke, William, An answere to a seditious pamphlet lately cast abroade by a Jesuite (London, 1580). STC 5006. Chase, Steven (ed.), Angelic Spirituality: Medieval Perspectives on the Ways of Angels (New York, 2002). Clark, Andrew (ed.), The Life and Times of Anthony Wood, Antiquary of Oxford, 1632–1695, vol. i 1632–1663, Oxford Historical Society 19 (1891). Clay, W.K., (ed.), Liturgical Services: Liturgies and Occasional Forms of Prayer set forth in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, PS (Cambridge, 1847). Clopper, Lawrence M. (ed.), Records of Early English Drama: Chester (Manchester, 1979). Clynnog, Morys, Athrauaeth Gristnogaul, le cair uedi cynnuys … (Milan, 1568). STC 5450.5. ARCR, II, 141. Cockburn, J.S. (ed.), Calendar of Assize Records: Sussex Indictments, James I (London, 1975). ——— Calendar of Assize Records: Essex Indictments: Elizabeth I (London, 1978). 408 Catholic Reformation in Protestant Britain

Cosin, John, A collection of private devotions (London, 1627). STC 5816.4. Cranmer, Thomas, A confutation of unwritten verities, in John Edmund Cox (ed.), Miscellaneous Writings and Letters of Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, Martyr, 1556 (Cambridge, 1846). Crashaw, William, The sermon preached at the Crosse, Feb. xiiij 1607 (London, 1608). STC 6027. ——— The Jesuites gospel (London, 1610). STC 6016. ——— Manuale Catholicorum … A manuall for true Catholicks (London, 1611). STC 6018. Cressy, Serenus, The church history of Brittany, from the beginning of Christianity to the Norman Conquest ([Rouen], 1668). Wing C6890. Clancy 258. Crosignani, Ginevra, Thomas M. McCoog and Michael Questier (eds), Recusancy and Conformity in Early Modern England: Manuscript and Printed Sources in Translation (Toronto, 2010). Davies, Richard, A funerall sermon preached the XXVI day of November … in the parishe church of Caermerthyn (London, 1577). STC 6364. ——— ‘Address to the Welsh’, trans. in A.O. Evans, A Memorandum on the Legality of the Welsh Bible and the Welsh Version of the Book of Common Prayer (Cardiff, 1925). Daza, Antonio, The historie, life, and miracles, extasies and revelations of the Blessed Virgin, Sister Joane, of the Crosse, of the third order of our holy father S. Francis, trans. Francis Bell (St Omer, 1625). STC 6185. ARCR, II, 51. [Defoe, Daniel], A tour thro’ the whole island of Great Britain, 3 vols (London, 1724–27 edn.). Dent, Arthur, The plaine mans path-way to heaven (London, 1610). STC 6630. Dering, Edward, A sparing restraint, of many lavishe untruths, which M. Doctor Harding dothe chalenge (London, 1568). STC 6725. Dingley, Robert, The deputation of angels, or the angell-guardian (London, 1654). Wing D1496. Doleman, Robert (pseudonym), Conference about the next succession to the crowne of Ingland ([Antwerp], 1594 [1595]). STC 19398. ARCR, II, 167. Drayton, Michael, Works, ed. J. William Hebel, 5 vols (Oxford, 1931–41). Drexelius, Jeremias, The angel-guardian’s clock (Rouen, 1630). STC 7234. ARCR, II, 408.5. Dryden, John, Religio laici: or, a layman’s faith (1682). Wing D2342. Earle, John, Microcosmography: or, a piece of the world discover’d: In essays and characters (London, 1732 edn). Bibliography 409

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Gee, John, The foot out of the snare … whereunto is added … the names of such as disperse, print, bind or sell popish books (London, 3rd edn 1624). STC 11704. ——— New shreds of the old snare (London, 1624). STC 11706. ——— The Foot out of the Snare (1624), ed. T.H.B.M. Harmsen (Nijmegen, 1992). Genings, John, The life and death of Mr Edmund Geninges Priest (St Omer, 1614). STC 11728. ARCR, II, 338. Gerard, John, The Condition of Catholics under James I: Father Gerard’s Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot, ed. John Morris (London, 1872). ——— The Autobiography of an Elizabethan, ed. and trans. Philip Caraman (London, 1951). Gerardus, Andreas, The true tryall and examination of a mans own selfe, trans. Thomas Newton (London, 1587). STC 11761. Gerson, Jean, Collatis de angelis, in Opera, pars IV (Paris, 1960). Geveren, Sheltco a, Of the ende of this world, and the seconde commyng of Christ, trans. Thomas Rogers (London, 1577 and 1578). STC 11804. Gibbons, John, and John Fen (eds.), Concertatio ecclesiae Catholicae in Anglia (n.p., 1583); ed. and augmented by John Bridgewater (1589). ARCR, I, 524. Gifford, George, A briefe discourse of certaine pointes of the religion, which is among the common sort of Christians (London, 1581). STC 11845. ——— A dialogue between a papist and a protestant, applied to the capacitie of the unlearned (London, 1583). STC 11849.3. ——— A dialogue concerning witches and witchcraftes (London, 1593). STC 11851. Gilbert, George, ‘A way to deal with persons of all sorts so as to convert them and bring them back to a better way of life’ (1583), in Leo Hicks (ed.), Letters and Memorials of Father Robert Persons, CRS 39 (London, 1942), pp. 331–40. Girao, Joao Rodriguez, The palme of Christian fortitude: or, the glorious combats of Christians in Japonia, trans. Edmund Neville ([St Omer], 1630). STC 18482. ARCR, II, 566. Given-Wilson, C. (ed.), The Chronicle of Adam Usk 1377–1421 (Oxford, 1997). Godly contemplations for the unlearned ([Antwerp, 1575]). STC 24626.3. ARCR, II, 193. A godly dyalogue and dysputacyon betwene Pyers Plowman and a popysh preest (n.p., 1550). STC 19903. Gouge, William, A plaister for the plague, in Gods three arrowes (London, 1631). STC 12116. Bibliography 411

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Unpublished Dissertations and Papers

Bagley, Ellie, ‘Heretical Corruptions and False Translations: Catholic Criticisms of the Protestant English Bible, 1582–1860’ (unpubl. DPhil dissertation, University of Oxford, 2007). Bida, Andrzej, ‘Papists in an Elizabethan Parish: Linton, Cambridgeshire, c.1560–c.1600’ (unpubl. Diploma in Historical Studies dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1992). Bossy, John, ‘Elizabethan Catholicism: The Link with France’ (unpubl. PhD dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1961). Bibliography 471

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