Mexican Spanish in Houston, Texas: a Study of Language Contact and Its Effects on Overt Subject Pronouns

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Mexican Spanish in Houston, Texas: a Study of Language Contact and Its Effects on Overt Subject Pronouns MEXICAN SPANISH IN HOUSTON, TEXAS: A STUDY OF LANGUAGE CONTACT AND ITS EFFECTS ON OVERT SUBJECT PRONOUNS BY SANDRA BAUMEL-SCHREFFLER A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 1995 UNIVERSITY OF R.0RIDA LIBRARIES This work is dedicated to the two most important men in my life: my husband, Ray, and my son, Blair Austin. Their patience, understanding, support and ability to withstand neglect allowed me to make my dream come true. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I want to thank the following professors who have each played a unique role both in my education and in the creation of this work. Dr. John M. Lipski is thanked for all his help, patience, understanding and guidance over the past eight years. He suffered through the pains of my master's thesis and bravely agreed, once again, to lead me through the research, writing and editing of this dissertation. Had it not been for his inspiration, I would not have attempted to continue my education to this level. Dr. David A. Pharies is thanked for his help and understanding during my years at the University of Florida. I appreciate the time and effort he spent advising me and helping me both with my course work and with this document. Dr. D. Gary Miller is thanked for his sense of humor and for not living up to his reputation for being unmerciful. I cannot thank him enough for the time he took to explain many issues which once were a mystery. His continuing search to expand his already vast knowledge has provided me with an excellent example to follow. Dr. Florencia Cortes-Conde was gracious enough to leap into the gap left by Dr. Enrique Mallen's departure. She was iii willing to help and encourage me even though we had not met so that I could finish my work. I would also like to thank all the Mexican and Mexican- American individuals who so graciously invited me into their homes to share their experiences and language with me. This project could not have been accomplished without them. There are also a few special friends without whose support and help this project could not have been completed: June Jaramillo, Paloma Ibanez, Patricia Cypher, Myriam Garcia, and Karl Reinhardt. IV 3 TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iii ABSTRACT X CHAPTERS 1 INTRODUCTION 1 1.1 Introduction 1 1.2 Bilingualism 9 1.2.1 Definition of Bilingualism, General Views and Explanations of the Process 9 1.2. 1.1 The coordinate-compound- subordinate distinction . 13 1.2. 1.2 One lexicon or two? ... 15 1.2. 1.3 Complementation 16 1.2. 1.4 I n t e r 1 a n g u a g e and bilingualism 18 1.2. 1.5 Norms and varieties in bilingual communities . 19 1.2.2 Childhood and Adolescent Bilingualism 20 1.2. 2.1 Early childhood bilingualism defined . 21 1.2. 2. 2 Bilingual acquisition and transfer 22 1.2.3 Post-Adolescent Bilingualism . 23 1.2.4 Contact Bilingualism 24 1.2. 4.1 Introduction 24 1.2. 4. 2 Bilingual syntax .... 25 1.2. 4. 3 Contact bilingual Spanish and pro-drop 26 1.3 Language Contact 29 1.3.1 Introduction 29 1.3.2 Language Maintenance and Shift 34 1. 3.2.1 Introduction 34 1.3. 2. 2 Factors affecting language maintenance and shift 35 1.3. 2. Language maintenance and shift in the United States 40 V 23 1.3.3 Language Attrition/Loss and Language Death 43 1.3. 3.1 Introduction 43 1.3. 3. Symptoms of language loss 44 1.3. 3. Summary 4 5 1.4 Contact Bilingual Spanish 46 1.5 Notes 50 2 SYNTACTIC THEORY AND THE PRO-DROP PARAMETER . 56 2.1 Introduction 56 2.2 Defining the Properties of Pro-drop . 58 2.2.1 Traditional Grammars 58 2.2.2 Generative Grammar 62 2.2.3 Principles and Parameters . 63 2.2.4 The Nature of the Null Subject 65 2.2.5 Free Inversion 72 2.2.6 Resumptive Pronoun Strategy . 73 2.2.7 One Parameter or Two? .... 74 2.2.8 Identification and Licensing of Null Subjects 75 2.2.9 Issues of First Language Acguisition 75 2.2.10 Summary 78 2.3 Pro-drop in Spanish 79 2.3.1 Introduction 79 2.3.2 Identity of the Null Preverbal Subject 80 2.3.3 Impersonal se Constructions . 82 2.3.4 Free versus Obligatory Inversion 88 2.3.5 Summary 91 2.4 UG and Parameter Theory in Second Language Acquisition 94 2.4.1 Introduction 94 2.4.2 Other Hypotheses within the Theories of UG and Parameters 95 2.4.3 Negative Evidence 97 2.4.4 The Availability of UG in Second Language Acquisition . 99 2.4.5 Similar and Different Domains in LI and L2 Acquisition . 103 2.4.6 Empirical Verification . 104 2.4.7 The Concept of Markedness . 105 vi 24531 2.4.8 The Role of Interlanguage in Second Language Acquisition 109 2.4.8. 109 2. 4. 8. 110 2. 4. 8. 110 2. 4. 8. Ill 2 . 4 . 8. 112 2.4.9 Other Systems Responsible for Second Language Acquisition 115 2.4.10 Summary 116 2.5 Pro-drop and Second Language Acquisition 118 2.5.1 Introduction 118 2.5.2 Resetting the Pro-drop Parameter 122 2.5.3 Transfer Errors in Parameter Resetting 131 2.5.4 Summary 136 2.6 Notes 142 3 PREVIOUS STUDIES ON LANGUAGE CONTACT—A REVIEW 161 3.1 Introduction 161 3.2 Studies of U.S. Mexican Spanish . 164 3.2.1 Silva-Corvalan (1982) . 164 3.2.2 Lantolf (1983) 166 3.2.3 Silva-Corvalan (1986b) . 168 3.2.4 Loa (1989) 170 3.2.5 Gutierrez (1990) 173 3.2.6 Gutierrez (1993) 175 3.2.7 Ocampo (1990 178 3.3 Studies of Other Varieties of U.S. Spanish 180 3.3.1 Klein (1980) 180 3.3.2 Klein-Andreu (1985) .... 182 3.3.3 Guitart (1982) 184 3.3.4 Jagendorf (1988) 186 3.3.5 Torres (1989) 189 3.4 Monolingual Mexican Spanish: Cantero Sandoval (1978) 191 3.5 Notes 193 4 THE STUDY 197 4 . 1 Introduction 197 4.2 Population of the Study 198 Vll 21345 — 4.2.1 Location of the Participants 198 4.2.2 Description (Definition) of Participants 202 4.2.2. Monolingual informants 204 4. 2. 2. 2 Spanish-dominant bilingual informants . 205 4. 2. 2. English-dominant bilingual informants . 206 4.3 Data Collection 207 4.3.1 Recorded Interviews .... 207 4.3.2 Written Questionnaires . 210 4.4 Data Analysis 213 4.4.1 Demographic Data 213 4. 4. 1.1 Monolingual informants 213 4. 4. 1.2 Spanish-dominant bilingual informants . 217 4. 4. 1.3 English-dominant bilingual informants . 221 4.4.2 Written Questionnaires . 223 4.4.2. Introduction 223 4. 4. 2. Spanish Sentences . 227 4. 4. 2. English Sentences . 283 4.4.3 Recorded Interviews .... 300 4. 4. 3.1 Monolingual informants 304 4. 4. 3. 2 Spanish-dominant bilingual informants . 316 4. 4. 3. 3 English-dominant bilingual informants . 328 4.4.4 Summary of Statistical Data 345 4. 4. 4.1 Written questionnaires redundant pronouns . 345 4. 4. 4. Written questionnaires-- subject-verb inversion 346 4. 4. 4. Recorded interviews-- redundant pronouns . 347 4. 4. 4. Recorded interviews-- subject-verb inversion 348 4. 4. 4. Recorded interviews — null pronouns 349 4.5 Notes 349 5 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 357 5.1 Introduction 357 5.2 Summary 3 58 viii 5.2.1 Overt/Non-Overt Subject Pronoun Usage 358 5. 2. 1.1 Redundant (overt) subject pronouns 358 5.2. 1.2 Non-overt subject pronouns 361 5.2.2 Subject-Verb Inversion . 364 5.3 Conclusions 367 5.4 Suggestions for Future Research . 371 APPENDIX I PERSONAL INFORMATION SHEET 373 APPENDIX II MONOLINGUAL WRITTEN QUESTIONNAIRE . 374 REFERENCES 396 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 420 IX Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy MEXICAN SPANISH IN HOUSTON, TEXAS: A STUDY OF LANGUAGE CONTACT AND ITS EFFECTS ON OVERT SUBJECT PRONOUNS By SANDRA BAUMEL-SCHREFFLER DECEMBER 1995 Chairman: Dr. John M. Lipski Major Department: Romance Languages and Literatures This research brings together the linguistic disciplines of language contact, bilingualism, first and second language acquisition and theoretical syntax. Following the footsteps of Silva-Corvalan, whose work was carried out in Los Angeles, California, this project examines the effects of English on the several characteristics of the Pro-drop Parameter in the Spanish of the Mexican/Mexican-American community of Houston, Texas. Three groups of individuals participated in the study (monolingual Spanish speakers, Spanish-dominant and English- dominant bilinguals) to determine what effects, if any, prolonged contact and increased ability in English have had on the spoken language of these respondents. Written questionnaires tested the grammatical ity/acceptability judgments and use patterns of these individuals regarding redundant overt subject pronouns and subject-verb inversion in X declarative sentences. Recorded interviews were also conducted in order to ascertain whether the speech of these informants reflected the data of the questionnaires. Qualitative and statistical tests were conducted on the gathered data in order to determine the degree of significance of their responses. The results of the study lead to the conclusion that it is the initial acquisition of English and not increased proficiency therein, which causes the increase in appearance of redundant overt subject pronouns in the Spanish spoken by the bilinguals in the studied population.
Recommended publications
  • The Impact of the Mexican Revolution on Spanish in the United States∗
    The impact of the Mexican Revolution on Spanish in the United States∗ John M. Lipski The Pennsylvania State University My charge today is to speak of the impact of the Mexican Revolution on Spanish in the United States. While I have spent more than forty years listening to, studying, and analyzing the Spanish language as used in the United States, I readily confess that the Mexican Revolution was not foremost in my thoughts for many of those years. My life has not been totally without revolutionary influence, however, since in my previous job, at the University of New Mexico, our department had revised its bylaws to reflect the principles of sufragio universal y no reelección. When I began to reflect on the full impact of the Mexican Revolution on U. S. Spanish, I immediately thought of the shelf-worn but not totally irrelevant joke about the student who prepared for his biology test by learning everything there was to know about frogs, one of the major topics of the chapter. When the day of the exam arrived, he discovered to his chagrin that the essay topic was about sharks. Deftly turning lemons into lemonade, he began his response: “Sharks are curious and important aquatic creatures bearing many resemblances to frogs, which have the following characteristics ...”, which he then proceeded to name. The joke doesn’t mention what grade he received for his effort. For the next few minutes I will attempt a similar maneuver, making abundant use of what I think I already know, hoping that you don’t notice what I know that I don’t know, and trying to get a passing grade at the end of the day.
    [Show full text]
  • Quichua-Spanish Language Contact in Salcedo, Ecuador: Revisiting Media Lengua Syncretic Language Practices
    QUICHUA-SPANISH LANGUAGE CONTACT IN SALCEDO, ECUADOR: REVISITING MEDIA LENGUA SYNCRETIC LANGUAGE PRACTICES BY MARCO SHAPPECK DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Linguistics in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2011 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Professor Hans Henrich Hock, Director of Research Professor Rajeshwari Vijay Pandharipande, Chair Associate Professor Anna María Escobar Professor José Ignacio Hualde Abstract The purpose of the current thesis is to develop a better understanding of the interaction between Spanish and Quichua in the Salcedo region and provide more information for the processes that might have given rise to Media Lengua, a ‘mixed’ language comprised of a Quichua grammar and Spanish lexicon. Muysken attributes the formation of Media Lengua to relexification, ruling out any influence from other bilingual phenomena. I argue that the only characteristic that distinguishes Media Lengua from other language contact varieties in central Ecuador is the quantity of the overall Spanish borrowings and not the type of processes that might have been employed by Quichua speakers during the genesis of Media Lengua. The results from the Salcedo data that I have collected show how processes such as adlexification, code-mixing, and structural convergence produce Media Lengua-type sentences, evidence that supports an alternative analysis to Muysken’s relexification hypothesis. Overall, this dissertation is developed around four main objectives: (1) to describe the variation of Spanish loanwords within a bilingual community in Salcedo; (2) to analyze some of the prominent and recent structural changes in Quichua and Spanish; (3) to determine whether Spanish loanword use can be explained by the relationship consultants have with particular social categories; and (4) to analyze the consultants’ language ideologies toward syncretic uses of Spanish and Quichua.
    [Show full text]
  • Was the Taco Invented in Southern California?
    investigations | jeffrey m. pilcher WWasas thethe TacoTaco InventedInvented iinn SSouthernouthern CCalifornia?alifornia? Taco bell provides a striking vision of the future trans- literally shape social reality, and this new phenomenon formation of ethnic and national cuisines into corporate that the taco signified was not the practice of wrapping fast food. This process, dubbed “McDonaldization” by a tortilla around morsels of food but rather the informal sociologist George Ritzer, entails technological rationaliza- restaurants, called taquerías, where they were consumed. tion to standardize food and make it more efficient.1 Or as In another essay I have described how the proletarian taco company founder Glen Bell explained, “If you wanted a shop emerged as a gathering place for migrant workers from dozen [tacos]…you were in for a wait. They stuffed them throughout Mexico, who shared their diverse regional spe- first, quickly fried them and stuck them together with a cialties, conveniently wrapped up in tortillas, and thereby toothpick. I thought they were delicious, but something helped to form a national cuisine.4 had to be done about the method of preparation.”2 That Here I wish to follow the taco’s travels to the United something was the creation of the “taco shell,” a pre-fried States, where Mexican migrants had already begun to create tortilla that could be quickly stuffed with fillings and served a distinctive ethnic snack long before Taco Bell entered the to waiting customers. Yet there are problems with this scene. I begin by briefly summarizing the history of this food interpretation of Yankee ingenuity transforming a Mexican in Mexico to emphasize that the taco was itself a product peasant tradition.
    [Show full text]
  • Modelling Mixed Languages: Some Remarks on the Case of Old Helsinki Slang1
    MODELLING MIXED LANGUAGES: SOME REMARKS ON THE CASE OF OLD HELSINKI SLANG1 Merlijn de Smit Stockholm University Abstract Old Helsinki Slang (OHS) a linguistic variety spoken in the working-class quarters of Helsinki from approx. 1900 to 1945, is marked by the usage of a virtually wholly Swedish vocabulary in a Finnish morphosyntactic framework. It has recently been subject of two interestingly contrasting treatments by Petri Kallio and Vesa Jarva. Kallio argues that the morphosyntactic base of OHS gives cause to analyzing it as unambiguously Finnic, and therefore Uralic, from a genetic perspective, whereas Jarva, drawing attention to the possible origins of OHS in frequent code-switching, believes it deserves consideration as a mixed language alongside such cases as Ma’a and Media Lengua. The contrasting approaches of the two authors involve contrasting presuppositions which deserve to be spelled out: should the genetic origin of a language be based on the pedigree of its structure (with mixed structures pointing to a mixed genetic origin) or on the sociolinguistic history of its speakers? Taking the latter course, I argue that the most valid model for the emergence of genetically mixed languages is the code-switching one proposed by Peter Auer. Measuring OHS against Auer’s model, however, it is a marginal case for a mixed language, particularly as Auer’s and similar models imply some composition in structural domains, which seems wholly absent in the case of OHS. Thus OHS is not a genetically mixed language, even if it may have developed as one, had early OHS taken a different course as it eventually did.
    [Show full text]
  • Toward a Comprehensive Model For
    Toward a Comprehensive Model for Nahuatl Language Research and Revitalization JUSTYNA OLKO,a JOHN SULLIVANa, b, c University of Warsaw;a Instituto de Docencia e Investigación Etnológica de Zacatecas;b Universidad Autonóma de Zacatecasc 1 Introduction Nahuatl, a Uto-Aztecan language, enjoyed great political and cultural importance in the pre-Hispanic and colonial world over a long stretch of time and has survived to the present day.1 With an estimated 1.376 million speakers currently inhabiting several regions of Mexico,2 it would not seem to be in danger of extinction, but in fact it is. Formerly the language of the Aztec empire and a lingua franca across Mesoamerica, after the Spanish conquest Nahuatl thrived in the new colonial contexts and was widely used for administrative and religious purposes across New Spain, including areas where other native languages prevailed. Although the colonial language policy and prolonged Hispanicization are often blamed today as the main cause of language shift and the gradual displacement of Nahuatl, legal steps reinforced its importance in Spanish Mesoamerica; these include the decision by the king Philip II in 1570 to make Nahuatl the linguistic medium for religious conversion and for the training of ecclesiastics working with the native people in different regions. Members of the nobility belonging to other ethnic groups, as well as numerous non-elite figures of different backgrounds, including Spaniards, and especially friars and priests, used spoken and written Nahuatl to facilitate communication in different aspects of colonial life and religious instruction (Yannanakis 2012:669-670; Nesvig 2012:739-758; Schwaller 2012:678-687).
    [Show full text]
  • “Spanglish,” Using Spanish and English in the Same Conversation, Can Be Traced Back in Modern Times to the Middle of the 19Th Century
    FAMILY, COMMUNITY, AND CULTURE 391 Logan, Irene, et al. Rebozos de la colección Robert Everts. Mexico City: Museo Franz Mayer, Artes de México, 1997. With English translation, pp. 49–57. López Palau, Luis G. Una región de tejedores: Santa María del Río. San Luis Potosí, Mexico: Cruz Roja Mexicana, 2002. The Rebozo Way. http://www.rebozoway.org/ Root, Regina A., ed. The Latin American Fashion Reader. New York: Berg, 2005. SI PANGL SH History and Origins The history of what people call “Spanglish,” using Spanish and English in the same conversation, can be traced back in modern times to the middle of the 19th century. In 1846 Mexico and the United States went to war. Mexico sur- rendered in 1848 with the signing of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. With its surrender, Mexico lost over half of its territory to the United States, what is now either all or parts of the states of California, Arizona, New Mexico, Nevada, Utah, Colorado, Kansas, Oklahoma, and Wyoming. The treaty estab- lished that Mexican citizens who remained in the new U.S. lands automatically became U.S. citizens, so a whole group of Spanish speakers was added to the U.S. population. Then, five years later the United States decided that it needed extra land to build a southern railway line that avoided the deep snow and the high passes of the northern route. This resulted in the Gadsden Purchase of 1853. This purchase consisted of portions of southern New Mexico and Arizona, and established the current U.S.-Mexico border. Once more, Mexican citizens who stayed in this area automatically became U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Field-Testing Code-Switching Constraints: a Report on a Strategic Languages Project
    languages Article Field-Testing Code-Switching Constraints: A Report on a Strategic Languages Project John M. Lipski Department of Spanish, Italian and Portuguese, The Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA 16801, USA; [email protected]; Tel.: +1-814-865-6583 Received: 28 November 2017; Accepted: 28 January 2019; Published: 1 February 2019 Abstract: The present article provides an overview of ongoing field-based research that deploys a variety of interactive experimental procedures in three strategically chosen bilingual contact environments, whose language dyads facilitate a partial separation of morphosyntactic factors in order to test the extent to which proposed grammatical constraints on intra-sentential code-switching are independent of language-specific factors. For purposes of illustration, the possibility of language switches between subject pronouns and verbs is compared for the three bilingual groups. The first scenario includes Ecuadoran Quichua and Media Lengua (entirely Quichua syntax and system morphology, all lexical roots replaced by Spanish items; both are null-subject languages). The second juxtaposes Spanish and the Afro-Colombian creole language Palenquero; the languages share highly cognate lexicons but differ substantially in grammatical structures (including null subjects in Spanish, only overt subjects in Palenquero). Spanish and Portuguese in north-eastern Argentina along the Brazilian border form the third focus: lexically and grammatically highly cognate languages that are nonetheless kept distinct by speakers (both null-subject languages, albeit with different usage patterns). Results from the three communities reveal a residual resistance against PRONOUN + VERB switches irrespective of the subject-verb configuration, thereby motivating the application of similar techniques to other proposed grammatical constraints.
    [Show full text]
  • Contact Languages Around the World and Their Levels of Endangerment
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ScholarSpace at University of Hawai'i at Manoa Vol. 12 (2018), pp. 53–79 http://nflrc.hawaii.edu/ldc http://hdl.handle.net/10125/24764 Revised Version Received: 23 Jan 2017 Contact languages around the world and their levels of endangerment Nala H. Lee National University of Singapore This paper provides an up-to-date report on the vitality or endangerment status of contact languages around the world, including pidgins, creoles, and mixed lan- guages. By utilizing information featured in the Endangered Languages Project and the Atlas of Pidgin and Creole Languages online portals, 96 contact languages are assessed on the Language Endangerment Index, a method of assessment that is based on four factors including intergenerational transmission, absolute num- ber of speakers, speaker number trends, and domains of use. Results show that the contact languages are most at risk with respect to intergenerational transmis- sion and domains of use. This is explained by the social and historical nature of contact languages. Overall results further raise the concern that the proportion of pidgins, creoles and mixed languages at some level of risk is extremely high. Rea- sons are provided for why linguists should be concerned about the endangerment of these languages. 1. Introduction1 While the language endangerment problem has been generally well- highlighted in linguistics, the endangerment of contact languages has not received the same level of attention. Krauss (1992) postulates that at least half and possibly as much as 90% of the world’s languages will no longer be spoken by the end of the present century, while a more recent empirical study estimates a slightly less catas- trophic rate of loss, at one language every three months (Campbell et al.
    [Show full text]
  • MIXED CODES, BILINGUALISM, and LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requi
    BILINGUAL NAVAJO: MIXED CODES, BILINGUALISM, AND LANGUAGE MAINTENANCE DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Charlotte C. Schaengold, M.A. ***** The Ohio State University 2004 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Brian Joseph, Advisor Professor Donald Winford ________________________ Professor Keith Johnson Advisor Linguistics Graduate Program ABSTRACT Many American Indian Languages today are spoken by fewer than one hundred people, yet Navajo is still spoken by over 100,000 people and has maintained regional as well as formal and informal dialects. However, the language is changing. While the Navajo population is gradually shifting from Navajo toward English, the “tip” in the shift has not yet occurred, and enormous efforts are being made in Navajoland to slow the language’s decline. One symptom in this process of shift is the fact that many young people on the Reservation now speak a non-standard variety of Navajo called “Bilingual Navajo.” This non-standard variety of Navajo is the linguistic result of the contact between speakers of English and speakers of Navajo. Similar to Michif, as described by Bakker and Papen (1988, 1994, 1997) and Media Lengua, as described by Muysken (1994, 1997, 2000), Bilingual Navajo has the structure of an American Indian language with parts of its lexicon from a European language. “Bilingual mixed languages” are defined by Winford (2003) as languages created in a bilingual speech community with the grammar of one language and the lexicon of another. My intention is to place Bilingual Navajo into the historical and theoretical framework of the bilingual mixed language, and to explain how ii this language can be used in the Navajo speech community to help maintain the Navajo language.
    [Show full text]
  • Spanish-Based Creoles in the Caribbean
    Spanish-based creoles in the Caribbean John M. Lipski The Pennsylvania State University Introduction The Caribbean Basin is home to many creole languages, lexically related to French, English, and—now only vestigially—Dutch. Surrounded by Spanish-speaking nations, and with Portuguese-speaking Brazil not far to the south, the Caribbean contains only a single creole language derived from a (highly debated) combination of Spanish and Portuguese, namely Papiamentu, spoken on the Netherlands Antilles islands of Curaçao and Aruba. If the geographical confines of the designation `Caribbean’ are pushed a bit, the creole language Palenquero, spoken in the Afro-Colombian village Palenque de San Basilio, near the port of Cartagena de Indias, also qualifies as a Spanish-related creole, again with a hotly contested Portuguese component. There are also a number of small Afro-Hispanic enclaves scattered throughout the Caribbean where ritual language, songs, and oral traditions suggest at least some partial restructuring of Spanish in small areas. Finally, there exists a controversial but compelling research paradigm which asserts that Spanish as spoken by African slaves and their immediate descendents may have creolized in the 19th century Spanish Caribbean—particularly in Cuba—and that this putative creole language may have subsequently merged with local varieties of Spanish, leaving a faint but detectable imprint on general Caribbean Spanish. A key component of the inquiry into Spanish-related contact varieties is the recurring claim that all such languages derive from earlier Portuguese-based pidgins and creoles, formed somewhere in West Africa1 and carried to the Americas by slaves transshipped from African holding stations, and by ships’ crews and slave traders.
    [Show full text]
  • A Brief Descriptive Grammar of Pijal Media Lengua and an Acoustic Vowel Space Analysis of Pijal Media Lengua and Imbabura Quichua
    A Brief Descriptive Grammar of Pijal Media Lengua and an Acoustic Vowel Space Analysis of Pijal Media Lengua and Imbabura Quichua by Jesse Stewart A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies of The University of Manitoba in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Department of Linguistics University of Manitoba Winnipeg Copyright © 2011 by Jesse Stewart Abstract This thesis presents an acoustic vowel space analysis of F1 and F2 frequencies from 10 speakers of a newly documented variety of Media Lengua, called Pijal Media Lengua (PML) and 10 speakers of Imbabura Quichua (IQ). This thesis also provides a brief grammatical discription of PML with insights into contrasts and similarities between Spanish, Quichua and other documented varieties of Media Lengua, namely, Salcedo Media Lengua (Muysken 1997) and Angla Media Lengua (Gómez-Rendón 2005). Media Lengua is typically described as a mixed language with a Quichua morphosyntactic structure wherein almost all content words are replaced by their Spanish-derived counterparts through the process of relexification. I use mixed effects models to test Spanish- derived vowels against their Quichua-derived counterparts in PML for statistical significance followed by separate mixed effects models to test Spanish-derived /i/ vs. /e/ and /u/ vs. /o/ for statistical significance. The results of this thesis provide suggestive data for (1) co-existing vowel systems in moderate contact situations such as that of Quichua and (2) moderate evidence for co-exsiting vowel systems in extreme contact situations such as mixed languages. Results also show that (3) PML may be manipulating as many as eight vowels wherein Spanish-derived high vowels and low vowels co-exist as extreme mergers with their Quichua- dervied counterparts, while high vowel and mid vowels co-exist as partial mergers; and (4) IQ may be manipulating as many as six vowels instead of the traditional view of three wherein Spanish-derived high vowels have completely merged with their native Quichua counterparts.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Language Use, Language Change and Innovation In
    LANGUAGE USE, LANGUAGE CHANGE AND INNOVATION IN NORTHERN BELIZE CONTACT SPANISH By OSMER EDER BALAM A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2016 1 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation would not have been possible without the guidance and support from many people, who have been instrumental since the inception of this seminal project on contact Spanish outcomes in Northern Belize. First and foremost, I am thankful to Dr. Mary Montavon and Prof. Usha Lakshmanan, who were of great inspiration to me at Southern Illinois University-Carbondale. Thank you for always believing in me and motivating me to pursue a PhD. This achievement is in many ways also yours, as your educational ideologies have profoundly influenced me as a researcher and educator. I am indebted to my committee members, whose guidance and feedback were integral to this project. In particular, I am thankful to my adviser Dr. Gillian Lord, whose energy and investment in my education and research were vital for the completion of this dissertation. I am also grateful to Dr. Ana de Prada Pérez, whose assistance in the statistical analyses was invaluable to this project. I am thankful to my other committee members, Dr. Benjamin Hebblethwaite, Dr. Ratree Wayland, and Dr. Brent Henderson, for their valuable and insighful comments and suggestions. I am also grateful to scholars who have directly or indirectly contributed to or inspired my work in Northern Belize. These researchers include: Usha Lakshmanan, Ad Backus, Jacqueline Toribio, Mark Sebba, Pieter Muysken, Penelope Gardner- Chloros, and Naomi Lapidus Shin.
    [Show full text]