The Puzzling Case of Chabacano: Creolization, Substrate, Mixing and Secondary Contact
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Language Specific Peculiarities Document for Tagalog As Spoken In
Language specific peculiarities Document for Tagalog as Spoken in the Philippines 1. Dialects Tagalog is spoken by around 25 million1 people as a first language and approximately 60 million as a second language. It is the local language spoken by most Filipinos and serves as a lingua franca in most parts of the Philippines. It is also the de facto national language of the Philippines together with English. Although officially the name of the national language is "Filipino", which has Tagalog as its basis, the majority of Filipinos are unaccustomed, even unaware, of this naming convention. Practically speaking, the name "Tagalog" is used by many Filipinos when referring to the national language. "Filipino", on the other hand, is rather ambiguous and, it must be said, carries nationalistic overtones2. The population of Tagalog native speakers is primarily concentrated in a region that covers southern Luzon and nearby islands. In this project, three major dialectal regions of Tagalog will be presented: Dialectal Region Description North Includes the Tagalog spoken in Bulacan, Bataan, Nueva Ecija and parts of Zambales. Central The Tagalog spoken in Manila, parts of Rizal and Laguna. This is the Tagalog dialect that is understood by the majority of the population. South Characteristic of the Tagalog spoken in Batangas, parts of Cavite, major parts of Quezon province and the coastal regions of the island of Mindoro. 1.1. English Influence The standard Tagalog spoken in Manila, the capital of the Philippines, is also considered the prestige dialect of Tagalog. It is the Tagalog used in the media and is taught in schools. -
Reproductions Supplied by EDRS Are the Best That Can Be Made from the Ori Inal Document
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 481 305 FL 027 837 AUTHOR Lo Bianco, Joseph, Ed. TITLE Voices from Phnom Penh. Development & Language: Global Influences & Local Effects. ISBN ISBN-1-876768-50-9 PUB DATE 2002-00-00 NOTE 362p. AVAILABLE FROM Language Australia Ltd., GPO Box 372F, Melbourne VIC 3001, Australia ($40). Web site: http://languageaustralia.com.au/. PUB TYPE Books (010) Collected Works Proceedings (021) EDRS PRICE EDRS Price MF01/PC15 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *College School Cooperation; Community Development; Distance Education; Elementary Secondary Education; *English (Second Language); Ethnicity; Foreign Countries; Gender Issues; Higher Education; Indigenous Populations; Intercultural Communication; Language Usage; Language of Instruction; Literacy Education; Native Speakers; *Partnerships in Education; Preservice Teacher Education; Socioeconomic Status; Student Evaluation; Sustainable Development IDENTIFIERS Cambodia; China; East Timor; Language Policy; Laos; Malaysia; Open q^,-ity; Philippines; Self Monitoring; Sri Lanka; Sustainability; Vernacular Education; Vietnam ABSTRACT This collection of papers is based on the 5th International Conference on Language and Development: Defining the Role of Language in Development, held in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, in 2001. The 25 papers include the following: (1) "Destitution, Wealth, and Cultural Contest: Language and Development Connections" (Joseph Lo Bianco); (2) "English and East Timor" (Roslyn Appleby); (3) "Partnership in Initial Teacher Education" (Bao Kham and Phan Thi Bich Ngoc); (4) "Indigenous -
The Impact of the Mexican Revolution on Spanish in the United States∗
The impact of the Mexican Revolution on Spanish in the United States∗ John M. Lipski The Pennsylvania State University My charge today is to speak of the impact of the Mexican Revolution on Spanish in the United States. While I have spent more than forty years listening to, studying, and analyzing the Spanish language as used in the United States, I readily confess that the Mexican Revolution was not foremost in my thoughts for many of those years. My life has not been totally without revolutionary influence, however, since in my previous job, at the University of New Mexico, our department had revised its bylaws to reflect the principles of sufragio universal y no reelección. When I began to reflect on the full impact of the Mexican Revolution on U. S. Spanish, I immediately thought of the shelf-worn but not totally irrelevant joke about the student who prepared for his biology test by learning everything there was to know about frogs, one of the major topics of the chapter. When the day of the exam arrived, he discovered to his chagrin that the essay topic was about sharks. Deftly turning lemons into lemonade, he began his response: “Sharks are curious and important aquatic creatures bearing many resemblances to frogs, which have the following characteristics ...”, which he then proceeded to name. The joke doesn’t mention what grade he received for his effort. For the next few minutes I will attempt a similar maneuver, making abundant use of what I think I already know, hoping that you don’t notice what I know that I don’t know, and trying to get a passing grade at the end of the day. -
Cebuano Grammar Notes Jessie Grace U. Rubrico
Cebuano Grammar Notes Jessie Grace U. Rubrico 1. Cebuano phonemes Sixteen consonants and three vowels constitute the segmental phonemes of the Cebuano language, while stress and length constitute its suprasegmentals. 1.1 Consonants according to their points of articulation Bilabial Labio-velar Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal / p / / t / / k / / ? / / b / / d / / g / / m / / n / / ? / / s / / h / / w / / l / / r / / y / 1.2 Vowels according to tongue advancement (1) and position (2), lip rounding (3). (1) Front Central Back / i / /u/ (2) High [ i ] [u] (3) mid [ I ] [o] (3) low / a / Phoneme /i/ has two phonetic representations, [i] and [I] which freely alternate. The phoneme /u/ has also two allophones which may be considered to be in complementary distribution, to wit: / u / [ u ] / ___ C# Example: ug, uy! [ o ] / (V) C___# Example: ko, mo, ako, imo 1.3 Suprasegmentals. Stress and Vowel length are phonemic in Cebuano. 1.3.1 Stress. Cebuano lexical items may be accented: a) on the penultimate vowel as in dayon , unya, ligo; b) on the final vowel as in dayón, walá, sukád; c) on both vowels in a two-syllable word, if these vowels are glottal as in sab-?a; ?ak-?ak; d) the position of the stress on the stem (i.e., final or penult) is retained when suffixation is applied as in palit > palitan e) in word reduplication, the stress of the base is carried over as primary stress on the second component while the initial component gets the secondary stress. Example, gamaygamay, hinayhinay f) the glottal stress - whether in the initial, medial, or final position- is retained whenever affixation is applied. -
Was the Taco Invented in Southern California?
investigations | jeffrey m. pilcher WWasas thethe TacoTaco InventedInvented iinn SSouthernouthern CCalifornia?alifornia? Taco bell provides a striking vision of the future trans- literally shape social reality, and this new phenomenon formation of ethnic and national cuisines into corporate that the taco signified was not the practice of wrapping fast food. This process, dubbed “McDonaldization” by a tortilla around morsels of food but rather the informal sociologist George Ritzer, entails technological rationaliza- restaurants, called taquerías, where they were consumed. tion to standardize food and make it more efficient.1 Or as In another essay I have described how the proletarian taco company founder Glen Bell explained, “If you wanted a shop emerged as a gathering place for migrant workers from dozen [tacos]…you were in for a wait. They stuffed them throughout Mexico, who shared their diverse regional spe- first, quickly fried them and stuck them together with a cialties, conveniently wrapped up in tortillas, and thereby toothpick. I thought they were delicious, but something helped to form a national cuisine.4 had to be done about the method of preparation.”2 That Here I wish to follow the taco’s travels to the United something was the creation of the “taco shell,” a pre-fried States, where Mexican migrants had already begun to create tortilla that could be quickly stuffed with fillings and served a distinctive ethnic snack long before Taco Bell entered the to waiting customers. Yet there are problems with this scene. I begin by briefly summarizing the history of this food interpretation of Yankee ingenuity transforming a Mexican in Mexico to emphasize that the taco was itself a product peasant tradition. -
Six Years of MTB MLE: Revisiting Teachers' Language Attitude
Asian Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies Vol. 1, No. 3 (Special Issue), (2018) ISSN 2651-6691 (Print) ISSN 2651-6705 (Online) Six years of MTB MLE: Revisiting Teachers’ Language Attitude towards the Teaching of Chavacano Ali G. Anudin Philippine Normal University, Manila, Philippines Abstract - To gauge the success of the mother tongue-based multilingual education (MTB-MLE) in the Philippines is tantamount to examining it in a milieu where its citizens speak a number of languages. Zamboanga City is credibly one of the cities in the country identified to be multilingual where its people speak about eight (8) languages, namely: Chavacano, Cebuano-Bisaya, Tausug, Sama, Yakan, Tagalog, Subanen, and Hiligaynon. This study surveys the MTB-MLE program in its sixth year of implementation. Specifically, it attempted to determine the general language attitude of the teacher- respondents in using Chavacano as a language of instruction, and the difficulties they faced in the classroom in using the mother tongue. The data were gathered through qualitative descriptive method using survey questionnaire and interview questions. A total of thirty-eight (38) teachers participated as respondents: thirty-two (32) answered the survey questionnaire, and six (6) partook in accomplishing the interview questions. The respondents all come from one of the biggest public primary school i.e. Don Gregorio Elementary Memorial School (DONGEMS), which is located at the heart of Zamboanga City where the implementation of MTB-MLE was seen to be much difficult since there are eight prevailing languages used by the people within the area. The findings revealed that teachers generally have negative attitude towards the use of Chavacano as language of instruction. -
Toward a Comprehensive Model For
Toward a Comprehensive Model for Nahuatl Language Research and Revitalization JUSTYNA OLKO,a JOHN SULLIVANa, b, c University of Warsaw;a Instituto de Docencia e Investigación Etnológica de Zacatecas;b Universidad Autonóma de Zacatecasc 1 Introduction Nahuatl, a Uto-Aztecan language, enjoyed great political and cultural importance in the pre-Hispanic and colonial world over a long stretch of time and has survived to the present day.1 With an estimated 1.376 million speakers currently inhabiting several regions of Mexico,2 it would not seem to be in danger of extinction, but in fact it is. Formerly the language of the Aztec empire and a lingua franca across Mesoamerica, after the Spanish conquest Nahuatl thrived in the new colonial contexts and was widely used for administrative and religious purposes across New Spain, including areas where other native languages prevailed. Although the colonial language policy and prolonged Hispanicization are often blamed today as the main cause of language shift and the gradual displacement of Nahuatl, legal steps reinforced its importance in Spanish Mesoamerica; these include the decision by the king Philip II in 1570 to make Nahuatl the linguistic medium for religious conversion and for the training of ecclesiastics working with the native people in different regions. Members of the nobility belonging to other ethnic groups, as well as numerous non-elite figures of different backgrounds, including Spaniards, and especially friars and priests, used spoken and written Nahuatl to facilitate communication in different aspects of colonial life and religious instruction (Yannanakis 2012:669-670; Nesvig 2012:739-758; Schwaller 2012:678-687). -
The Case of Nominal Plural Marking in Zamboanga Chabacano
Language Documentation & Conservation Special Publication No. 19 Documentation and Maintenance of Contact Languages from South Asia to East Asia ed. by Mário Pinharanda-Nunes & Hugo C. Cardoso, pp.141–173 http:/nflrc.hawaii.edu/ldc/sp19 4 http://hdl.handle.net/10125/24908 Documenting online writing practices: The case of nominal plural marking in Zamboanga Chabacano Eduardo Tobar Delgado Universidade de Vigo Abstract The emergence of computer-mediated communication has brought about new opportunities for both speakers and researchers of minority or under-described languages. This paper shows how the analysis of spontaneous contemporary language samples from online social networks can make a contribution to the documentation and description of languages like Chabacano, a Spanish-derived creole spoken in the Philippines. More specifically, we focus on nominal plural marking in the Zamboangueño variety, a still imperfectly understood feature, by examining a corpus composed of texts from online sources. The attested combination of innovative and vestigial features requires a close look at the high contact environment, different levels of metalinguistic awareness or even some language ideologies. The findings shed light on the wide variety of plural formation strategies which resulted from the contact of Spanish with Philippine languages. Possible triggers, such as animacy, definiteness or specificity, are also examined and some future research areas suggested. Keywords: nominal plural marking, Zamboangueño Chabacano, number, creole languages Licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License 142 Eduardo Tobar Delgado 1. Introduction1 Zamboanga Chabacano (also known as Zamboangueño or Chavacano) is one of the three extant varieties of Philippine Creole Spanish or Chabacano and totals around 500,000 speakers in and around Zamboanga City in the Southern Philippines. -
“Spanglish,” Using Spanish and English in the Same Conversation, Can Be Traced Back in Modern Times to the Middle of the 19Th Century
FAMILY, COMMUNITY, AND CULTURE 391 Logan, Irene, et al. Rebozos de la colección Robert Everts. Mexico City: Museo Franz Mayer, Artes de México, 1997. With English translation, pp. 49–57. López Palau, Luis G. Una región de tejedores: Santa María del Río. San Luis Potosí, Mexico: Cruz Roja Mexicana, 2002. The Rebozo Way. http://www.rebozoway.org/ Root, Regina A., ed. The Latin American Fashion Reader. New York: Berg, 2005. SI PANGL SH History and Origins The history of what people call “Spanglish,” using Spanish and English in the same conversation, can be traced back in modern times to the middle of the 19th century. In 1846 Mexico and the United States went to war. Mexico sur- rendered in 1848 with the signing of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. With its surrender, Mexico lost over half of its territory to the United States, what is now either all or parts of the states of California, Arizona, New Mexico, Nevada, Utah, Colorado, Kansas, Oklahoma, and Wyoming. The treaty estab- lished that Mexican citizens who remained in the new U.S. lands automatically became U.S. citizens, so a whole group of Spanish speakers was added to the U.S. population. Then, five years later the United States decided that it needed extra land to build a southern railway line that avoided the deep snow and the high passes of the northern route. This resulted in the Gadsden Purchase of 1853. This purchase consisted of portions of southern New Mexico and Arizona, and established the current U.S.-Mexico border. Once more, Mexican citizens who stayed in this area automatically became U.S. -
Tagalog-English Code Switching As a Mode of Discourse
Asia Pacific Education Review Copyright 2004 by Education Research Institute 2004, Vol. 5, No. 2, 226-233. Tagalog-English Code Switching as a Mode of Discourse Maria Lourdes S. Bautista De La Salle University-Manila Philippines The alternation of Tagalog and English in informal discourse is a feature of the linguistic repertoire of educated, middle- and upper-class Filipinos. This paper describes the linguistic structure and sociolinguistic functions of Tagalog-English code switching (Taglish) as provided by various researchers through the years. It shows that the analysis of Taglish began with a linguistic focus, segmenting individual utterances into sentences and studying the switch points within the sentence. Other studies were more sociolinguistic in nature and investigated the functions of code switching. Recently, Taglish has been viewed as a mode of discourse and a linguistic resource in the bilingual’s repertoire. New theoreticians working within a Critical Discourse Analysis framework are seeing Taglish as a reaction to the hegemonizing tendencies of Philippine society and modern life. Key Words: code switching, code mixing, discourse analysis, Tagalog, English in the Philippines 1Foreigners who visit Manila or other urban areas in the English in the same discourse or conversation (Gumperz, Philippines for the first time are struck by the phenomenon of 1982); it is the use of Tagalog words, phrases, clauses, and hearing snatches of conversation that they can understand sentences in English discourse, or vice-versa. The term is also because part of the conversation is recognizably in English, occasionally used generically for the switching that takes but at the same time feel completely lost when listening to the place between a Philippine language (not necessarily Tagalog) other parts of the conversation. -
A Process Evaluation of the Mother Tongue-Based Multilingual Education Implementation
JUNE 2019 DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES NO. 2019-06 ‘Starting Where the Children Are’: A Process Evaluation of the Mother Tongue-Based Multilingual Education Implementation Jennifer D. Monje, Aniceto C. Orbeta Jr., Kris A. Francisco-Abrigo, and Erlinda M. Capones The PIDS Discussion Paper Series constitutes studies that are preliminary and subject to further revisions. They are being circulated in a limited number of copies only for purposes of soliciting comments and suggestions for further refinements. The studies under the Series are unedited and unreviewed. The views and opinions expressed are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the Institute. Not for quotation without permission from the author(s) and the Institute. CONTACT US: RESEARCH INFORMATION DEPARTMENT Philippine Institute for Development Studies [email protected] 18th Floor, Three Cyberpod Centris - North Tower https://www.pids.gov.ph EDSA corner Quezon Avenue, Quezon City, Philippines (+632) 372-1291/(+632) 372-1292 ‘Starting Where the Children Are’: A Process Evaluation of the Mother Tongue-Based Multilingual Education Implementation Jennifer D. Monje, Aniceto C. Orbeta Jr., Kris A. Francisco-Abrigo, and Erlinda M. Capones PHILIPPINE INSTITUTE FOR DEVELOPMENT STUDIES June 2019 Abstract The primary rationale of the Mother Tongue-Based Multilingual Education (MTB-MLE) program is to begin where the children are, which means building up on what children already know. It is designed to implement a learner-centered education from the beginning of the education ladder. The MTB-MLE policy may be said to be in its infancy in terms of official implementation, but it has had a long and unrecognized history in Philippine education. -
Table 1. Population Distribution by Province/City: Western Mindanao, 2000
Table 1. Population Distribution by Province/City: Western Mindanao, 2000 Province/City Total Population Percent Western Mindanao 3,091,208 100.00 Zamboanga City 601,794 19.47 Basilan 332,828 10.77 Zamboanga del Norte 823,130 26.63 Zamboanga del Sur 1,333,456 43.14 Source: NSO, 2000 Census of Population and Housing Table 2. Total Population by Age Group, Sex and Sex Ratio: Western Mindanao, 2000 Age Group Total Population Male Female Sex Ratio Western Mindanao 3,091,208 1,566,743 1,524,465 102.8 Under 5 412,517 209,904 202,613 103.6 5- 9 437,787 222,780 215,007 103.6 10-14 395,085 198,450 196,635 100.9 15-19 331,765 166,213 165,552 100.4 20-24 271,526 136,759 134,767 101.5 25-29 232,090 116,655 115,435 101.1 30-34 210,317 106,578 103,739 102.7 35-39 191,799 98,633 93,166 105.9 40-44 157,493 81,120 76,373 106.2 45-49 126,467 65,647 60,820 107.9 50-54 95,096 49,044 46,052 106.5 55-59 71,942 36,746 35,196 104.4 60-64 60,002 30,406 29,596 102.7 65-69 40,313 20,128 20,185 99.7 70-74 27,782 13,779 14,003 98.4 75-79 14,832 7,179 7,653 93.8 80 and over 14,395 6,722 7,673 87.6 Source: NSO, 2000 Census of Population and Housing Table 3.