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Introduction INTRODUCTION The period encompassed in the sixth volume of The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers represents a historic divide in the affairs of the Garvey movement and the fate of its charismatic leader. Garvey's imprisonment in 1925-1927 splits the history of the UNIA in America into two distinct, almost self-contained, eras. The first era precedes Garvey's incarceration and his subsequent campaign for clemency; the second follows President Calvin Coolidge's eventual commutation of Garvey's sentence and the deportation of the UNIA leader from the United States. Garvey's deportation removed the embodiment of a political phe- nomenon that government officials and black and white critics had considered an unsettling presence in America's midst for nearly a decade. The relation- ship of Marcus Garvey to America was a remarkable one. Within a few short years of his arrival he had catapulted from obscurity and street-corner oratory to international fame. For the first half of the 1920s, the power and scope of the movement that he inspired made him seem to many the uncrowned king of Harlem and the black world. Then, suddenly, he vanished from the American scene and the goals he represented diminished in the public mind. Garvey's removal in early 1925 symbolically ended the militant phase of the New Negro era and signaled the dominance of the cultural transitions that established Harlem in popular legend as home to the Jazz Age and haven of the Harlem Renaissance. The present volume charts the debilitating impact that Garvey's impris- onment and deportation had on the function and direction of the UNIA as a political organization, including the destabilizing effect that Garvey's efforts to continue personally to direct the movement from confinement had upon an already divided leadership. In addition, the volume documents the collapsc of the Black Cross Navigation and Trading Company after a promising start. At the same time it supplies evidence of a resurgence of grass-roots support for the UNIA in certain areas of the South even while the movement was in decline at the national level. The volume opens in the aftermath of the August 1924 convention. The convention was by many accounts the largest and most impressive of the annual xxxv THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS UNIA conclavcs; significantly, it was also the last such official gathering of the movement that Garvey attended in the United States. The dominant issue during the 1924 convention was Liberia's decision to ban the UNIA from implementing its colonization plan in the West African republic. Shortly after the close of the convention, a delegation of UNIA leaders went to the White House and presented President Calvin Coolidge with a petition protesting the Liberian government's refusal to allow the delegation of UNIA technical experts to land and appealing for official American endorsement of the UNIA's African colonization program. During the same month, the UNIA mourned the death of Liberian Supreme Court Justice J. J. Dossen, who died suddenly during the 1924 convention. Dossen had been the foremost champion of Liberia-UNIA amity within the Liberian establishment and the caretaker of all that remained of UNIA assets in Liberia following the aborted 1923-192+ colonization scheme. His loss effectively ended UNIA influence upon Liberian affairs. If these disappointments dampened the challenge for activism posed by the 1924 convention proceedings, optimism was revived with the rechristening, in November 1924, of the S.S. General G. W. Goethals as the S.S. Booker T. Washington. The launching of the S.S. Goethals in mid-January 1925 by the Black Cross Navigation and Trading Company, the UNIA's successor to the Black Star Line, marked a public triumph of Garvey's leadership and the fruit of the last and greatest fund-raising campaign of the UNIA. While enthusiasm was building in late 1924 with the acquisition and expected launching of the UNIA's latest ship and Garvey devoted himself to fund raising appearances at UNIA functions across the country, the pending outcome of the appeal of his June 1923 mail fraud conviction still loomed over the movement. Between October and December 1924, as part of the filing of Garvey's appeal, attorneys for both Garvey and the government submitted extensively argued legal writs with the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit. These important legal documents, printed in the present volume, illuminate the great controversy that has surrounded Garvey's trial and conviction, particularly in regard to the nature of the evidence by which he was convicted. The appeal documents remain the most detailed examination of the case against Garvey. Not only do they illustrate the complexity of the original case, but they reconstruct events surrounding Garvey and the rise and fall of the Black Star Line, thereby providing a valuable retrospective on the most critical phase of the history of the Garvey movement in the United States and the government's perception of its leader. The decision of the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit in early 1925 came within a few weeks of the completed purchase and launching of the S.S. Goethals. On 3 February 1925 the appeal court issued its opinion affirming the original judgment that had found Garvey guilty on a single count of using the mails in a scheme to defraud, in violation of Section 214 of the U.S. Criminal Code. Essentially, the Circuit Court of Appeals, in upholding xxxvi INTRODUCTION the lower district court judgment, ruled that the circumstantial evidence in the case was strong enough to to infer guilt. The decision set in motion a rapid chain of events. The day following announcement of the outcome of the appeal, a bench warrant was issued for Garvey's arrest. The next day, on 5 February 192J, Garvey was taken into custody at New York City's I2$th Street train station, even though he was voluntarily returning to surrender himself after news of the appeal decision had reached him in Detroit. A few days later, he was removed from the Manhattan House of Detention (the Tombs prison), handcuffed to federal marshals, and escorted by train to begin a five-year prison sentence in the Adanta federal penitentiary. While these events were transpiring in New York, in the Caribbean the voyage of the S.S. Goethals was beset at every turn by crisis. Angry crew members protested their failure to receive promised pay, and the ship was encumbered at many ports by fines and detained for violations previously committed by Black Star Line ships. By the time the ship reached Kingston, Jamaica, the U.S. State Department had received news that the crew was mutinous, the captain wished to leave the ship, and several individuals were seeking to attach the ship for payment of wages or repair bills. Capt. Jacob De Rytter Hiorth was soon replaced by a new captain, Charles V. Vaughan, and the ship resumed its tour of the Caribbean and returned to the United States. On its return voyage, the ship was boarded by Ku Klux Klan members while docked in Jacksonville, Florida. Crew members who had gone ashore fled into the swamps, while the rest of the crew took the ship out of port, returning in the morning to rescue their stranded companions. The ship returned to New York and faced mounting dockage and repair fees there. It was sold at auction, in March 1926, for a fraction of its purchase price—a repetition of what had occurred five years earlier when the S.S. Yarmouth was auctioned for $1,625.00 after having been libeled by creditors. The exigency created by Garvey's imprisonment, shifted attention away from the failure of the Black Cross Navigation and Trading Company and spurred a new wave of activism among the membership of the UNLA. A movement to secure Garvey's release was mobilized on many levels. Hundreds of private citizens from many different backgrounds and geographical locations wrote directly to President Calvin Coolidge about the injustice of Garvey's sentence. Several examples of these letters, literate and semiliterate, are reprinted in the present volume. At the same time, UNIA members circulated petitions for his release, securing thousands of signatures from members and others sympathetic to the cause. Delegations composed of UNIA officials and their lawyers regularly lobbied the attorney general and pardon attorney in Washington, D.C. They also appealed to politicians who had been aided by Universal Negro Political Union support in the November 1924 election, or who were known to be supporters of racial equity legislation, to use their influence with the Department of Justice to help secure a commutation of xxxvii THE MARCUS GARVEY AND UNIA PAPERS sentence for Garvey. Quasi-governmental officials, such as leaders of the Inter-parliamcntary Union, were also contacted to serve as mediators between Garvey supporters and federal officials. When persistent rumors that Garvey was suffering from serious ill health mounted, concern for his physical well- being began to be expressed in appeals to the president, along with arguments criticizing the prejudicial proceedings of the trial. A major political role in maintaining the pressure on public officials during the crisis of Garvey's imprisonment was played by Amy Jacques Garvey. On the day that he left New York for the last time, Garvey appointed her to the position of secretary-treasurer of the Marcus Garvey Freedom and Protection Fund, giving her wide authority to raise funds and organize the campaign in behalf of his release. Whether it was in the form of conducting interviews with the attorney general or the pardon attorney, meeting with Garvey's attorneys and paying frequent visits to her exacting husband in the Adanta penitentiary, editing and publishing Garvey's speeches and writings, traveling and speaking at UNIA fund-raising events around the country, petitioning the president to grant clemency, or writing political tracts in Garvey's defense (such as the pamphlet Was Justice Defeated?, published and distributed by her in March 1925), Amy Jacques Garvey was unsparing in pursuing the goal of gaining Garvey's freedom.
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