Appendix: Mary's Letters

APPENDIX: MARY’S LETTERS

his appendix contains an edition of Mary’s extant manuscript letters. Wherever I could, I have attempted to give the reader as close a sense Tof the material letter as possible by indicating page breaks, layout, handwriting, and so forth (except for the line breaks in the letter’s body). I have regularized Mary’s use of i/j and u/v and silently expanded abbreviations, but otherwise have maintained her original punctuation and capitalization. Mary’s hand is distinctive, neither secretary nor italic, though it is very similar to her brother’s. In Man and Monarch, David Starkey suggests that both Tudors learned their script from their mother, Elizabeth of York (8, 83). Unlike her brother, Mary seems not to have minded writing letters—many of these are entirely in her own hand, which I have indicated with the designation “holograph.” Those letters written in another hand but which bear her signature have been labeled “autograph.” Unless otherwise indicated, the addresses written on the verso of the autograph letters are in the scribal hand. The letters contained in the British Library’s Cotton collection suffered greatly from a fire in 1731; my conjectures for missing words are supplied in brackets. Occasional footnotes are marked with numbers in brackets. A key to textual symbols follows:

[x] editorial additions * indicates lost words * . . . * indicates several lost words x deleted in original ^x^ added in original

All transcriptions are mine, their presence included by generous permission of the libraries listed in each headnote. I have also provided translations of the French letters, striving to render Mary’s language as literally as I could. My translations conform to contemporary rules for punctuation and capitalization.

1. MARY TO MARGARET OF AUSTRIA, DUCHESS OF SAVOY APRIL 13 (1510–1513) Morgan Pierpont Library. Rulers of England Box 02, Henry VIII, no. 33a. Autograph. Italic and secretary hands. Paper. 210 u 184 mm. The wax seal remains on the righthand side of the verso page, showing a diamond shape with faint traces of a design within; there is a vaguely floral shape with swirls in the center, and a K (for Karolus?) to the right. If it is an initial “K” presumably there was once an “M” for Mary on the left. Mary’s signature comes 25 mm below the body. For dating, see Chapter 1, note 175. 164 Appendix: Mary’s Letters

[Italic hand] a Grenewich le 13 avril [Secretary hand; large initial “M”] Madame mabonne Tante leplus humblement que faire le puis a vostre bonne grace me recommende. Et ay receue le patron des habillemens dont les dames se vestent avecques vous que vous mavez envoyee du quel Je vous remercie beaucoup Car de long temps Jay eue desir a scavoir comment les atours et habillemens que se usent pardela me sieroynt et maintenent que Je les ay essaiez Je me contente moult fort deulx ./ Esperant quil me sera chose assez facille de laisser ceste acoustumee mode de vestir quant Je me trouveray avecques vous . vous requirant ma bonne Tante quil vous plaise depar moy faire mes humbles recommendacions a mon trescher et tresayme Seignieur mon sieur le prince / Auquel et a vous ma bonne tante / dieu doint bonne vie et longue et eureuse prosperite enn toutes voz affaires Escript a Grenewych le xiije davril [modern hand] (1508–1513) [Mary’s hand] Vostre bonne niesce Marie pryncesse de castelle [verso] A madame La Duchesse de Savoye Ma bonne Tante At Greenwich the 13 April My lady, my good aunt, the most humbly that is possible I recommend myself to your good grace. And I have received the pattern of the clothes that the ladies are wearing near you that you have sent to me for which I thank you greatly. Because for a long time I have had the desire to know how the ornaments and clothing that are used over there will fit me and now that I have tried them I am greatly contented with them. Hoping that it will be an easy enough thing for me to leave my accustomed way of dressing when I will find myself with you. Requiring you, my good aunt, that it will please you to make my humble recommendations from me to my very dear and well-loved lord my lord the prince, to whom, and to you, my good aunt, God give good life and long and happy prosperity in all your affairs. Written at Greenwich, the 13th of April. Your good niece Mary princess of Castile To my lady the Duchess of Savoy, my good aunt

2. MARY TO LOUIS XII AUGUST, 1514 © The British Library Board. MS Additional 34208, fol. 27r. Modern copy of holograph letter. Paper, ruled with lines spaced 13 mm apart. 197 u 321 mm. The scribe left some blanks where presumably s/he could not read the writing, Appendix: Mary’s Letters 165

since after the first space the word “tenire” is written in the margins as if conjecture. I have marked such gaps as [*]. There is also a small illustration of a single fleur- de-lis in a box in the place I have marked . The Lady Mary to Lewis 12 King of France No 8485 all in her own hand Monsour bien humblement a votre bonne grace je me recommande. Jay recu les lettres qu’il vous a pleu mescripre de votre main, et ouy ce que mon cousin le duc de Longueville ma dit de votre part, en quoy jay prins tres grant joy, felicite, et plaisir, dont et de l’honneur quil vous a pleu me faire, me tiens a jamais votre [*] et obligee, Et vous [] aimerry le plus cordialement q faire puis. Et pour ce que par mon cousin vous entendnez come toutes choses ont pris [missing] fin et conclusion, et le tres singulier desire que jay [*] vous faire plus longue lettre pryant [* . . . *] monsour noter createur vous donner sainct et long vie. dee la main de votre humble compagne Marie My lord, very humbly I recommend me unto your good grace. I have received the letters which it has pleased you to write to me with your own hand, and heard that which my cousin the duke of Longueville tells me of your part, in which I took very great joy, felicity, and pleasure, of which and of the honor that it has pleased you to do me, I consider myself ever [bound] and obliged [to you]. And [*] thank you the most cordially that I can. And because by my cousin you will hear how all things have taken [*] end and conclusion, and the very singular desire that I have to [*] make you a longer letter, praying [* . . . *] Sir our creator give you healthy and long life. by the hand of your humble wife, Mary

3. MARY TO LOUIS XII AUGUST, 1514 © The British Library Board. MS Additional 34208, fol. 28r. Modern copy of holograph letter. Paper, ruled with lines spaced 13 mm apart. 197 u 321 mm. Monsieur Humblement a votre bonne grace je me recomande. pour ce que le Roy mon S[eigneu]r et frere envoye presentement par devers vous ses ambassadeurs, jay desire & donne charge a mon cousin le Conte Worcestre vous dire aucunes choses de ma part, touchant les fyansailles dentre vous et moy en parrolle de present. Si vous supplie Monsieur le voulloir en ce ouyr et croyre come moy mesmes, et vous asseure Monsieur come je vous ay dernierement escript et synifie par mon cousin le duc de Longueville, que la chose que plus je desire & souhaite pour le jourdhuy sest dentendre de voz bonnes nouvelles, sante et bonne prosperite, ainsi que mon de cousin le Comte de Worcestre vous saura a dire plus a plain, il vous plaira au surplies Monsieur me mander et comandez voz bons & agreables plaisirs pour vous y obeir et complaire par laide de Dieu qui Monsieur vous doint bon vie et longue. De la main de votre bien humble compagne Marie. 166 Appendix: Mary’s Letters

My lord, humbly to your good grace I recommend myself. Because the king my lord and brother sends presently his ambassadors to you, I have desired and charged my cousin the earl of Worcester to say to you some things on my part, touching the betrothal now spoken of between you and me. So I beg you, my lord, to desire to hear and believe him in this as myself, and I assure you, my lord, that as I wrote you last and signified by my cousin the duke of Longueville, that the thing that I most desire and wish for today is to hear good news of you, your health and good prosperity, as my cousin the earl of Worcester will know to say more fully. It will please you moreover, my lord, to send for me and command your good and agreeable pleasures in order for [me] to obey and please you in this by the help of God who keep you, my lord, in good life and long. By the hand of your very humble wife, Mary

4. MARY TO LOUIS XII AUGUST/SEPTEMBER, 1514 © The British Library Board. MS Cotton Vitellius C.XI, fol. 156r. Holograph. Paper, containing a watermark of a hand touching a 5- petaled flower. 194 u 197 mm. Across from her signature in the lower left corner of the letter is a wax impression of her seal, a coat of arms containing the arms of France and England, crowned; outside the coat of arms is a fleur-de- lis on the left and a Tudor rose on the right. 25 mm separate the signature from the body. Monsieur bien humblement a votre bonne grace Je me Recommende monsieur Jay par monsieur levesque de lencolne receu les tresaffectueuses lettres quil vous a pleu naguaires mescripre qui mont este a tresgrant joye et confort vous asseurant monsieur quil nya riens que tant Je desire que de vous veoir Et le roy monsieur et frere fait toute extreme diligence pour mon alee de la la mer qui au plaisir de dieu sera briesve vous suppliant monsieur me vouloir ce pendant pour ma tressinguliere s consolacion souvent faire scavoir de voz nouvelles ensemble voz bons et agreables plaisirs pour vous y obeir et complaire aidant notre createur qui vous doint monsieur bonne vie et longuement bien prosperer de la main de votre bien humble compaigne Marie A monsieur My Lord, very humbly to your good grace I recommend me. My Lord, I have by my Lord Bishop of Lincoln received the very affectionate letters that it has pleased you lately to write to me which have been to me a very great joy and comfort, assuring you, my Lord, that there is nothing more that I desire than to see you. And the king my lord and brother makes all extreme diligence for my passage beyond the sea, which by the pleasure of God will be brief. Beseeching you, my lord, to please me in the meanwhile, for my very singular Appendix: Mary’s Letters 167 consolation, often to make known news of you, together with your good and agreeable pleasures, in order for [me] to obey and please you, aided by our Creator, who give you, my Lord, good life and long, prospering well. By the hand of

your very humble wife Mary

To my Lord

5. MARY TO HENRY

OCTOBER 12, 1514

© The British Library Board. MS Cotton Caligula D.VI, fol. 257r. Autograph. Secretary hand. Postscript and signature in Mary’s hand. Paper, containing a watermark of a pitcher. 184 u 279 mm. 25 mm separate Mary’s postscript from the body of the letter. [My] good brother as hertly as I cann I Recomaund me [to your] grace · mar- velyng moche that I never herd from you syns [th]e departynge so oftenn as I have sent and wrytten to you [an]d now am I left post a lone inn effecte / for onn the mornn next after [th]e maryage · my chambirlaynn with all other menn servauntes wer dischargd [an]d in lyke wyse my mother guldeford with other my womenn and maydyns [e]xcept such as never had experiens nor knowlech · how to advertyse or gyfe [m]e counsell yn any tyme of nede / which is to be fered more schortly then your grace thought at the tyme of my departynge / as my mother guldeford cann more playnly schew your grace then I cann wryt / to whom I [be]seche you to gyve credens / And yf hit may be by eny meane possible I humbly Requyr you · to cause my seyd mother guldeford to Repayr hither t[o] me agaynn / for ells yfe any chauns happe other then weale I shall not [k]nowe · wher nor of whom to aske any good counsell to your pleasure · nor [y]et to myn own proffitt / I merveill moche that my lord of northfolke [w]old at all tymes so lyghtly graunt every thynge at ther Reqwestes here I am weale assured that when ze know the trouth of every thynge as my mother guldeford cann schew yow / ze wold full lyttyll have thowght [I] schold have benn thus intreated // that wold god my lord of zorke [h]ad comm with me yn the romme of my lord of my lord northfolke for [the]n amm I sure I schuld have bene left moch more at my hert[is ease] then I am now / and thus I byd your grace fare weale with [*several words lost] as ever had prince / and more hertis ease then I have now [From Ab]bvile the xiithe daye of octobir

[Mary’s hand] [* g]yef g credens to my mowde[r G]eldeford be yowr lowyn[ge] s[u]ster Mary quene [of Fra]nce [Fol. 257v] To the kynges grace my kynd and lovynge brother 168 Appendix: Mary’s Letters

6. MARY TO WOLSEY OCTOBER 12, 1514 © The British Library Board. MS Cotton Caligula D.VI, fol.146r. Autograph. Secretary hand; postscript in Mary’s hand. Paper. 191 u 279 mm. 38 mm separate Mary’s postscript from the body of the letter. [I rec]omaund me unto you as hertly as I cann / and as sche th[at hath not been] Intreated as the kynge and you thought I schuld have ben / for [* t]he mornn next after the maryage all my servauns · both menn & womenn [*] discharged · Insomoch that my mother guldeford was also discharg[ed *]y whom as ze knowe the kynge and zou willed me yn eny wyse to be [* c]owncelled // but for eny thynge I myght do ynn no wyse myght I have [* a]ny g[r]aunt for her abode here / Which I assure you my lord is moche to my [*] discomffort / besyd meny other discomf- fortis · that ze wold full lytell hav[e] thought // I have not zet seene yn fraunce eny lady or Jentillwomann so necessary for me as sche ys · nor zet so mete to do the kynge my brot[her] service as sche ys / and for my part my lord / as ze love the kynge my broder and me // fynd the meanes that sche may yn all hast com hi[ther] agaynn · for I had as lefe lose the wynnynge I schall have yn fran[ce] as to lose her counssell when I schall lacke it which is not like long to be Required / as I am sure the nobill menn & Jentillmenn cann schew you more thenn becometh me to wryte yn this matter // I pray you my lord gyfe credens forther to my moder guldeford yn every thy[ng c]oncernynge thys matter // and albehit my lord of northfollke ha[th] nethyr deled best with me nor zet with her at this tyme // zet I pra[y] you allwayes to be good lord un to her / and wold to god my [*] had benn so good to have had zou with me hither ·/ When I h[* . . . * lo]rd ofe northfolke / And thus fare ze weale my lord // Wryt[ten at Abbev]ile the xijthe daye of octobir [Mary’s hand] [M]y lord I pray yow gyve credens to my [mother Guldef]ord yn my sorows she have delyv[er * . . . *]te yowr on whyl I lefe Mary [*] [Fol. 146v] To my lovynge frend Tharchebischop of Zorke

7. MARY TO HENRY OCTOBER 18, 1514 National Archives (UK). MS SP 1/9/147. Autograph. Secretary hand. Paper. 197 u 292 mm. There is a watermark but it is difficult to discern; it appears to be a box with an angel shape to the left and perhaps a fleur-de- lis on the right. Traces of the wax seal remain on fol. 147v. 10 mm separate Mary’s signature from the body of the letter. My most kynde and luffyng brother I hertely recommende me unto you. pleaseth it yor grace to undyrstond that my lord the kyng hathe instantly desiryd me to wrytt unto you / that it wold please you for hys sak and myn / to sende unto my lorde Dercy to delyver francois Descars uppon a resonable ranconn[1] unto you / and that it wold please yor grace to pay hys ranconn for the tyme / and that hee myght be delyverd unto yor grace / ye shortly to have the monay agaynn after Appendix: Mary’s Letters 169 that word is off hys delyver[an]ce / or ellys hee not to retrne as hydder./ ffarder- mor the duk off brytan[2] / otherwise callyd the dolphyn[3] hathe dyverse season movyd me to wrytt to yor grace for the seyde francois for as moche as hee is on of his servantes / the wiche to doo I made hymm promysse and to the dowke off langwylle[4] alsoo / for I assure yor grace hee they made me & the nobyl men off my company gret cher from boleynn / forthe as the dowk off norfolk / the lorde markes with other nobil menn cann informe yor grace Thes premisses consid- eryd I beseche yor grace to desyer the lorde Dercy to delyver uppon as litil a ranconn / as resonably may be / hys seyd prisoner./ for as I am credibly informyd hyr / hee is but a pore gentilmann. Now sumwhat I wold that my lord the kyng / the bothe dukes to whom I am moche bownde shuld thynk hee shuld be the mor favord for my sak. / when this mann is delyverd I beseche you to sende worde by the bryng[er o]ff ys or som other what is ranconn is wiche I pray god may be resonable & litell Whoo preserve yor grace amenn ffrom Abevyll[5] the xviii day off Octobr by yor very luffyng Suster [Mary’s hand] mary quene of france [Fol. 147v] To my most kynde and lovyng brother the kynges grace off Inglond. 1 Ransom 2 The Duke of Brittany, (later Francis I) 3 Dauphin 4 Duke of Longueville 5 Abbeville

8. MARY TO HENRY OCTOBER 20, 1514 National Archives (UK). MS SP 1/9/148. Autograph. Secretary hand. Paper. 197 u 298 mm. Traces of the wax seal remain on the verso side. 6 mm separate the closing from the body of the letter. My most kynde and lovyng brother I hertely recommende me to you Certifiing your grace that sins my departing from you I have sent you divers letters and as yett I have hadde no maner word from your grace wherof in party I marvail considering that certayn letters be over from your grace hyther I trust thowgh I be farre from that you that your grace wyll not forgett me but that I shall schortly here from you whereof I hartely desire you. And where as I have wryttyn on to your grace towching the deliverance of a prisoner whyche my lorde darcy hath I beseche you that hys ransom myght be as favourable and drivyne to as small a somm as myght be / assuring your grace that trusting that favour schould be schewyd hym my lord the kyng at the instance of the duc of bretayn and the duc of longueville hathe sent thys weke hys letters on to boulayn that divers of your subjectes beyng prisonners theyre schould be deliverd after the custum of the see As for ij hunderd marke or ijC and l markes I heresay they wold be content to gyve 170 Appendix: Mary’s Letters or ellys to continu styll Whyche I trust to goodde and you schall not be Who preserve your grace amen Wryttyn at Abbeville the xx day of October [Mary’s hand] by yowr lowyng suster marie [Fol. 148v] To my most kynde and luffyng brother the kyng off Inglond. The frenche quenis lettre

9. MARY TO WOLSEY NOVEMBER 13, 1514 National Archives (UK). MS SP 1/9/158. Autograph. Secretary hand. The print is greatly faded. Paper. 194 u 289 mm. Traces of the wax seal remain on the fol. 158v. 13 mm separate the closing from the body of the letter. My lord I hertely recommend me on to you Desiring you for my sake to be goud lord to my servant Johnn palsgrave and provyde for hym som livyng that he may continu at scole yff he hadde ben retaynyd in my service I wold have done for hym gladly my sellff but sins he was put owt off my service I wyllyd hym to cum to paris party by cause I trust veryly that you wyll provyde for hym he may be abyll to continu and allso bycause I intend my sellff som what to do for hym howe behytt by cause my estat ys not yett made I wott nott howmyche I shall be gladde to helpe hym that he schall not nede to cumm home praying you hertely not to forget hym Commendyng you my lord to gode Who have you in hys keping at paris the xiii day off november [Mary’s hand] mary quene of france [Fol. 158v] To my lord of yorke [a different secretary hand labels the letter] The Quene of France to the Cardynall sent from parys

10. MARY TO HENRY NOVEMBER 15, 1514 © The British Library Board. MS Cotton Vespasian F.III, fol.50r. Holograph. Paper. Cropped to approximately 127 u 203 mm. 13 mm separate the closing from the body of the letter. my most kynde and luffyng brother I Recommande me unto yowr grace as hertely as I can & I thank yowr grace for yowr kynde letters & for yowr good counsell the wiche I trust to our lord god I shall folow every day more & mor how luffyngly the kyng my husband delyth with me the lord chambyrlaynn with other of yowr ambassadors can clerly informe yowr grace whom I beseche yowr grace hertely to thank for ther grett labors & paynys that they have takyn to as hyr for me for I Appendix: Mary’s Letters 171 trust they have made a substancial & a perfect ende as towchyng myn almoner I thank yowr grace for hym of hys demeaner hyr yow yowr grace shalbe informyd better than I can wrytt as knowthe our lord Jhesu who preserve yowr grace amen from parys the xv day of nowebere by yowr luffyng Suster mary mary [Fol. 50v] to the kyng my broter

11. MARY TO HENRY NOVEMBER 17, 1514 © The British Library Board. MS Cotton Caligula D.VI, fol.148r. Autograph. Secretary hand. Paper, containing a watermark with a hand outstretched touching a 3-leafed plant. 159 u 282 mm. Marks at the bottom center of fol. 148r are all that remain of the wax seal. [Mon trescher] seigneur & frere tres humblement a votre bonne grace me Recommande [*] priant que aiez pour Recommande ung povre prestre nomme messur vincent knyghte qui a tousjours continue & demoure en votre Royaume depuis quil y vint avec feu notre trescher Seigneur & pere que dieu absalle Le povre homme a fait plusieurs voyaiges pardeca durant les guerres par Recommandement de votre conseil estrout / Lequel luy avoit promis ung benefice · Lesquelz nont pas fait · Mais en lieu de ce faire lauroient fait mettre en prison · en votre ville de tournay vous y estant · Ou Il fut sept sepmaines / et dela mene prisonnier en angleterre · L ou Il reste en votre prison du flit sans nulle cause veritable par le space de quarante & quatre sepmaines / et a tout perdu et despendu le scien esdites[1] prisons ainsi que avons este deuement advertie par aucune de noz especiaulx serviteurs d’angleterre / Mon trescher seigneur & frere Je vous prie de Rechief / et en faveur de moy en Recompense des services quil nous a faitz et a ce quil soit plus curieux de prier dieu pour vous & moy Luy faire quelque bun / Et vous plaise commander levesque de yorke · quil luy face Rendre son argent et luy soit gracieux · Et en ce faisant fres grant charite & aumosne Priant notre Seigneur dieu mon treshonnore seigneur & frere quil vous doint bonne vie & longue A Paris le xvijme Jour de novembre par vostre bonne seur [Mary’s hand] Marie [Fol. 148v] [A mon] trescher seigneur & frere [le Roy d’] angleterre My very dear lord and brother, very humbly to your good grace I recommend myself. Praying that you will accept a recommendation of a poor priest named Mr. Vincent Knight who has always lived and remained in your realm since he came there with our late very dear lord and father whom God absolve. The poor man has made several voyages over during the wars by recommendation of your privy council. But instead of doing that, they have caused him to be put in prison in your city of Tournay, while you were there, where he remained seven weeks and then was brought as a prisoner to England where he remains in your prison of the 172 Appendix: Mary’s Letters

Fleet without any genuine cause for the space of forty four weeks and has lost and consumed all his property in the said prisons as we have been duly advertised by some of our especial servants in England. My very dear lord and brother, I pray you once again, for my sake and in recompense for the services that he has done for us and that he will be more desirous of praying to God for you and me, to do him some good. And you will please command the Bishop of York that he will return his money and will be gracious to him and in doing so you will give great charity and alms. Praying our Lord God, my very honored lord and brother, that He will give you good life and long. At Paris, the 17th day of November by your good sister Mary To my very dear lord and brother the King of England 1 This word is barely legible; I follow the eighteenth-century scholar Louis- Georges- Oudart- Feudrix de Bréquigny’s speculation in Volume II of Lettres de Rois, Reines, et Autres Personnages (Paris,1847), 548.

12. MARY TO WOLSEY JANUARY 10, 1515 © The British Library Board. MS Cotton Vespasian F.XIII, fol. 281r. Autograph. Secretary hand. Paper, containing a watermark of the Tudor rose with a long stem. Cropped to 234 u 173 mm. . 13 mm separate the closing from the body of the letter. My nanne good lord I Recomend me to yow and thankyng yow for your kynde & lovyng letter dyssyryng yow of your good conteneuans and good lessones that yow hathe gyffen to me my lord I pray yow as my trust ys in yow for to Remembr me to the kyng my brother for sowche Causses & bessynes as I have for to do / for as now I have no nother to put my trust in but the kyng my brother & yow as and as yt shall ples the kyng my brother and hys Counsell I wolbe horderd & so I p pray yow my lord to show hys grace seying that the kyng my howsbande ys departed to god of whos sole god pardon and wher as yow a y vyse me that I shulde macke no promas my lord I trust the kyng my brother & yow wold nat Reken in me souche Chyldhode / I trust I have so horderd my selfe so sens that I Came hether / that I trust yt hathe ben to the honar of the kyng my brother & me sens I Come hether & so I trust to contenew yff ther be any thynge that I may do for yow I wold be glade for to do yt in thys partes for yow I shalbe glade to do yt for yow no more to yow at thys tyme but Jhesus preserve yow wretten at pares the x day of January [modern hand] 1515 [Mary’s hand] by yowr lowyng frend mary quene of france [Fol. 281v] To my lord of yorke Appendix: Mary’s Letters 173

13. MARY TO HENRY JANUARY, 1515 © The British Library Board. MS Cotton Caligula D.VI, fol. 255r. Holograph. Paper. 2 pages. Fol. 255: 174 u 279 mm; fol. 256: 171 u 279 mm. Fol. 255 has a watermark of a unicorn. Fol. 256v shows traces of wax seal. Occasionally I include Green’s suggestions in Letters for missing words wherever her reconstructions fit the size of the gaps. [My o]wn good and most kynde brother [I re]commande me un to yowr grace [*]nck thancke yow for the [goo]d and kynde letters that yow [ha]ve sent me the wyche has bene [th]e grettys comfort myt be [t]o me yn thys worlde dessyr[i]ng yowr grace so for to conten[ue fo]r thyr ys nothyng so grete astor [to] me as for to se yow the wyche y wold very faynne have the tyme [fo]r to com as I trowst yt shal be shal or eles I wold be very [sor]ry for I thyncke every day a [thou]sande tele I may se yow sere wer [as] yowr grace sendes me worde [th]at I will not gefne no credens [to th]ym for no seut nor for no [othe]r words that shale be geve[n *] sere I promes yowr grace [tha]t I never mayde thym [pro]mes nar no nother fo[r the]m nar newer wil[l until] that I knoke yowr [grace’s mind] for no body alyfe for [your grace] ys al the comforte t[hat I have] yn thys worlde [and I tru]st yowr grace w[ill not] [Fol. 255v] fele for I have nothy[ng in the] worlde that I do car for [but] to have the good and [kind] mynd that yowr gr[ace] hade ever towarde me a[nd] I besewche yowr grace for [to] contenwe for thyr ys [al] my trowst that I ha[ve] yn thys worlde sere for the letter that your grace ded sende me by [Mr] clynton wher as yow send w[ord] that I shold provyde me slfe t[o make] me redy for to com to yowr [grace] sere and yt tewre to mor[row] I wold be redy and as for [my lord] of sowffolke and ser Recharde[1] [and] docter weste thyr be to or [three t]hat cam from the ky[ng m] y sone for to have [brought the]m to hym be the way [as they] cam hetherwarde [and so hinder]yde thym commyng [hith]er warde that thys [* . . . *] as I trowst shal co[nclude in] [Fol. 256r] a day or to and thyn [let me] knoke yowr mynd [fo]r and wan I dow I wel do [the] r after sere I beseche yowr [gra]ce for to be good lord to master Jhon yowr sowr- geone for [m]y sake and that yow wel [no]t be mest contentyd with hym [fo]r hys long tarryng here [with] me for I bare hym an [ha]nd that yowr grace wer contented that he shold be here with me a wyl [a]nd so I pray yowr grace [*] to gefne hym lefe for to tarry here awyle with me for by case I am very ele dessyde of the tothe acke and the mother with all that som tym I w[ot] nat wat for to do bwt a[n I] myt se yow I wer ha[ppy No] mor to yow at thy[s time] bwt I pray good [send] yowr grace good h[ealth] by yowr lowyn[g] [Fol. 256v] marie [Upside down on same page] To the kynges grace my brother thys be delyveryde 1 Sir Richard Wingfield 174 Appendix: Mary’s Letters

14. MARY TO HENRY LATE JANUARY/EARLY FEBRUARY, 1515 © The British Library Board. MS Cotton Caligula D.VI, fol. 253r. Holograph. Paper. 2 pages. Fol. 253: 180 u 260 mm; Fol. 254: 180 u 256 mm. There is a watermark of the Tudor rose with three more flowers sprouting from the stem. Fol. 254v shows traces of wax seal. The closing comes 25 mm below the rest of the letter. [My] most kynd and lovyng [brother I re]commande me unto yowr gr[ace I] wolde be very glade to here that [your] grace wer yn good helthe and p[eace] the wche shold be a grete comfort to m[e] that yt towele plese yowr grace t[o] sende mor of tyne to me than y[ou] do for as now I am al owt of co[m]fort savyng that al my trowst y[s] yn yowr grace and so shale be dew[ring] my lyfe ser I pray yowr grac[e] that yt towele plese yowr grace to be so good lorde and brother to [me t] hat yow wel sende ow hither a[s s]one as yow may posybel het[her t]o me ser I be sche shiche yowr gra[ce t]hat yow wel kype all the prom[ises t]hat yow promest me wane I [t]ake my leffe of yow be the w[ater s]yde ser yowr grace knokethe w[ell t]hat y ded mary for yowr pl[easure a]t thys tym and now I trost that y[ou] wel sowfor me to [marry as] me l[iketh fo]r to do[1] for sere I k[now that yo]w shal have [*whole line lost*] [Fol. 253v] [*]ttyrs that they dothe fo[r I a]wsowr yowr grace that [my m]ynde ys not ther wer they [w]old have me and I trowst y[our gr]ace l wol not do so to me that [has al]wes bene so gl glade to folfel yo[ur] mynde as I have bene wer fo[re I] be schye yowr grace for to be goo[d lo]rd and brother to me for sere [a]nd yf yowr grace wol hav[e] graun[ted] me maryde yn onny place [sav]yng wer as my myn[d i]s I wel be ther wer as y[our g]race nowr no nothyr shal h[ave o]nny goye of me for I prom[ise y]owr grace yow shal her tha[t] I wel be yn some relyge[ious ho]wse the wche I thyncke yow[r gr]ace l wole be very sory of an[d] yowr l reme allso sere I k[now w]el that the kyng that y[s my so]ne wol sende to yowr gra[ce by] hys onkloke the d[u]ke of [Berr?]y for to mar[ry me] h[ere but I tr]ost yowr [grace * . . . *] [Fol. 254r] [*whole line lost* I sha]e never be mery at m[y he]arte for and ever that I d[o marr] y wel I lefe I trow your grac[e] knokythe as wel as I do and ded [be]for I cham hethyr and so I tro[st y]owr grace wel be contentyd [un]eles I wold never mary [* . . . *] lefe but be ther wer never man nar woman shale h[ave] goye of me wer for I besche yowr grace to be good lord to hym and to me bothe for I knoke wel that he hathe m[et ma]ny henderrays to yowr gr[ace o]f hym and me bowthe w[here] for and yowr grace be good [l]ord to us bowthe I wol not ch[* f]or all the whalde worlde af[ter b]ut be schye yowr grace be goo[d l]ord and brother to me as y[e h] ave bene her afor tym f[or in you] ys all the trowst that I hav[e in th]ys w[orld] aftyr god no [mor to] yo[ur grac]e at thy[s time God *] [Fol. 254v] [se]nd yowr harttes desy[re]* by l yowr humbel and lowyng suster mary quene of france Appendix: Mary’s Letters 175

[Written upside down at bottom] To the kyng my brother thys be delyverd yn haste 1 Observing that Joseph Grove was in a position to see Mary’s letter before the 1731 fire, Green follows him in supplying the line, “That your grace well knows what I did as to my first marriage was for your pleasure and now I trust you will suffer me to do what I like” (qtd. in Letters, 188).

15. MARY TO HENRY FEBRUARY 15, 1515 © The British Library Board. MS Cotton Caligula D.VI, fol. 248r. Holograph. Paper. 3 pages. Fol. 248: 174 u 279 mm; fol. 249: 178 u 279 mm; fol. 250: 174 u 281 mm. Fol. 248 contains a watermark of an eight-pointed star wearing a crown decorated with fleurs-de- lis. The closing is 6 mm below the body of the letter. [Please]t yowr grace the frenche [king o]n towesdaye nyte laste came to vesyt me and [*] with me many dewyres [diverse] [*]ng amonnge the wyche he [de]mandyde me whether I had [*] made ony promes of ma[rry]ge yn ony place assuryng [m] e opon hys honner and [*] the worde of a prence [tha]t yn case I wolde be playn [with] hym yn that affayre yt [he] wolde do for me thyreyn [to] the beste of hys powre w [whe]ther yt were yn hys [real]me or owt of the sayme [whe]r ownto I anssywrde that [I wo]lde desclose on to hym the [secre]t of my harte yn yo[*]se as owneto the pryn[ce of the] worlde after your [grace] yn home I hade m[ost *]s and so declar[ing t]he good mynde [Fol. 248v] for dyveres consyde[rations I] bere to my lord of Sowf[olk ask]ynge hyme not only [to grant] me by hys faver a[nd] consente thyronto but that he wolde of hys hande wrete unto y[our] grace and to pray yo[u] bere yowr lyke favfr to me and to be conte[nt] with the sayme the wych he grantede me to do a[nd] so hathe done acordyn[g] as shale apere on to yo[ur] grace by hys sayd le[tter] Sire and Sire I most humli hu[mbly] besche yow to take thys t[*] worthe wyche I have m[ade] on to the frenche kyng [in] good parte the wyche I [d]ed only to be dyscharg[ed of t] he exstreme payne [and an]nuyans I was yn [by reason]e of sche seute as th[e ki] ng mayd on to [me not] [Fol. 249r] [accordi]ng with my honoure [*]e he hathe clerly lefte also sere I feryd gretely [in] case that I hade by pete [*] matter broke for hys [kn]olegyue that he myt have [no]t wel entretyd my sayde [lor]de of soffalke and the Rather to have Retornyd to hys [for]mar fantesy & sut[es] wer for sere [sinc]e yt hathe plesyde the sayde [ky] ng to desyr and pray [yo]w of yowr fayfowr and [co]nsente I most hy humbly [a]nd hartely beseche yow yt may lyke yowr grace [to] bere yowr fayfowr and [con]saynte to the same and to [adve]rtysses the sayd kyng by [wr]yteyng of yowr owne [ha] nde of your playsowr in that be halfe an[d aft]er myn opynyon [*] letter of request sha[ll be to you]r grete hownwr [*]eve to contente your concele a[nd with] [Fol. 249v] 176 Appendix: Mary’s Letters al the owther nobl[es of the] Reme and agret [*] for yowr grace a[*] the worlde and thy[*] I li eftsowens requer[e you] for al the lowfe that y[t] lyked yowr grace to be[ar me] that ye do nat Refeuse [to] grant me yowr fav[or] and concente ynforme [be]for rehyersyde the wyc[he] yff ye shale deny me I am [as] wel as swereyd[1] to ly[ve] as desswlate a lyfe as eve[r] hade cretawre the wyc[he] I knoke wele shale be myne eende allwes [pray]yng your grace to [have c]ompassyone of me [my] most lowyng and [so]werayne lord and [brother whe]rown to I have [*]de you bescheyng [*] alwes to pre[serve your] most royal [estate] [Fol. 250r] [written] at parys by the xv [of] febrwary [I mo]st humbly besche yowr [grac]e to conseder yn case [that] ye make deffycowlte to [con]desend to the promesys [as I] wyche the frenche kyng [will] take nown cowrage to [re]new hys swttes to me [ass]uryng yow that I hade [r]ather to be owt of the world yn yt so shold hapyne [and] how he shal entrete my lord of sowffolke god [kn]okethe with meny owther [inc]onweny- ces wyche myt en[sue] of the same the wyche I [pray] owr lord that I neve[r ha]ve lefe to se by yowr lowyng suster and trowe sarwante mary [q]uene of france 1 assured.

16. MARY TO HENRY FEBRUARY 18, 1515 National Archives (UK). MS SP 1/10/61. Autograph. Secretary hand. Paper, containing a sun watermark. 205 u 279 mm. The closing starts 25 mm below the body of the letter. My moost loving and moost kyndest brother / I hartely Recommende me unto your good grace ·/ So it is yf ye calle to your Remembrance at our being at gilford / ye gafe the prebende of saynt Stephenys / whiche the deane of your chappelle had / as now bisshop of lincolnn / unto my trusty and welbelovyd almoner doctor dentonn / and that at the Requeste of the archebisshop of yorke ·/ but as now I understande one of his chapplains hath it / of the whiche I gretly marvelle for I wolde not have supposed that he wolde have suffred ony persone and in especiall ony of his chapplayns to have supplantyd ony that belonged unto me / namely in suche thinges / as he made promesse to the contrary / Now I beseche your grace to desire my lord of yorke that he woll cause his chapplaynn to Resigne the said prebende / and that ye woll promyse hym the next advouson other in saynt Stephenys / or Wyndesore / for my sake / and beside that I beseche your grace to gyve me licence to laboure unto you for some other benefice for the said chapplaynn whiche shalbe thought convenyent for himm I wolde feyne that my almoner had a howse there for diverse causes, and also for asmuche as he hath done me here in this parties good service / both for your honour and mynn / What his service hath benn, I doubte not ye be credebly informed by diverse: besyde the true Relacion that I have oftymes made unto your grace by writing Appendix: Mary’s Letters 177 whiche knoweth oure lord god who preserve you amenn / frome paris the xviijth daye of february [Mary’s hand] by yowr lowyng ma suster marie quene of france [Fol. 61v] To my moost loving and kyndest brother the kyng of Englond [labeled in a different secretary hand perpendicular to the address] The Quene of Fraunce to the king in the behalf of her Almoner Doctor Denton for a benefyce from Parys

17. MARY TO WOLSEY FEBRUARY 18, 1515 © The British Library Board. MS Cotton Caligula D.VI, fol. 259r. Autograph. Secretary hand. Paper, containing sun watermark. 178 u 279 mm. 6 mm separate the closing from the body of the letter. [Righ]t Reverend fader in god / I Recommende me unto you hartely [and] I thanke you for the grete kyndnes that I have evermor founde in you / My lord I thanke you also for your loving letters whiche ye have send me as hyther / to my grete confort, and in especiall for theym whiche ye have send me now of late, My lord ye Remembre I doubte not / that at my last beingat gilford ye desirede the kyng my brother / to gyf unto my trusty and welbelovyd almoner Doctour Denton / the prebende in saynt Stephenys / whiche as then the deane of his chappelle and now bisshop of lincoln hadde in possession, as thann the kynges grace shewed me in your presence / that he sholde have it / and also you promised me the same / and to sollicite the kyng my brother for the parformaunce of his promesse / Neverthelesse I am credebly Informed that my almoner is dysappointed of the said prebende ·/ and that your chapplayn hath it / of the whiche I marveille gretly / for asmuche as my sayd almoner hath done me good service in this countrey / to the grete honour of the kyng my brother and mynn also / and that the promesse was made undesired of my behalfe ·/ for ye were the persone that onely movyd the kyng to gif it unto my almoner / and I am assuryd that his grace wolde not have varyed without he hadde benn persuaded to the contrary./ My lord for asmuche as I see you benevolent unto me in alle my maters, and ever hath benn / syth oure first acoyntaunce ·/ and now specially / I pray you therfore to do so muche at mynn Instance & Request ·/ to desire your chaplaynn to Resigne the said prebende / to the behove and use of m[y] said almoner / and I promise you that I woll not cesse unto I ha[ve] gottenn som promocion of the kyng my brother or elles of some ot[her] persone for your said chapplaynn whiche I truste shalbe worth do[uble] the valowe of saynt Stephenys / and besyde that I shall help [*] he may have the 178 Appendix: Mary’s Letters next prebende hereafter in saynt Stephen[ys *] I pray you my lord send me worde of your mynde / and that [Fol. 259v] none excuse made ·/ for I assure you my [*] shalbe without any excuse ·/ yf god send me life [*] saye that worde ·/ that I wolde not wilfully part [*] knoweth his grace ·/ Amen from paris the xviij day [of February] [Mary’s hand] by yowr lowyng f[riend] marie quene o[f France] [In scribe’s hand, 139 mm below signature] To the most Reverend fader in god tharchebisshop of yorck

18. MARY TO HENRY MARCH 6, 1515 © The British Library Board. MS Cotton Vespasian F.III, fol. 41r. Holograph. Paper. Cropped to 184 u 243 mm to fit in album of bound manuscripts. my most kynde and lovyng brother I humbly recommand me unto yowr grace thankyng yow interly of yowr comforteable letters besechyng yowr grace most humbly now so to contenwe toward me and my frendes as owr spessyale trowst ys yn yowr grace and that yt may layke yow with all convennynte delygt to sende for me that I may shortely se yowr grace wyche ys the thynge that I most dessyr yn thys world and I and all myn ys at yowr graces commandemente and playsayr at parys the vj day of marche by yowr lowyng swster mary [In the left margin, centered between the two lines of Mary’s closing, an italic hand notes] To the Kings Grac thes be delivered [Fol. 41v, written in Mary’s hand] To the kyn[ges] grace thys [by] delyverde

19. MARY TO HENRY MARCH, 1515 © The British Library Board. MS Cotton Caligula D.VI, fol. 246r. Holograph. Paper. 2 pages. Fol. 246: 178 u 273 mm; Fol. 247: 180 u 279 mm, with a watermark of a unicorn and its verso shows traces of wax seal. There is a 13 mm gap between the closing and the rest of the letter. Appendix: Mary’s Letters 179

[Pleas]ythe yt yowr grace to my [gre]ttyest dyscomforte soro and dys [com]fort dysconsolacyon bwt lately [I] have bene afartysyd of the [g]ret and hye desplay- sowr wyche yowr hynes berythe [u]n to me and my lord of sowffolke [f]or the maryage betwene us [S]ire I wile not yn ony wyse denye bwt that I have offendyd [y]owr grace for the wyche [I] do pwt my selefe most humbly [i]n yowr clemens and marcy newer the lese to the yntynte [t]hat yowr hynes shold nat [th]ynke that I hade sympeli [carnal]ly or of any synswale apend[ite do]ne the same I haveyng no r[egar]d to fall yn yowr gra[ce’s displ]aysowr I asswre yowr gra[ce *] I hade newer downe [again]s[t your] or ordnans and c[ons]ente but by the Re[ason of the g]ret dyspayre w[* . . . *]e by the to fr[iars] [Fol. 246v] wyche hathe sartenyd m[e] yn case I * I dyd come yn[gland] yowr concele wolde never [con]cente to the maryge betewn [my] sayde lord and me wyth [ma]ny othyr sayynges consary[ning] the same promes so that I veryly that the sayde fryres wold newer have affart to have made me lyke ower[ture] on lese theye myt have hade l[ike] *g charge fro some of yowr cou[ncell] the wyche l pwt me yn syche strene fere and dowte of th[e] optaynyng of the thyng wy[che I] dessyryd most yn thys wo[rld] that I Rathyr chawouse to pu[t] me yn yowr marcy acomply- schyng the mary[age t]hanne to put me yn t[o the o]rder of yowr concell k[nowing th]ym to be othyr w wysse [mind]ed wer opone Sire I put [my lord of] Swffolke yn chowsse we[ther he w]old acomplysche th[e mar]yage withyn fow[r days or else he would never have] [1] [Fol. 247r] ynyoyede me were by I knoke wele that I constrayned [hym] to breke syche promesses as [he] made yowr grace as wele for [fe]re of leesynge of me as allso that I assertinned hyme that [by t]hyre entent I wolde newer [com]e yn to englonde and nowe that yowr grace knokythe [th]e boothe offeneses of the wyche [I] have bene the only occasyone [I] most humbly & as yowr most [sorro]fowle swstere Requereryng [yo]u to have compassyon apone [us] boothe and to pardon owr off[ens]es and that yt towele play[se you]r grace to wryt to me & [m]y Lord of sowffelke sowme [comfor]ttabele wordes for yt sh[ould be the g]rettyst comforte for u[s both] by yowr lovyng and most hum[ble sister] Mary [Fol. 247v] the Frenche Quene [written below and perpendicular to “the French Quene”] The kynges grace 1 In his Life of Wolsey, Joseph Grove, who saw this letter before it was damaged, notes that Mary excused Brandon to Henry in a letter explaining “that she had limited him to the Space of ‘four Days, at the same Time protesting, that unless he came to a Resolution within that Space, he must despair in his Pretensions, which was the Reason that induced the Duke privately to marry her.’ ” (257). As a result, Green fills in Mary’s words thus; given the size of the letter’s gaps, I follow her example. 180 Appendix: Mary’s Letters

20. MARY TO WOLSEY MARCH 22, 1515 © The British Library Board. MS Cotton Caligula D.VI, fol. 258r. Holograph. Paper, containing the watermark of a unicorn. 178 u 260 mm. Traces of the wax seal remain on fol. 258v. 19 mm separate the closing from the body of the letter. My very goode lord yn my m[ost] harty manar I Recommand [me] unto yow letyng yow the sa[me] to onderstond that my lord [of] sowffolke hathe sente me yowr let[ters] wyche latly he Resevyde by cooke b[y] wyche I parceve the faythe fowle g[ood] mynd wyche ye do bere onto [us] bowthe and how that ye be de[ter] mynyde not to leve us yn ow[r] extryme trowbele for the wy[ch] yowr most faste and lowy[ng] delyng I most enterly tha[nk] yow Requeryng yow to cont[inue to] wardes us as ye have be[en w]yche shale never be for got[ten in] ony off owr d be halfes b[ut to the] uttermost of owr po[wer we shal]l be allwes Redy to sho[w] fayfthe fowle kend[ness as knoweth]e owr lord h w[ho send you long*] lyfe wrytten [* . . . *] [Fol. 258v] [My] lord I Requere yow that [I] may have somme some comfor[tab]bele letters from the kyng [m]y brothyr and from yow [fo]r I trow thyr was newer [w]oman that had more nyd by yowr lowyng fryn[d] mary quene of fran[ce] [38 mm down] [To] my lord off [y]owrke [Written in different hand, 25 mm down and perpendicular to Mary’s signature,] The frenche quens

21. MARY TO HENRY MARCH/EARLY APRIL, 1515 © The British Library Board. MS Cotton Caligula D.VI, fol. 251r. Holograph. Paper. 2 pages. Fol. 251: 184 u 284 mm; fol. 252: 114 u 289 mm. There is a watermark of a six- pointed star with a crown decorated with fleurs-de-lis on fol. 251. There are remnants of the wax seal on fol. 252r. There are 38mm between the closing and the rest of the letter. [* . . . * yo]wr grace to understande [whe]re as I wrote unto yowr [grace] towchyng my jewels and plate wyche I promeste yowr [gra]ce sowche as I have shal be att [yo]wr commandement ever wil [*] how be yt tys nat so wele [as] I wold yt had bene for thyr [i]s moche styckkyng thyr at [ho]w be yt I dowte nat but I [we]le have yt at the lyncke *[i]n ye end with the good helpe [of] your grace and yowr [coun]cele that be here sere I thynck [m]y lord of sowffolke wole wr[ite m]or playndler to yowr gra[ce tha]n I do of thys maters [*]n wan yow and the [* . . . *] a grede with yowr gra[ce] I have thym I wel [* . . . *] yow my part of the [*]re the frenche kyng [*] spekys many ky[nd word]es unto me a [* . . . *] me that he ha[th] [Fol. 251v] Appendix: Mary’s Letters 181 specyall mynd to ha[ve] peace with yche yowr gra[ce be]fore anye prynce cry[stendom] and Sire y wolde be seche yowr [grace] that yt myt so be yf yt stonde with yowr fayvowre a[nd] playssowr for by the men[ys][1] and fayvowr of yowr gr[ace] I have obtaynede as myc[h] honowre in thys Raym [as] was possybele to any woma[n to] have whyche causys m[e to] wryte to yowr grace [in t]hys matter over and ab[ove a]s I most humbly bese[ech y]owr grace to wryte to th[e fre]nche kyng and al [yo]wr enbassadowrs here [*]e make all they sp[eed] possybele that y m[ay come] to yowr gra[ce as m]y singler dess[ire * . . . * c]omforte [is] [Fol. 252r] [in] yowr grace abowe [all thi]nges yn thys world [as k]nokys oure lord how [eve]r presawre yowr grace by yowr lowyng swster mary [Fol. 252v] the kynges grace me brodar [57 mm down, perpendicular and upside down, a different secretary hand notes] the frenche quenys lettre 1 means

22. MARY TO WOLSEY APRIL 3, 1515 National Archives (UK). MS SP 1/10/106. Autograph. Secretary hand. Paper, containing a watermark of a coat of arms with a single fleur- de- lis, the arms crowned on top and tasseled on the bottom. 192 u 279 mm. Traces of the wax seal remain on fol. 106v. The closing is 13 mm below the body of the letter. My very good lord with all my hert I commend me unto yow I understond that it hath pleased the kinge my broder to promote Doctor West being here oon of his Ambassadours to the Busshoprike of Ely Wherof I am Right glad By reason of whiche promocion he must departe with divers of his benefices Amonges whiche he hath ij oonn called Egylsfeld in the Busshoprike of Derham and the other the Archedeconry of Darby which as I am enfourmed be of no great value Beseching you my lord S at myne instaunce and for my sake to be so good lord unto my servant Johnn palgrave maister of Arte Whiche hath doon unto me right good and acceptable service and to his and his friendes great charge and onn my parte as yet hiderto undes unremembred as by your good wisdome and provision to finde the meanes / that he may have oon of the said benefices hartily praying you and trusting that ye will doo it with effecte / and to rescribe your unto me your good wille doon theryn / and thus the holy goost preserve you Frome parys the iijde day of April [Mary’s hand] marie quene off france [Fol. 106v] my lord of yorke 182 Appendix: Mary’s Letters

23A AND B. MARY TO HENRY APRIL 30/MAY 1, 1515 National Archives (UK). MS SP 1/10/79. Secretary hand. Paper, 445 u 311 mm long, folded in half; the writing on fol. 79v sometimes crosses the fold and extends onto fol. 80r. Another draft letter, SP 1/10/77, which is written in Wolsey’s hand on paper with the same watermark, indicates that the paper may have been Wolsey’s. The watermark is a hand, palm up and marked with an x; the fingers touch a 5-pointed star. This is the first draft of a letter from Mary to Henry made in Wolsey’s secretary Brian Tuke’s hand. After Mary dictated the letter, Tuke, who had double- spaced the letter to leave room for Wolsey to make alterations, crossed the channel to Dover where he met with Wolsey. Following the line spacing, I have determined the text of Mary’s initial draft and reproduced that here as 23a. 23b is the letter as it reads with Wolsey’s changes incorporated. He would have sent it back for Mary’s approval before the final version—which is not extant—was rewritten and sent. A. My most dere and most entierly beloved brother in most tender and loving maner possible I recommende me to your grace Derrest brother I doubte not but ye have in your good remembrans that at suche tyme as ye first moved me to mariage Ser my lorde and late husband kyng loys of fraunce whose soule our lorde have in his mercy / shewing unto me the grete weale of peax whiche shulde ensue of the same Though I understode that he was verray aged and sikely yet for the helping for the of good peax I was contented and upon your said mocionn and desire I made you this answerre / that I coude be contented and aggreable to the said mariage So that if I shulde fortune to overlive the said late king I mygt with your good wil frely chose and despose my self to any other mariage at my libertie / withoute any sute labour your displeasure / Wherunto brother ye condescended and graunted as ye wel knowe Promysing unto me that in suche cace ye wolde never provoke or move me but as mynn ounn hert and mynde shulde be best contented And that whersoever I shulde dispose my self ye wolde hooly be contented with the same And upon that your good comforte and faitheful promyse I assented to the mariage with my said lorde and late husbande / Which I wolde never have graunted to / Derrest brother / sens it is so that god hathe takenn from me my said late husbande / I shal in good and playnn maner shewe unto you my verray mynde and whiche is this / & beseching you to be contented with the same like as my hoole trust is that ye wol be according to your said promyse So it is brother as ye wel knowe I have always bornn good mynde towardes my lorde of Suffolk and hym as the cace dothe nowe requyre with me / I cann love before al other / and upon hym I have am perfitely set my mynde setled and determyned And upon the good comforte which I have that ye wol observe your promyse I shal playnly certifie you that of your said promyse the matir is so ferre forthe that for no cause erthely I wol varye or chaunge for from the same / And of me and of mynn ownn towardnes and mynde onely hathe it proceded Wherfore my good and most kynde brother I nowe beseche your grace to take this matier in good parte and to geve unto me and to my said lorde of Suffolk your good wil herin And to the intent that ye mygt before be playnly advertised [Fol. 79v] Appendix: Mary’s Letters 183 of this mater I am nowe departed oute of the realme of Fraunce and am commen into this your tounn of Calays / Where I do remayne and shal do til suche tyme as I shal receyve have aunswer from you of your good and loving mynde herin / Beseching / Humbly beseching your grace for the grete and tendre love whiche ever hathe benn and shal be bitwene you and me to put your good mynde and assent herunto and to certifie me by your good and loving lettres of the same ./ til whiche tyme I wol make mynn abode here and no further entre your realme And to the intent it may please you to be the better contented with this my most herty desire I amm contented and expresly promyse you to geve unto you al the hoole dote whiche I have founde the meanes to recover as largely as it was delyvered with me and besides also to geve unto you the half of al suche plate of gold and Juelx as was the half shal comm to my parte for the half of the plate of gold and Juelx of my said late husband and besides this I shal geve unto you rather then fayle asmoche yerely part of my dower to as grete a somme as shal stonde with your wil and pleasure Trusting verailly that in fulfilling of your said promyse to me made ye wol shewe your brotherly love and good mynde to me in this bihalf whiche to knowe I abide with most desire My derrest and most enterely beloved brother I as knoweth our lorde whom I beseche to have your grace in his mercyful governaunce / B. My most dere and most entierly beloved brother in most humble maner I recommende me to your grace Derrest brother I doubte not but ye have in your good remembrans that where as for the good of peax and for the furtherance of your affayres ye moved me to marye with my lorde and late husband the late king loys of fraunce whose soule god pardon Though I understode that he was verray aged and sikely yet for the advauncement of the said peax and for the furtheraunce of your causes I upon your said mocion and desire and at your mocion I was contented to conforme was my self to your said mocionn so that if I conformed my self to your mynde therin so that if I shulde fortune to survive the said late king I mygt with your good wil marye my self at my libertie withoute your displeasor / Wherunto good brother ye condescended and graunted as ye wel knowe promysing unto me that in suche cace ye wolde never provoke or move me but as myn ounn hert and mynde shulde be best pleased And that whersoever I shulde dispose my self ye wolde hooly be contented with the same And upon that your good comforte and faitheful promyse I assented to the said mariage Whiche elles I wolde never have graunted to as at the same tyme I shewed unto you more at large / and I by reasonn therof wherby I have ben at my libertie I remembering the grete and manyfolde vertues of my lorde of nowe that god hathe called my said late husbande to his mercy and that I amm att my libertie derest brother so it is that remembering the grete vertues whiche I have seen and perceyved heretofore in my lorde of Suffolk to whom I have always ben of good mynde as ye wel knowe I have affixed and clerely determyned my self to mary with hym / and of myn and the same assure you hath proceded oonly of myn ownn mynde withoute any request or labour of my said lorde of Suffolk or of any other person And to be playn with your grace I have so bounde my self unto him that for no cause erthely I wol or may varye or chaunge from the same / Wherfore my good and most kynde brother I nowe beseche your grace to take this matier in good parte and to geve unto me and to my said lorde of Suffolk your good wil herin [Fol. 79v] 184 Appendix: Mary’s Letters

Ascertaynyng you that uponn the comforte trust and comfort whiche I have that you of your honnourable regarding of your promyse I haue nowe departed for that you have always honnourably regarded your promyse I am nowe commen oute of the realme of Fraunce into and have put my self with in your jurisdiccion in this your townn of Calays / Where I intende to remayne til suche tyme as I shal have aunswer from you of your good and loving mynde herin / whiche I wolde not have donn if I but upon the feitheful trust whiche that I have in your said promyse Humbly beseching your grace for the grete and tendre love whiche ever hathe benn and shal be bitwene you and me to bere your gracious mynde and shewe yourself to be agreable herunto and to certifie me by your most loving lettres of the same / til whiche tyme I wol make mynn abode here and no further entre your realme And to the intent it may please you the rather to condescended to this my most herty desire I amm contented and expresly promyse and bynde me to you by these presentes to geve you al the hoole dote whiche was delyvered with me and also al suche plate of gold and juelx as I shal have of my said late husbandes And over and besides this I shal rather than fayle geve you asmoche yerely part of my dower to as grete a somme as shal stande with your wil and pleasure And of al the premysses I promyse to make upon knowledge of your pleasure good mynde to mak unto you sufficient bondes Trusting verailly that in fulfilling of your said promyse to me made ye wol shewe your brotherly love affeccion and good mynde to me in this bihalf whiche to here of I abide with most desire and not to be mys- contented with my said lorde of Suffolk whom of myn inwarde good mynde and affeccion to hym I have in maner enforced to be aggreable to the same without any request by hym made as knoweth our lorde whom I beseche to have your grace in his mercyful governaunce /

24. MARY TO HENRY SEPTEMBER 9, 1516 © The British Library Board. MS Cotton Caligula B.VI, fol.119r. Holograph. Paper. 209 u 305 mm. Mary’s signature is placed 32 mm below the body of the letter. my most derest & Ryt enterly belowyd lorde brothare yn my most humble wys I R[e]commande me unto yowr grace shawy[ng] unto yowr grace that I do a pa[*] by my lord my howsbande that y[e] ar playsayde and contentyd that he shale resorde on to yowr presence at swche tyme as yowr grace shale be at hys maner off donyn- gton wher by I se wele he hys merwosly Re joysyd and moche comfortyd that yt hathe lykede yowr grace so to be playsayd for the wyche yowr specyale goodnys to hym show[ed] yn that be halfe & for sondry and many oder yowr kyndnes as wel[l] to me as to hym showed and gevy[n] yn dyvers cawsys I most humbly thanke yowr grace assewryng yow that for the same I accompt myself as moche bonden un to yowr grace a[s] ewer swster was to brother and accordyng ther un to I shale to the beste of my powr dowryng my lyef endever myselefe as ferre as in me shale be pos- syble to do th[e] thyng that shale stond with yowr playsowr and yf it had be tyme convenyente so yowr grace hade be ther wyche pleassyde I wolde most gla[dly] [Fol. 119v] have accompanyde my sayde lord yn thys yowrnay bwt I trowst that bowthe I and my sayd lord shal se yow at acordy[ng] as yowr grace worte[a] yn yowr laste letters un to my sayd lorde, wyche ys the thyng that I dessyr mor[e] to opteyne than Appendix: Mary’s Letters 185 all the honor off the worlde, and thws I beseche owre lord to send unto yow my most dereste and enterly belowyd brother and lord long and prosperows lyfe with the fole accomplyshment of al yowr honorable dessyrs most humbly prayeng yowr grace that I may be humbly Recommanded unto th my most derest suster and beste belowyd suster the quene grace and to the quene off Scottys my welbelowyd suster \ trowstyng that I sha[l] be asserteyned frome yowr grace off the prosperows estate and helthe of my enterly enterly belowyd nyce the prences to home I pray god to send long lyfe frome letheryngh[am] in Swff, the ix day off septembar by the hand of yowr lowyng suster mary quene off france [a] wrote

25. MARY TO WOLSEY SEPTEMBER 28, 1519 National Archives (UK). MS SP 1/19/27. Autograph. Secretary hand Paper. 285 u 203 mm. Written in landscape orientation on the page. Traces of wax remain on fol. 27v. 13 mm separate the closing from the body of the letter. Ryght reverend father in god in my hartyest wyse I comend me to you And wher as yt whas so that at your laste beyng withe my lord and me at leth- erynghamm halle I ded instance you to be good and gracious lord unto my trusty and wilbelovid sarvant Susan savage / As for consarnyng the trobyll of her brother Antony Savage in the wiche premyssys your grace the same tyme ded promesse to shew your gracious favours in all the Cawsys Resonabyll of the said Antony And in truste wherof I have causyd the said susan Savage to enquere And bryng forthe by fore your grace her said brother upon your forsaid promysse And for by cause that I have Causyd hym to be browght by fore you at this tyme / therfor I do praye you in my moste hartyest maner that Acordying unto your promesse to me made ye wolbe good and gracious lord unto the forsaid Antony in all his forsayd Cawssys And in so doyng your grace shall not only do Amerytorius dede to be Rewardyd of god / but Alsso bynde me at Altymes to be As redy to do your grace or Any of yours as ffarre plesars as knowithe our lord whoe kepe your grace From Butley Abbey the xxviijth day of September [Mary’s hand] by yowr lowyng frynd marie the frenche quene [Fol. 27v] To the Ryght Reverend father in god my lord Cardynalle

26. MARY TO WOLSEY JANUARY 22, 1520 National Archives (UK). MS SP 1/19/169. Autograph. Secretary hand. Paper. 191 u 285 mm. Traces of wax remain on fol. 169v. 13 mm separate the closing from the body of the letter. 186 Appendix: Mary’s Letters

Myn especiall good lorde in mynn moost harty wise I commende me vnto you / hertely besechyng you to be good lorde unto Anthony Savage And to have in your remembraunce the promise that ye made unto me at Letheringhamm concernyng thobteynyng of his pardone Wherin I pray you now to be his good lorde the better for my sake and as this mynn especiall desire / My lorde I write not unto you for that I think you have forgotyn your said promyse herin / But in consideracion of his long and peynefull suyt that he hath hadde and susteyned to his utter undo- ing wherby he is so farr enpoverisshed that he hath not wherby to lyve nether without somme gracious remedy may be shortly for hym provyded he shall never be Able to lyve in tyme to come I amm so bolde to desire you of your goodnes to have hym in your good remembraunce And to have remors and pitie unto hymm in this bihalff And thus the holy goost have you in blissed keping From henham the xxijth day of January / [Mary’s hand] by yowres marie the frenche quene [Fol. 169v] To my lord Cardynall

27. MARY TO WOLSEY AUGUST 3, 1525 National Archives (UK). MS SP 1/35/234. Autograph. Secretary hand. Paper, containing watermark of a hand reaching out to a 5-pointed star, the two connected by a line. 216 u 305 mm. Traces of wax remain on fol. 234v. The closing starts 25 mm below the body of the letter. Note, Brandon’s signature in his letter on the same subject is 64 mm below the body. My lorde in my moost herty wise I commende me unto youe so it is divers of my rightes and dewties concernyng my doote in fraunce have been of late tyme steied and restrained in suche wise as I ne myne officers there may not have ne Receive the same as they have donn in tymes passid being to my damages therinn And to their great trouble many wayes as my trusty servant George hampton this berer shal shew unto youe to whomm I pray you to gyve credence in the same / And my lorde in theis and in all others I evermore have and do put myne oonly trust and confidence in you for the Redres of the same / Intierly desiring youe therfor that I may have the kinges grace my derrist brother and yours lettres and yours into fraunce to suche as my said servant shal desire / And by the same I trust my said causes shalbe brought to suche good conclusion and ordre now that I shal from hensfurthe enyoie my rightes there in as ample wise as I have donn heretofore And so it may stond with your pleasur I wold gladly my said derrist brother Embassadors being in fraunce now by your good meanes shuld have the delyvery of all thes said lettres and your with there furtherinnce of the contentes of the same to that they may doo / And thus my lorde I amm evermore bolde to put you to paynes without any recompence oonles my good mynde and herty prayer wherof ye shalbe assured during my lif to the best of my poer as knowith our lorde who have you in his blissid tuicion At Wyngfeld Castell the thirde daye of August yours assurede [Mary’s hand] marie the frenche quene [Fol. 234v] Appendix: Mary’s Letters 187

To myn especial good lorde my lorde Cardinal [perpendicular to the address] from the Frenche quene

28. MARY TO WOLSEY SEPTEMBER 10, 1525 National Archives (UK). MS SP 1/36/36. Autograph. Secretary hand. Paper. 222 u 285 mm. 6 mm separate the closing from the body of the letter. My lord in my moost harty wise I commend me unto you / Where it hath pleasid the king my derist brother and you to be contented that I shuld send by sufficient Auctorite certeyn trusty persons in to Fraunce / aswell for surveying of my dote and dowery there asfor Redressing of such enormytees as ar or may unto theym appere to be within the same / I entend as now to send thidder by vertue of commyssion Doctor Dentonn my Chauncelor and my trusty servant Fraunces hall for thordering of my said causes there / Nevertheles for / asmuch as your lordship hath alwaies taken peynn in all my causes / and have advertisid me evermore with your best advyse and counsaill in the same / which I have alwayes gladly folowed to my great comfort and so entend to doo/ And for that it lieth in you muche to prefer myn honor and profit in this bihalff / I have sent unto you my said servant Fraunces hall / Which bicause the hole Commyssion were to tedious for your lordship shall enforme you of theffect of the same commyssion to whome I pray you to gyve credence / And to advertise hym therin as your lordship shall thynk best / And that I may have your Favourable lettres unto the Madamm and Admyrall of Fraunce by the which I dout not but that I shall the better opteyn my right there with Favor / And in case the said Admyrall do advaunce mynn affayres, there as I trust he woll the rather for your sake / if there by any thing withinn my said dowery that may do hymm pleasur / your lordship shall ordre me theryn as ye shall think reasonable / From leysoon Abbey the xth day of Septembre [Mary’s hand] by yowrs as sured marie the frenche qwene [Fol. 36v] To my Lorde Cardynallis good Lordeshipe

29. MARY TO FRANCIS MAY 9, 1526 Bibliothèque Nationale de France. MS Dupuy 462, fol. 32. Autograph. Secretary hand. Monseigneur Je ne me puis assouvir de vous festayer de votre Joyeaulx et plus que desere Retour en votre Royaulme Et sur tout de ce quil apleu adieu vous Ramener a sante et de autant que le desplaisir de votre prise et de la griefue et dangereuse maladye que vous aves eue / me a plus donne de ennuiy / La Joye de votre Retour et du Recouvrement de votre bonne sante en ay este plus grande 188 Appendix: Mary’s Letters et non seullement en moy qui me y sens trop de Raisons obligee mais aussi au Roy de angleterre monseigneure et frere Et generallement atous les princes et seres de ce pays et si les dames devuoyent estre mises au nombre elles meri- tent y avoir bonne part Car Il nya nulle dicelles qui vous ont veu et aultres qui ont ouy parles des vertuz et graces que dieu vous a faictez quil ne vous ayent plainct et donne de bonnes et devotes prieres Et sil me eust estre possible et par pourter partie de votre Enuy vous donnes quelque Relasche Je leusse faict du meilleur cueur quil ne se pourroit dire / Et non de moindre ay Remercye le tout puissant de la grace quil vous afaicte de vous delivrer de ceste anxiete et vous Ramener en sa bonne sante en votre Royaulme ou Je trouve tant de honnestete et bonte en madame ma cousine votre bonne mere que Je ne vous en scauroys assez Remercier Je aure tousjours besoing en mes affairez de votre bonne grace Delaquelle treshumblement Je me Recommande Et priant quil vous donnct tres bonne & Longue vie Escript en notre manoir de Southeuark les londres ce ixth Jour de may votre bonne mere et cousine [Mary’s hand] marie [Fol. 48v] Au Roy [perpendicular to the address] La Royne marie My lord, I cannot congratulate you enough on your joyous and greatly desired return to your realm. And above all that it has pleased God to bring you back to health, and in the same proportion to the distress of your capture and the grievous and dangerous illness that you have had, which gave me great pain, the greater has been the joy of your return and the recovery of your good health, and not only to me, who feel myself obliged to you for so many rea- sons, but also to the King of England, my lord and brother, and generally to all the princes and lords of this country. And if the ladies are to be placed in that number, they deserve to have good part therein, because there are none of them who have seen you nor any who have heard of the virtues and graces that God has given to you, who have not pitied you and given good and devout prayers. And if it had been possible for me, by bearing part of your troubles, to give you some relief, I would have done it with the best of hearts, such that it is not possible to express. And nonetheless I have thanked the Almighty for the grace that He has given you to deliver you from this anxiety and to bring you back in good health into your kingdom where I find so much honesty and goodness in my lady and my cousin, your good mother, that I do not know how to thank you enough. I will always have need in my affaires of your good grace, to which very humbly I recommend myself, and praying that He will give you very good and long life. Written in our manor of Southwark, London, this 9th day of May. your good mother and cousin, Mary To the King The Queen Mary Appendix: Mary’s Letters 189

30. MARY TO MONTMORENCY January 15, 1528 Unfortunately, this manuscript was unable to be located at the Bibliothèque Nationale; accordingly I supply Green’s translation from Lives so that all of Mary’s extant letters may be collected here (133–4). Mary Monsieur, the Grand Master, I am very sorry not to have had the opportunity of seeing you in this country that I might have offered you the reception which at all times is due to you, since I hear that the affairs of the king, my son-in- law, your master, are very well conducted through your good means, on which account you receive honour, and I am greatly pleased. Monsieur the Grand Master, there is over there [in France] a person named Anthoine du Val, who, from the time of my going to France, served the king my husband, — the deceased prince, of good and blessed memory, whom God absolve, — in the office of clerk of the closet; and since his death, has likewise attended me in the same office, in which he has conducted himself very worthily. And since I have heard that, hitherto, he has not been able to gain admission to the same position, in the house of the king my said son-in- law, for which I feel grieved, I determined to make application to you, for this Anthoine du Val; that you will be pleased, at this my request, to cause to be given to him the first vacant office of clerk of the closet, in the household of the said lord, and to hasten to him the letters of retaining, placing him speedily in attendance, so that on the occur- rence of the vacancy, none may step in but himself. And what moves me to write to you is, that you have the power to do this, and also that I verily believe you will not refuse me, as I place confidence in you, as well in this, as in greater affairs; praying you very kindly to let him understand that this present, according to my request, has been of service to him. If I had spoken to you by word of mouth, I should have offered the request to you; commending you, Monsieur, to God, whom I pray to give you his grace. Written at Norwich, the 15th day of January. Countersigned De Saint Martin To the Grand Master of France.

31. MARY TO WOLSEY MARCH 17, 1528 National Archives (UK). MS SP 1/59/126. Autograph. Secretary hand. The closing is 6 mm below the body. My very good lorde as hertely as I can I commende me unto your good Lordeship / Always thanking the same for the manyfolde kindnes shewed to me and my hus- bond / Desiring yowe of your good contynuaunce / And where as I amm enformed by my trusty counsaillours Ser Humfrey Banaster knight my Chamberleynn and Humphrey Wingfielde Esquyre that it pleased you for my sake to graunte unto them for the promocionn of a chapleyn of mynn the benefice of Graftonn Flyford in the Countie of Worcester being of the yerely value as I understond of xij markes And that as now Maister Belknap hath caused an Office to be founde of the same / By reason wherof and as I suppose he hath axed orelse entendith to ax the 190 Appendix: Mary’s Letters said benefice of the king my brother for a Chapleyn of his / Wherfor I beseche your lordeship to have inn your good remembraunce your saide graunte for my saide Chapleynn and to provide that my said Chapleynn be not by the meanes of the said Maister Belknap disapoynted or put frome the said benefice / And thus our lorde have you my very good lorde in his blissed tuycionn From the Manor of Rysing the xvijth daye of Marche/ [Mary’s hand] marie quene of france [Fol. 126v] To my lorde Cardynalles good Lordeship [Two notes in modern hands] 17 March (1516) A letter of Mary Queen of France, Wife of Louis XII and Sister to Henry [VIII] King of England

32. MARY TO ANNE DE MONTMORENCY JUNE 18, 1528 Bibliothèque Nationale de France. MS Français 2932, fol. 11. Autograph. Secretary hand. Monsieur Le grant maistre / par Reiterees fois / vous ay Importunee pour ung mon serviteur nomme anthoine du val qui autreffois ma servye moy estant en france en lestat du clerc doffice ou Il sest si bien et honnestement conduyt que tousjours depuis lay eu en memoire de sorte que vous ay fait Requeste adce qui votre plaisir feust le voulsissiez colloquer ou pareil estat en la maison du Roy mon beaufilz ou vous avez toute puissance / Dont achunne fois avez fait tresbonne et gracieuse Responce de bouche qui me donne encores occasion de tant plus vous Importunee / et vous prie monsieur le grant maistre tresaffectueusement qui Il ne soit mis en oubly / Et ou cas que depresent Il ny eust nulle place vuyde pour la moins fites le servir atendant la vaccacion dune dicelles / et que nul ne soit pref- ere devant luy le cas advenant me donnant acongnoistre que ces presentes a ma Requeste luy ayent prouffite / et vous me ferez ung bien grant plaisir qui sera la fin sinon que Je prie notre seigneur monsieur le grant maistre vous donner le comble de voz desirs / Escript alondres le xviije Jour de Juing [Mary’s hand] La toute votre marie [St. Martin’s hand, well below Mary’s] Desaintmartin [Fol. 11v] A Monsr la grant maistre de france My lord the grand master, I have repeatedly importuned you on behalf of one of my servants named Anthoine du Val who was once in my service when I was in France, in the office of clerk of the closet, where he so well and honestly conducted himself always since that I have kept him in mind, so that I have requested that it would be your pleasure to place him in a similar position in the house of the Appendix: Mary’s Letters 191 king my son- in- law where you have great power. At which time you had made very great and gracious answer by word of mouth that gives me still the occasion to so greatly inconvenience you and I ask you very affectionately, my lord the grand master, that he would not be forgotten, and in case that at present there is no place open at least have him serve while waiting for a vacancy of such a position and that there will be no one preferred before him, this case occurring, giving me to know that these presents at my request should have been profitable to him and you will do me a very great pleasure that will be the last, except that I pray our Lord, my lord grand master, to give you the greatest of your desires. Written in London, the 18th day of June. All yours, Mary By Saint Martin To my lord the Grand Master of France

33. MARY TO JANE POPINCOURT JUNE 20, 1528 Bibliothèque Nationale de France. MS Français 2932, fol. 3. Autograph. Secretary hand. Ma damoiselle de poupincourt ma bonne amye ·/ Jay Receu voz lettres que mavez envoyees par mon secretaire De St martin / avec la navire de Jais et atournement de teste pour mes ensfans / Dont de ce et aussi de la bonne souvenance que avez eue de moy de bon cueur vous Remercie bien appercevant que ne metez en oubly les biensfaitz du temps passe et la nourriture dentre nous deux enquoy Je vous Reppute tousjours lune des myennes / et me tens plus familliere de vous que de nul autre par dela / par quoy Je vous veulx employer / adce quil vous plaist porter parolle amonsieur le grant maistre en mon nom davoir anthoine du val qui autresfois a este clerc doffice de ma maison en sa tresbonne Recommandacion / et que pour lamour de moy Il le vueillez pourveoir en pareil estat de la maison du Roy mon beaufilz ainsi que plusainpleinn luy escriptz / et vous pris ne vueillez dormir en ce / mais tousjours le solliciter de sorte que Je puisse obtenir ma Requeste envers luy et de temps a autre Je soye parvous advertyr de sa Response ·/ Ce faisant me ferez plaisir fort agreable que Je ne mectray en oubly et de ce soyez en toute asseuree Comme scayt notre seigneur ma bonne amye qui vous ait en sa bonne garde Escript alondres le xxe Jour de Juin / [Mary’s hand] votre bonne maistresse et a amye marie [St. Martin’s hand, well below Mary’s] Desaintmartin [Fol. 3v] A Ma damoiselle de poupincourt ma bonne Miss [Mistress] Popincourt, my good friend, I have received your letters that you have sent to me by my secretary De St Martin with the ship of jet and the head ornaments for my children, for which and also for the good remembrance that you have had of me with good heart I thank you well, perceiving that you do not forget the kindnesses of the past and the nurture between us two on which account I 192 Appendix: Mary’s Letters always consider you one of my family and conduct myself more familiarly with you than with any other over there [in France], for the sake of which I would like to employ you: that it will please you to bear word in my name to my lord the grand master to have Anthoine du Val, who was formerly the clerk of the closet in my household, in his very good recommendation, and for the love of me he would procure for him the like office in the household of the king, my son-in- law, as I have written to him more fully, and I pray that you would not rest in this, but always solicit him so that I can obtain my request from him, and that from time to time, I may hear from you what he responds. Doing this, you will do me a very agreeable pleasure that I will never forget and of this you may be totally assured, as knows our Lord, who have you, my good friend, in his good keeping. Written at London the 20th day of June. Your good mistress and friend Mary By Saint Martin To my good Mistress Popincourt

34. MARY TO ANNE DE MONTMORENCY AUGUST 8, 1528 Bibliothèque Nationale de France. MS Français 3002, fol. 48. Autograph. Secretary hand. Monsieur Le grant maistre ·/ george hampton lun de mes gentilz homes present porteur / ma Remonstre que en certains affaires quil avoit pardela pour le fait de mon douaire ·/ se Retira pardevers vous en mon nom pour ladvancement diceulx / la ou vous vous estes monstre fort affectionne luy donnant bien a congnoistre la bonne amour que me portez / car par votre bon moien a eu briefue expedicion / De ce dont Il vous Requist vous en Remerciant tresgrandement / vous priant que ce soit votre plaisir y voulloir contynuer ou le besoing sera / et dont Il vous Requerra de ma part: Ce faisere monsieur le grant maistre me ferez plaisir tresagreable et grant amoy ou Je vous pourroye faire le semblable Je le feroye de tresbon cueur Ainsi que scayt notre seigneur qui vous doint ce que plus desirez Escript au chas- teau de Wingfeld le viijme Jour daoust Lan xve xxviij [Mary’s hand] la plus que votre marie [St. Martin’s hand, well below Mary’s] Desaintmartin My lord the grand master, George Hampton, one of my gentlemen and the present bearer, represented me in certain business matters that he had over there regarding my dower, left them with you in my name for their advancement, in which you have shown yourself greatly affectionate, showing him the good love that you bear me, for by your good means he had short expedition of that which he asked of you. Thanking you greatly and praying you that it will be your pleasure to desire to continue such when the need will occur and because he will ask you for my part. To do this, my lord grand master, will do me very agreeable pleasure and guarantee on my part that where I can do likewise for you, I will do it of very good heart, as much as God knows, who give you that Appendix: Mary’s Letters 193 which is most desired. Written at Wingfield Castle the 8th day of August, the year 1528. the most that is yours, Mary By Saint Martin

35. MARY TO ANNE DE MONTMORENCY DECEMBER 26, 1528 Bibliothèque Nationale de France MS Français 3014, fol. 28. Autograph. Secretary hand. Monsieur Le grant maistre Je vous ay par cidevant fait Requeste par lettres ace que votre bon plaisir feust en faveur de moy aider a pourveoir et colloquer au seruice du Roy mon beaufilz en lestat et office ·/ de lun des clercs doffice de sa maison / anthoine du val qui autresfois ma servye en pareil estat / ou Il sest treshonnese[te] conduyt et gouverne qui a este la principalle cause qui ma men vous en escripre ·/ et aussi que Je vouldroys son bien & advancement afin que de moy eust tousjours souvenance ·/ ou vous feistes tresbonne Responce dont Je vous Remercie ·/ mesmement donnastes charge a catillon le vous Rememorer ce quil na peu fer ainsi que Jentens a Raison daucuns empeschemens et voiages quil a depuis faitz en Italye ·/ par quoy nen ay sceu entendre la discucion / A ceste cause monsieur le grant maistre Je vous prie de Rechief bien affectueusement quavez mondit Serviteur pour Recommande ondit estat de clerc doffice ·/ Ce pose quil ny ait nulle place vaccante ·/ neantmoins fites le servir sans gaiges ou estat / se mieulx ne peult estre Jusques a Icelle advenie / Ce pource que Je scay de vray quen avez la puissance et que en plus grant chose me vouldriez fer plaisir Je vous en veulx ung peu Importunee / ce que pourrez envers moy faire de votre couste en chose ou Il vous plaira memployer / Priant dieu monsieur le grant maistre vous avoir en sa tresdigne garde Escript a londres le xxvime Jour de decembre Lan xvc xxviij [Mary’s hand] La toute votre marie [St. Martin’s hand, well below Mary’s] Desaintmartin [Fol. 28v] A Monsr la grant maistre de france My lord grand master I have heretofore by letters made request of you which it was your good pleasure to help me to procure and place in the service of the king my son- in- law in the estate and office of one of the clerks of the closet in his household, Anthoine du Val, who formerly has served me in like estate where he conducted and governed himself very honestly which was the principal cause which led me to write you, and also that I would like his wellbeing and advancement in order that he would always have remembrance of me. At which you made a very good response for which I thank you, likewise you gave charge to Catillon to remind you of it, which he could not do as I understand by reason of some 194 Appendix: Mary’s Letters obstacles and journeys which he has since made in Italy, for the sake of which he could not hear the discussion. For this reason my lord grand master, I pray you once again very affectionately that you will recommend my said servitor for the said estate of the clerk of the closet; supposing that there was be no vacant place, nevertheless to have him do the service without wages or place, if the better cannot be had, until such hap- pens; this because I know truly that you have the power and that in any great business you would like to do me pleasure. I wish to pester you in this a little so that you will be able to count me among your party in any thing when it will please you to employ me. Praying God, my lord grand master, to have you in his very good keeping. Written in London, the 26th day of December, the year 1528. All yours, Mary By Saint Martin To my lord the Grand Master of France

36. MARY TO HENRY UNDATED, PROBABLY 1521–1528 © The British Library Board. MS Harley 6986, fol. 11r. Holograph. Paper. 203 u 305 mm. Tiny traces of the wax seal remain on fol. 11v. Mary’s closing is 19 mm below the body. See Chapter 4, note 243 for information on dating. my most derest and best belawyd brother I humbly recommand un to yowr grace Sire so yt tys that I have bene very secke and ele ates for the wyche I was fayne to send for master peter the feysyon for to have hoplen me of the dessays that I have and has had how be yt I am Rathar wors than better were for I trowst showrly to come up to Lon London with my lord for and yf I shold tary her I am sowr I shold never assperre the sekenys that have wer for Ser I wolde be the gladther a grete dele to com thether by cawse I wold be glad to se yowr grace the wyche I do thyncke long for to do for I have bene a grete wyle owt of yowr syte and now I trost I shal not be so long a gene for the syte of yowr grace ys to me the grettys comforte to me that may be possybel no mor to yowr grace at thys tyme bwt I pray god send yow yowr hartys dessyr and showrly to the syte of yow by yowr lowyng su[ster] mary the frenche qu[een] [Fol. 11v] To the kynges grace

37. MARY TO FRANCIS JUNE 13, 1530 Unable to locate this manuscript, I have used a text preserved in Nouvelle Archives de l’Art Français, published by the Société de l’histoire de l’art Français, 155. Monseigneur mon bon filz, le présent porteur maistre Ambroise, paynctre du très-révérandissime légat de France, archevesque de Sens, comme suis advertye, bien congnoissez, ayant en volonté de venir par deçà devers le Roy, mon très cher Appendix: Mary’s Letters 195 et très honoré frère et moy, à son arrivee à fait de grands presents tant à luy que à moy, passans en singularité plus que ne sauroye estimer, mesmement en choses concernans le fait de son art, au très grand contentement de mondit seigneur et frère et de moy. A raison de quoy, monseigneur mon beau filz, non-seulement pour le bon sens et savoir, qui par approbacion a esté congneue estre de plus grande expérience que nul qui fut jamais par decà, mais aussi du bon voulloir et affection qu’il a eu de me venir visiter et faire chose qui grandement a esté à ma resjouissance, je vous prie tant affectueusement que faire puis, pour et en faveur de moy avoir ledit Ambroise en vostre très singuliere recommandation en tous ses affaires dont il a nécessairement besoing, congnoissant qu’il est ung homme qu’on ne doit oublyer, veu ce que dit est, luy donnant par vous à congnoistre que à ma requeste ceste ma rescription luy a esté prouffitable. Ce faisant, me ferét très singulier plaisir ainsi que benoist fils de Dieu sçait, qui, monseigneur mon beau filz, vous ait et maintiengne en sa très saincte et très digne garde avec longue vie. Escript à Londres, le xiiie jour de juing l’an mil D XXX. Vostre bonne mère. Marie My lord my good son, the present bearer Master Ambroise, painter of the most reverend legate of France, the archbishop of Sens, as I am told you know well, having the desire to come over here to the king, my very dear and very honored brother and me, at his arrival made great presents as much to him as to me, passing unique, more than I would know how to estimate, likewise in things concerning the accomplishment of his art, to the very great pleasure of my said lord and brother and of me. By reason of which, my lord and son- in- law, not only for the good sense and skill, which by general acclaim he has been known to be of such great experience that no one here will ever see the like again, but also of the good will and affection that he had for me to come visit and to do something that was greatly to my rejoicing, I pray you as affectionately as is possible, for, and in favor of me, to have the said Ambroise in your very singular recommendation in all his affairs, which he certainly needs, knowing that he is a man that one should not forget, considering that which is said, giving him to know by you that it is at my request, that it is my writing that has been profitable to him. That done, it will do me very singular pleasure as the blessed Son of God knows, who, my lord and son- in- law, have and maintain you in his very holy and very worthy keeping with long life. Written at London, the 13th day of June, year 1530. Your good mother, Mary

38. MARY TO VISCOUNT LISLE MARCH 30, 1533 © The British Library Board. MS Cotton Vespasian F.III, fol. 40r. Autograph. Secretary hand. Paper, cropped to 102 u 267 mm, and containing a watermark of a 5-petaled flower crowned. Written in landscape orientation. [Mary’s signature is in the top left margin, slightly overlapping the “R” in “Right”] 196 Appendix: Mary’s Letters marie the frynche quene [Scribe’s hand] Right trusty and right welbelovid Cousin we grete you well Desiring you at this our intercession ye wolbe so good lorde unto John Williams this berer as to admyt hym in to the Rome of a Souldier in Calice with the wages of viijd by the daye Assuring you Cousin in your so doing ye shal shew unto us full good and acceptable pleasor which we shal right willingly acquit at your desire in tyme commyng trusting the condicions haviour and personage of the said John be suche as ye shalbe contented with the same Praying you Cousin of your good mynde herin ye wole advertise us by this berer in your writing At London the xxxth day of marche [Fol. 40v] To our right trusty and right welbeluvid Cousin the Vicount Lisle Lord lieutenunt of Calice NOTES

Introduction 1. Michael Drayton, Englands Heroicall Epistles, fol. 64v. I have regularized the use of uu/w, i/j, and u/v throughout. 2. For Drayton, see fol. 61v for the reference to Hero and Leander and fol. 64v for the line that evokes Juliet. I have cited Shakespeare’s 1597 edition of Romeo and Juliet, fol. C3v. 3. Ford, Suffolk Garland, 124. 4. Although The Tudors collapses Henry’s two sisters into one princess named Margaret, her story is essentially a distorted sensationalized version of Mary’s marriages. 5. For Mary’s chief biographies, see Green’s Lives; Richardson’s WQ ; Chapman’s The Sisters of Henry VIII, and Perry’s Sisters. Green is an excellent source; though dated, her information is scrupulously documented. Richardson’s work is also helpful, but some of his conclusions are unwarranted based on the evidence. Perry provides helpful background but focuses on Mary and her sister Margaret largely in terms of their relationship to their brother. Barbara Harris’s “Power, Profit, and Passion” provides an excellent overview of Mary’s marriages and the courtly romances that set the tone for Mary’s chivalric rhetoric. 6. March 18, 1496, is almost certainly Mary’s birth date. Green argues it falls in March 1496 because the first record pertaining to Mary (for payment of a quarterly salary to a nurse, Anne Skeron) occurs that June; since such payments were made biannually, March is the nearest approximation (Lives), 2. Perry cites a note in Margaret Beaufort’s Book of Hours giving Mary’s birthday as March 18, 1495: “Hodie nata Maria tertia filia Henricis VII, 1495” (qtd. in Sisters), 8. However, in the sixteenth century, New Year began on March 25; by modern dating, we would consider the year 1496. CSPV records a letter written March 2, 1499, which reports that Henry VII rejected Ludovico Sforza’s suit for a marriage between Mary and his son, saying that she is only three (I, 790). Richardson prefers 1495, based on a letter from Henry VIII to Leo X where he gives Mary’s age as thirteen in 1508 (WQ 3). See L&P, I.ii, 3139. However, the Latin phrase Henry uses to describe Mary is vague: “cum vix annum tertium decimum” (scarcely thirteen years) (qtd. in Gairdner, “Spousells”), xv. Henry’s letter is also inconclusive since he mentions that Charles, who was born on February 24, 1500, was nine years old at the time. Given the English calendar, Henry may have reckoned Charles’s birth date as 1499. Whether Henry was correct about the four-year age difference or wrong about the dates is impossible to tell. A last piece of evidence comes from Erasmus’s visit to Eltham sometime in late 1499, when he mentions that Mary is four, but since he states that Prince Henry, who was born in 1491, was nine, his reckoning may be treated only as an estimate. See Nichols, Epistles, 201. 198 Notes to Pages 2–5

7. Drayton refers to Louis as “old and decrepite” in the argument (fol. 61v). 8. The only scholarly treatment of Brandon’s life is Steven Gunn’s CB. 9. Perry writes that “she had worked herself to a pitch of nervous hysteria by the time Suffolk arrived . . . [her letters] indicate her desperate frame of mind” (111). In Six Wives, Starkey describes Catherine of Aragon’s reaction to Mary’s marriage: “Probably she felt pity for the childish excitement of her sister-in-law and womanly sympathy for what she suspected Mary might face in the marriage bed,” 152. David Loades describes Mary’s choice to marry Brandon thus: “with a courage born equally of lust and desperation, the dowager queen virtually forced him to marry her secretly in mid-February. It was the one decisive action of her life, and it nearly ruined both of them” (s.v. “Mary”). 10. de Grazia, “What is a Work?”; Marotti, Manuscript, Print, and the English Renaissance Lyric; and Patterson, Reading Holinshed’s Chronicles. 11. Davis, Fiction in the Archives; Steen, “Behind the Arras,” 37. 12. Dated February 15, 1515. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fols. 248v–249r. Most of Mary’s letters are preserved in the British Library’s Cotton collection, which suffered greatly in a fire in 1731, resulting in frequent places where the words are too scorched to read, if not lost altogether. Wherever possible I have com- pared my transcriptions against other sources, such as Green’s Letters and Ellis’s Original Letters. (Since Green also wrote Lives, to avoid confusion, I have used the name Green in conjunction with this text, even though she wrote Letters under her maiden name Wood.) I have silently supplied obvious letters but where large gaps occur, I have indicated conjecture with brackets. Also, I have silently expanded scribal abbreviations, added punctuation, and regularized u/v and i/j throughout the letters cited in the text. 13. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 163r. Undated, February 1515. Unfortunately, nearly all the letters pertaining to the marriage crisis, while clearly written in the spring of 1515, are undated, perhaps deliberately. Wherever possible I have approximated the dates. 14. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 183r. Undated, probably February 1515. 15. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 251r. Undated, probably March 1515. 16. This pattern continued when the couple returned to England; on at least four occasions, the two sent virtually the same letter, nearly word for word, when asking for favors. A scribe penned each missive, and then each signed his/her respective letter. For example, when Mary had difficulty collecting her dower in 1525, they both wrote to Wolsey. L&P, IV.i, 1542 and 1543. For others, see L&P, IV.i, 1641 and 1642; IV.ii, 4392, 4615, and 4616. 17. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 186r. Undated, probably February 1515. 18. Literature was a strong influence on Mary’s epistolary technique, but the tradition of the formal ars dictaminis cannot be discounted, nor can the history of women writing letters. See Joan Ferrante, “ ‘Licet longinquis,” 881. 19. See Carley, The Libraries of Henry VIII and The Books of King Henry VIII and His Wives. For Kipling, see The Triumph of Honour: Burgundian Origins of the English Renaissance, and for Backhouse, see “Illuminated Manuscripts associated with Henry VII.” 20. Lesclaircissement, fol. 129r. 21. Lns. 1–6, Heroides, 1. Palsgrave specifies that he uses Octavien de Saint-Gelais’s translation of the Heroides, which was printed in 1503 in Paris by Anthoine Vérard: Epitres d’Ovide. All references to the French translation of the Heroides are taken from this edition. All translations, unless otherwise specified, are my own. Notes to Pages 6–11 199

22. “cuius causa inventa res ipsa est, ut certiores faceremus absentis si quid esset quod eos scire aut nostra aut ipsorum interesset.” Ad Fam. I.48. Cicero, Ad Familiares, 234–5. 23. See Jardine, Erasmus, Man of Letters, 150. Jardine elaborates on the connection between the two writers and quotes Jerome’s Latin letter: “Sola, inquit, res est, quae homines absentes praesentes facit” (266, n. 10). 24. I borrow Jardine’s phrase; see Erasmus, 153. Gary Schneider also discusses the letter’s complicated relationship to issues of speech and presence at length in The Culture of Epistolarity, especially pages 28–37. 25. Jardine, Erasmus, 151. 26. Jardine, Erasmus, 151; Lerer, Courtly Letters, 11. 27. Schneider elaborates on this issue, noting how letters often traveled far outside their initial circles, even making their way into miscellanies and commonplace books. The Culture of Epistolarity, 22–27. 28. Summit, Lost Property, 168. 29. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 246v. Undated, probably March 1515. 30. See Schutte, Kuehn, and Seidel Menchi, Time, Space, and Women’s Lives. 31. See Daybell’s Women Letter-Writers in Tudor England and Crabb and Couchman’s Women’s Letters Across Europe. 32. See English Aristocratic Women. 33. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 253r. Undated, January or February 1515. 34. “A Narrative of the Justs” in Leland’s De Rebus Brittanicis Collectanea, vol. V, 357. Leland was an antiquary who was born ca. 1503 and died in 1552. In 1533, Henry commissioned him to search the libraries of the realm for various manuscripts. His Collectanea wasn’t printed until the early eighteenth century. 35. Kipling, Triumph of Honour, 127. See pages 127–131 for a full description of the tournament pageantry. Also, Richardson notes that records indicate rich new dresses were ordered for the princess, WQ , 18. 36. See the CSPS, I,293. 37. Kipling, Receyt of the Ladie Kateryne, Book II, lns. 113–116, p. 15. 38. Ibid., Book II. The red dragon appears in line 180, Pollicy’s speech in lines 201, 202–3, pp. 17–18. 39. Ibid., xv. 40. Ibid., Book II, lns. 187–188, p. 17. 41. Ibid., Book II, lns. 594–597, p. 29. 42. See for example, CSPS, I, 221. 43. Spectacle, Pageantry, and Early Tudor Policy, 104. 44. “Eternal Peace, Occasional War,” 45. 45. CSPV, II, 918. 46. Receyt of the Ladie Kateryne, 31. 47. “The Fyancells of Margaret” in Leland’s De Rebus Brittanicis Collectanea, vol. IV.See pp. 258–9 for records of Mary and p. 263 for Brandon’s jousting. 48. Ibid., 258. 49. Persuasive Fictions: Faction, Faith and Political Culture in the Reign of Henry VIII, 109–110. 50. See CSPS, I, 588, where Ferdinand acknowledges Fuensalida’s report on her treatment. 51. Green, Letters, I, 138–139. 52. The English ambassador John Stile had apparently protested to Ferdinand that the reports of Catherine’s mistreatment were overstated, that the princess 200 Notes to Pages 11–18

“and her servants had enough to eat and to drink, and were provided with the necessaries of life.” CSPS, II, 1. 53. CSPS, I, 398. 54. BL Cott. Vespasian C.XII, fol. 283v. 55. Green, Lives, 4. 56. Mattingly notes that the ambassador Fuensalida forbade Catherine to attend the betrothal ceremony and she defied him, saying that she “had no wish to offer gratuitous insults to Mary” Catherine of Aragon, 110. 57. Carmeliano wrote a Latin account of the betrothal and its accompanying ceremonies; the Latin version and an English translation were printed by Richard Pynson. In the Latin version, Hoc presenti libello . . . Dominam Mariam, the reference to Mary and Catherine can be found on fol. D3r. In the only extant copy of the English translation, which is lacking several leaves, The solempnitites & triumphes doon, the reference is on fol. C1v. 58. Green, Letters, I, 140. 59. Elizabeth of York and Margaret Beaufort had recommended to ambassador De Puebla that Catherine learn to speak French from Margaret of Austria while she was visiting Spain. CSPS, I, p. 156. In 1505, Henry’s ambassadors to Spain reported that they had told Ferdinand she could “speak some [English] and understand much more” (CSPS, I, p. 362). 60. Green, Letters, I, 133. Her letter is dated 1505, to Ferdinand. 61. See Mattingly, Catherine, 75–78. 62. Green, Letters, I, 150. The full text of the first letter runs pp. 145–7 and the second, secret letter, from pp. 148–154. 63. Undated, probably March 1515. NA SP 1/10/79r-80r. 64. NA E30/1446. See also L&P, IV.ii, 2744. 65. Mary would have had easy access to Gower’s work. Aside from its popularity, her grandmother had a volume of Gower, probably the Confessio Amantis. See Powell, “The Lady Margaret Beaufort and her Books,” 202. Her brother Henry also had a copy; see Carley, Libraries of Henry VIII, 294, item 186. In 1510, Wynkyn de Worde printed Robert Copland’s translation, Apollonius of Tyre. See Bennett, English Books and Readers, 162, 191. References are to Russell Peck’s edition of the Confessio Amantis. 66. Confessio Amantis, VIII.894–896.

1 A Queenly Education 1. Fol. A2r. 2. Lns. 62–76, fol. A6r-v. Kipling describes the Tudor symbolism in Triumph of Honour, 133–134. 3. Sharpe, Selling the Tudor Monarchy, 66–68. 4. See Kipling’s Triumph of Honour, Anglo’s Spectacle, Pageantry, and Tudor Policy, and Sharpe’s Selling the Tudor Monarchy. Anglo cautions against over- stating the influence of such propaganda, citing the limited audience for such spectacles (xi). However, word would have spread, as Sharpe points out, not only through the advent of print, but also because of the great numbers of people—ambassadors, visitors, and servants—who had access to the palaces and the increasing fascination with the person of the king (140–141). Notes to Pages 18–21 201

5. CA MS R.36, fol. 124r. Richard Firth Green transcribes the letter in “A Joust in Honour of the Queen of May,” 386–9. Kipling refutes Green, demonstrating that the letter does correspond to the “Justes of May and June,” 158–62. I thank Robert Yorke for these references. 6. Jones, Oxford Book of Sixteenth-Century Verse, 52–54. 7. Nichols, Epistles of Erasmus, 201. 8. Starkey notes that it would have been most unusual for this to be the case. See Doran and Starkey, Man and Monarch, 25. 9. Dowling, Humanism in the age of Henry VIII, 12–15. 10. Doran and Starkey, Man and Monarch, 29–37, 44–45. 11. Green notes that account books record payments to a schoolmaster for Mary starting in 1499. (Lives 2–3). For further references to Mary’s education, see Richardson, WQ , 22–4. For Miller and Yavneh, see Sibling Relations, 2. 12. Man and Monarch, 29. 13. Nicolas, Privy Purse Expenses, 12. 14. English Aristocratic Women, 32. 15. Margaret was known for educating noble children fostered in her household. See Michalove, “Equal in Opportunity?” in Women’s Education in Early Modern Europe, 57. However, as Jones and Underwood argue, there is no evidence that Beaufort directly oversaw the royal nursery. Nevertheless, she did see to the education of the children of her household, including the children of the chapel. See The King’s Mother, 13, 167. 16. Richardson, WQ , 23. In a June 20, 1528 letter to Popincourt, Mary refers to their upbringing together and describes an affectionate longstanding relationship. See BNF MS Français 2932, fol. 3. Elizabeth of York’s Privy Purse accounts record payments for mending two gowns for “Johanne Popyncote” in June 1502. Nicolas, Privy Purse Expenses, 23. 17. Stein suggests that he was teaching Mary since 1512 to explain the year’s wages given on the New Year. John Palsgrave, 4. 18. Green confirms Mary’s knowledge of Latin (Lives 3), as does Richardson, but he incorrectly cites Richard Hyrde’s introduction to Margaret More Roper’s translation of Erasmus, which compliments the mother of a Frances S. and her knowledge of Latin, (23, 31). However, Betty Travitsky’s candidate for Frances S., Frances Staverton, More’s niece, is a better identification than Mary (Paradise of Women), 35. Such a false association does not negate the probability of Mary’s familiarity with Latin, especially given our knowledge of the education provided most other Tudor children and that Catherine of Aragon, Mary’s frequent companion, was able to read Latin. Mary’s tutor Palsgrave was later engaged to give Henry Fitzroy, Henry VIII’s illegitimate son, a classical education, so he was certainly capable of instructing Mary in Latin. Additionally, Margaret Beaufort, who regretted not knowing the language, may well have ensured her granddaughter did not suffer the same regret (Krug, Reading Families, 66). Krug also notes that Beaufort may have developed a limited proficiency by reading her Book of Hours and hearing the prayers aloud (101). Isabella of Naples wrote in Latin when begging Mary’s assistance for her son (BL Cott. Vespasian F.III, fol. 50). That alone would not indicate proficiency in Latin, given the availability of secretaries, but it is one more piece of evidence, since Isabella required a shared tongue to make her plea. Mattingly contends that Catherine of Aragon sought to create a culture of learning and 202 Notes to Pages 21–22

persuaded Mary to resume study of the language, but he offers no source for his assertion (Catherine of Aragon), 188. 19. On Henry as book collector, see Kipling, Triumph of Honour, 1–13. See also Backhouse, “Illuminated Manuscripts,” 175–187. 20. “histoires et aultres chouses apartenant a ung noble et saige prince.” Qtd in Carley’s Libraries of Henry VIII, xxvi. 21. Carley’s magisterial Libraries of Henry VIII records in detail the books that made up Henry’s libraries at different royal residences. See pp. 3–29 for the Richmond catalogue. 22. Guy, Tudor England, 77; Krug, Reading Families, 91–92. See also Kipling, Triumph of Honour, for more on the Burgundian courts and chivalry. 23. For more listings, see Henri Omont, “Les Manuscrits Français,” and Kipling’s “Henry VII and the Origins of Tudor Patronage,” 117–164. 24. See Carley, Books of King Henry VIII, 21. 25. Ibid., 23. 26. Rebecca Krug notes that “Books of hours were especially popular as teaching aids because they were relatively simple and because they were designed to be used repeatedly throughout the day” (Reading Families), 70. 27. See Bodl. Ashmolean MS 1116 for an account of Henry masquing as Hercules when Mary was with him (fol. 102v). Tapestries at the christening of Mary’s daughter Frances depict the story of Hercules. BL Eger. 985, fol. 63v. 28. In 1513, Henry VIII commissioned Richard Pynson to print Lydgate’s Siege of Troy. Moreover, one choirbook belonging to Henry includes five separate versions of Dido’s lament after Aeneas betrayed her (Man and Monarch),71, 67. 29. Powell, “The Lady Margaret Beaufort and her Books,” 201-2, especially n. 23. Powell makes a convincing argument for a French translation of Boccaccio’s De Casibus Virorum Illustrium (202, n. 25). For Boccaccio, Genesis and Froissart, see Jones and Underwood, The King’s Mother, 241. 30. From Margaret’s will, qtd. in Powell, “The Lady Margaret Beaufort and her Books,” 202. 31. Jones and Underwood, The King’s Mother, 181–186. 32. Jones and Underwood, The King’s Mother, 173. 33. Krug, Reading Families, 77–8. A.I. Doyle notes in the appendix to Stephen Scrope’s translation of the Othea that it is uncertain which version of the book was bequeathed to Margaret, the Scrope translation prepared for Humphrey Stafford, the Duke of Buckingham, Anne’s father, or “the version re-dedicated to a ‘high princess’ (perhaps herself [Anne] or her mother), or even the French” (Othea), 126. Doyle also speculates that Anne Neville (Vere’s mother) may also have shared Chaucer’s Troilus and The Romant of the Rose with Margaret at some point (126–127). Krug makes a detailed argument for such book sharing and further posits that Margaret became such a noted patroness of printed books out of a perceived moral obligation to share books with others (Reading Families), 77–83. 34. For copies of the Othea at Richmond, see Carley, Libraries of Henry VIII, pp. 12 and 14. If Mary were familiar with the illustrated manuscripts of the Othea, her education could have gone even further, since the Othea literally illustrates a woman writer’s use of the letter to advise readers on political events. According to Hindman, the illuminations in Christine’s presentation copies use heraldic symbols to link Louis of Orleans, the dedicatee, with Hector, the recipient of Othea’s letter. Since the illustrations of Othea also strongly resemble portraits Notes to Pages 22–26 203

of Christine, her message is clear. Like Hector, Louis should heed Othea/ Christine’s lessons on chivalric and moral behavior in order to rule well. Hindman argues that even after Louis’s assassination, Christine maintained the illustrated references in order to use the duke as a symbol to inspire the queen, the dauphin, and the Duke of Berry to govern France wisely (xx). See Christine de Pizan’s Epistre Othea. Desmond and Sheingorn’s Myth, Montage, & Visuality in Late Medieval Manuscript Culture also argues that the images of Othea perform visual gestures that communicate meaning more effectively than would a verbal description, 8. 35. “Car je sçay qu’a tous jours seras / Le plus preus des preus et aras / Sur tous autres la renommee, / Mais que de toy je soye amee.” Quotations are taken from Gabriella Parussa’s Epistre Othea, lns. 50–53, p. 198; the English is my translation. 36. Summit discusses Christine’s influence in England, while arguing that the obscuring of Christine’s authorship in many transmissions of her text de-em- phasizes her status as a female author. See Lost Property, 61–108. Although Summit’s argument is compelling, it doesn’t negate the likelihood of Mary’s familiarity with Christine as an author of the work, since she would have known Christine through French editions belonging to her father, brother, and grandmother in addition to Scrope’s English translation. 37. The Lisle Letters: An Abridgement, 116, letter 90. Ed. Muriel St. Clare Byrne. This particular letter survives as notes to her secretary, not a final draft. 38. Hoby, Book of the Courtier, 48–49. In Italian, see ll Cortegiano del Conte Baldessar Castiglione, 30–2. 39. Michalove, “Equal in Opportunity?” 58. 40. “Parmi ben che in lei sia poi piu necessaria la bellezza che nel Cortegiano, perchè in vero molto manca a quella donna a cui manca la bellezza” (173). 41. English Aristocratic Women, 220–221. 42. Dumitrescu, The Early Tudor court, 82. 43. Green, Lives, 2. 44. Nicolas, Privy Purse Expenses, 22. 45. Green, Lives, 2–3. 46. See Perry, Sisters, 33, and CSPS, I, 395 and 406. On July 1, 1504, Henry ordered one of his gentlemen to disburse 100 pounds a month for Catherine, and that November, wrote Ferdinand and Isabella to defend himself against charges of penuriousness by explaining that he was spending the same on Mary as he did on Catherine. 47. English Aristocratic Women, 27. 48. Michalove, “Equal in Opportunity?” 48. 49. Richardson, WQ , 23; Perry, Sisters, 32. 50. Harris, English Aristocratic Women, 230. 51. Vives, Instruction of a Christian Woman, 16. 52. BL Cott. Vespasian, C.XII, fol. 281r. 53. BL Cott. Vespasian, C.XII, fol. 283v. See Gairdner, “A Narrative of the Reception,” for a complete transcription of the chronicle, 282–303. 54. Fol. 285v; Gairdner, 292, 302–3. 55. Gairdner, 289. 56. Fols. 285v-287v; Gairdner, 294–300. 57. Fol. 281r; Gairdner, 282. 58. Guy’s Tudor England offers a useful overview, 76–77. 204 Notes to Pages 26–28

59. David Starkey explains in detail the conflict over the Castilian throne after Isabella’s death, particularly with regard to Catherine’s actions and their consequences (Six Wives), 88–93. He plausibly explains an otherwise odd incident during the visit—Catherine’s request for a dance with Philip was rudely rebuffed—by noting Philip’s continuing resentment over Catherine’s support of Ferdinand. He also interprets Mary sitting with Catherine as a sign of “sisterly comfort” (92). 60. Fol. 285v; Gairdner, 293. 61. Gairdner, 301. 62. Gairdner, 302. 63. Gairdner, 301. 64. Jones and Underwood note that Margaret and Mary “were serenaded by King Philip’s lutenists” (The King’s Mother), 79, and Dumitrescu details the reward of twenty shillings Margaret gave to the minstrels (Early Tudor court), 109. 65. “Bella gerant alii; tu, felix Austria, nube. / Nam quae Mars aliis, dat tibi regna Venus.” Qtd. in Warnicke, Marrying of Anne of Cleves, 5. 66. CSPV, I, 790. 67. CSPM, 593. 68. Kipling, Triumph of Honour, 132–133. 69. CSPV, I, 887. 70. CSPS, I, 498. Henry’s ambassador John Stile reports on April 26, 1509, that he had given Carmeliano’s account of the betrothal to Ferdinand, to whom the news was unwelcome (L&P, I.i, 6). Ferdinand continued to protest the match until Henry VIII was married to Catherine; on May 18, 1509, he wrote Catherine that to show his good will to her husband, he agreed to the marriage (L&P, I.i, 39). 71. CSPS, I, 558 contains an outline of the full terms in English. For the Latin text of the treaty, see Rymer’s Foedera, Vol. 5, 239–243. 72. Turpyn, Chronicle of Calais, 6–7. 73. “Reveillez vous cueurs endormis / qui des angloiz estes amys / chantons ave maria.” BL Cott. Julius A.III, fol. 2v. The manuscript has been mislabeled as celebrating the marriage of Mary to Louis, but as Green points out, the references to the Burgundians and Flemings rejoicing and to Mary joining the Toison d’Or all clearly establish the song as appertaining to the marriage with Charles, who was archduke of Burgundy as well as prince of Castile (Lives), 7, nt. 4. 74. “Car dicy a mille foiz dix / ne sera ny fut au pais / tel paix tel lignaige” (fol. 3r). 75. CSPS, I, 587. 76. CSPS, I, 594–597. 77. See page 2r-v. The solempnitites & triumphes doon. The only extant copy of the Spousells is missing scattered pages and those that remain contain only a few signatures to identify pagination; therefore I have numbered the pages myself, starting with the title page. James Gairdner edited the text as “The Spousells of the Princess Mary.” See also the ambassadors’ letter to Margaret of Austria, dated December 7, 1508, in R3&H7, I, 69. 78. See BL Addit. 33748, fol. 6r. This manuscript contains a life of Mary compiled by Nicholas Carlisle, mostly in his own hand, but including a few documents collected by others. It opens with a letter from Carlisle to a Lord Herbert dated August 27, 1810, in which he states his plans regarding the biography and requesting Herbert’s assistance clarifying a few matters using documents from his library. In this section, Carlisle relies on Joseph Ames’s translation of Pietro Carmeliano’s account of the event. Notes to Pages 29–32 205

79. Spousells, fol. 9r-v. 80. Bodl. Douce MS 198, fols. 145–57. It was printed by Richard Pynson; see Hoc presenti libello. See Gairdner’s introduction to “The Spousells” for a full account of the manuscript and print history (iii-vi) and L&P, I.i, 6, for Ferdinand’s receipt of the poem. 81. Solemnes cerimonie, fol. 103v. I have used Green’s translation from Lives, 11. 82. Fol. 7r-v. I have followed Gairdner’s conjecture in reconstructing the words lost to a hole in the text. 83. Spousells, fol 9v, my translation. 84. Written December 10, 1508, received January 15, 1509. CSPV, I, 917. 85. CSPV, I, 899. 86. CSPS, I, 600. 87. When Louis dismissed Mary’s English attendants, Palsgrave returned to London. See Stein, John Palsgrave, 4. Mary did not neglect her former teacher and on two separate occasions, wrote to Wolsey to request patronage for Palsgrave (NA SP 1/9/158; NA SP 1/10/106). 88. Lesclaircissement de la langue francoyse, fol. A2r. 89. Lesclaircissement, fol. A2v. 90. Stein, John Palsgrave, 174–175. 91. All of these texts were written early enough for Mary to have read them before departing for France; Illustrations de Gaul, printed between 1511 and 1513, is the latest. Moreover, there are records of Chartier’s works in libraries at Richmond and Westminster, as well as the Illustrations and works by Ovid. See Carley, Libraries of Henry VIII, 36, 69. Laidlaw notes that the Quadrilogue, Esperance, and Lay de paix are amongst the works in the collected Oeuvres listed in Carley, 36, item 10 (Poetical Works), 142–3. 92. Kipling notes that Palsgrave’s emphasis on Lemaire is especially understand- able given that at the time of Mary’s wedding to Louis, Lemaire was France’s chief poet-historian; his L’Amant Vert was so popular it had run through three editions in 1510, 1512, and 1513. He argues that Mary’s wedding helped Lemaire become known in England where his work influenced Skelton (Triumph of Honour), 24–26. For more on the influence of Ovid’s Heroides on French authors, see LeBlanc’s essay “Queen Anne in the Lonely, Tear-Soaked Bed of Penelope.” 93. Chartier, Le quadrilogue invectif, 9–17. 94. “hault couraige,” “leur oiseuse lacheté,” “forlignez de la constance de voz peres” (9). 95. “Je ne veuil voz excusacions et deffences plus longuement escouter, ne en voz discors et descharges l’un vers l’autre ne gist pas la ressource de mon infortune” (57–58). 96. “Iceluy bon Prince ancien sappuyoit sur lespaule senestre de sa fille la belle Polyxene. Et avec luy estoit la noble Andromacha, femme du feu Prince Hector et ses deux jeunes enfans . . . Ce spectacle estoit piteux et miserable à mervailles”(184). Lemaire de Belges, Oeuvres, 184. In Book XXIV of Homer’s Iliad, Zeus actually orders Priam to go alone to ransom his son (Fagles, 593, lns. 176–183) 97. “ne scay je nulle Princess vivant aujourdhuy sur terre (sauve la bonne paix des autres) qui puist en ce premier livre plus convenablement tenir le lieu de dame Pallas, que ta personne, Princesse illustre; ne aussi ne scay je, qui mieux puist figurer le personnage du tresbel enfant Royal, Paris Alexandre, que le tien trescher neveu Larchiduc Charles d’Austriche” (Vol. I, 6). 206 Notes to Pages 32–36

98. “une autre Pallas” (7). 99. Her story is found in Vol. II, 399–412. 100. “La Royne Clotilde, envieuse et dolente de ce que son oncle demouroit si long temps paisible Roy de Bourgongne, pressa tant et sollicita son mary dentamer la guerre ouverte à son bel oncle” (404). 101. Vol. I, 34, 44 and 89. 102. Jane Chance discusses the availability of La livre de la cité des dames in England—in MS Harley 4431, which belonged to the Woodville family, as well as two French printed editions in 1497 and 1503, and an English translation printed in 1521. See “Gender subversion,” 167. Even more intriguingly, Susan Groag Bell traces the ownership of sets of tapestries illustrating the City of Ladies that belonged to Margaret of Austria (who received hers in 1513 when visiting with Henry in Tournai), Anne of Brittany (Mary’s predecessor as queen of France), and Henry VIII, who bequeathed a set to his son Edward and his daughter Elizabeth, The Lost Tapestries. In tracing the ownership of Henry’s tapestries, Bell speculates that he may have seen Margaret of Austria’s set and purchased a copy for Mary, since he was known to have purchased tapestries for her while in Tournai on that visit (141). Bell rejects the argument, thinking Mary’s set would have passed to her granddaughter Jane Grey, not been returned to Henry; however, since Mary gave Henry most of her household stuff as well as her dower money to appease him after the marriage to Brandon, it is possible he got the tapestries back in the process. At the very least, that several noblewomen in Mary’s circle possessed the work adds weight to arguments for her familiarity with the text. 103. For Boccaccio’s version, see Famous Women, ed. Brown, 128–31. For Christine’s version, see Richards’s translation, Book of the City of Ladies, 47–51. For a French version, see Cheney Curnow’s “Livre de la cité des dames,” 694–701. 104. La belle dame sans mercy is indisputably by Chartier; in the early modern period, people attributed L’hopital d’amours to Chartier, although now Achilles Caulier is thought to be the better choice. See McRae, Alain Chartier, 19. Citations of these works are taken from this edition. 105. The full quote is “Courtoisie . . . mais depart de sa bonne chiere / Ou il lui plaist et bon lui semble, / Guerredon, contraint a l’enchere, / Et elle de vont point ensamble” which McRae translates as “Courtesy . . . prefers to bestow her smiling grace / where it pleases her the most. / Recompense, constraint, and promises of greater goods / do not go hand in hand with Courtesy” (68–9). 106. One of whom included de Pizan’s son Jean de Castel. 107. For a full account of the controversy, see McRae, 7–21. 108. Palsgrave, Lesclaircissement, fol. 80r; fol. 413r-v. In Saint-Gelais, Heroides, ln. 194, fol. 3v. 109. “La je tescri & jai pres de ma main / Ton espee qui me occira demain / De mes larmes le piteux glaive arrouse / Qui maintenant en mon giron repose / et tost sera en lieu de pleurs et larmes / Taint de mon sang par tes rigoreux termes.” Saint-Gelais, lns. 408–13, fol. 7r. 110. See Ford, Suffolk garland, 121–125. 111. Kellner, Caxton’s Blanchardyn, 1. Jones and Underwood argue that the choice of Blanchardyn and Eglantine was political, since the romance plot seems to mirror political events surrounding the betrothal of Henry VII and Elizabeth of York (King’s Mother, 181–182). Notes to Pages 36–38 207

112. Medieval Maidens, 71. 113. See Philips, Medieval Maidens, 77–97; Meale, “ ‘Gode men, Wiues maydnes and alle men,’ 209; for Riddy, see “Middle English Romance,” 235–252. 114. “The societal role of chivalry,” 98–99. 115. Kipling, Triumph of Honour; Anglo, Spectacle, Pageantry, and Early Tudor Policy; Doran, England and Europe in the Sixteenth Century; Richardson, “Eternal Peace, Occasional War”; and most recently, Sharpe, Selling the Tudor Monarchy. 116. See Bodl. MS Ashmolean 1116, fol. 109r-v. 117. Jones, Oxford Book of Sixteenth-Century Verse, 47, lines 8, 11. 118. Hall’s Chronicle, 513. 119. See Richard Gibson’s account books of the revels, in L&P, vol. II.ii, especially pages 1493, 1497–1500. 120. Chronicle, 511–512. 121. Jones and Underwood note that Mary watched Henry and Catherine’s procession into the city on June 23 with her grandmother in a house rented in Cheapside (King’s Mother, 236). Moreover, warrants note “stuff provided by the Great Wardrobe against the Coronation of the King and Queen, and for their use and that of the Princess of Castile (Mary) about that time.” See L&P, I.i, 82. 122. L&P, II.ii, “The King’s Book of Payments,” pages 1441–1480, passim. 123. Chronicle, 514. Hall indicates no contemporary outcry against the use of blackface as would occur in Ben Jonson’s Masque of Blackness in 1605. See Dudley Carleton’s letter to John Chamberlain in which he calls it “a very loth- some sight” in Herford et al’s Ben Jonson, 449. My thanks to Meg Pearson for the reference. 124. Court Revels, 68–69. 125. Gunn, CB, 8–11. 126. L&P, II.ii, p. 1497. 127. Froissart was famous at the English court; manuscripts of his chronicles of English history dominate the library of Henry VII. Mary would have been familiar with Froissart partly through Palsgrave’s teaching. Stein notes that after Lemaire, Froissart is the author Palsgrave cites most frequently in his lists of vocabulary (John Palsgrave, 191). It is also interesting to note that Sir John Bourchier, Lord Berners, who would translate Froissart’s Chronicles for Henry VIII, starting about 1520, was Mary’s chamberlain in France (Lee, Duke Huon, xli-xlvi). Berners also translated the romance Huon of Bordeaux and The Castell of Love; his translations weren’t begun until five years after the scandal of Mary’s marriage, but the link further underscores Mary’s connection to a literary circle familiar with Froissart and romance. It is also possible that a manuscript containing Froissart’s complete works of poetry that Froissart had presented to Richard II in 1395 might have accompanied Mary to France. See de Looze, La Prison Amoureuse. Although it is uncertain whether the manuscript did return to France with Mary, it seems a reasonable supposition, given that the manuscript was discovered in the French Bibliothèque Royale in 1544, only thirty years later (xxiv). 128. Early versions of Meliador were probably written in the 1360s; Schmolke- Hasselmann argues “that the needs of the English crown were the intellec- tual driving force behind the ideology of the text” (The Evolution of Arthurian Romance, 276). By aligning Meliador with Cornwall and King Arthur, and his 208 Notes to Pages 38–41

rival Camel with Scotland, Froissart established a parallel with the Plantagenets versus the Bruces. All references are to Auguste Longnon’s edition of Meliador. 129. “Je serai encore, je le di, / Rois d’Escoce” (lns. 2425–2426). 130. “Et li recordés la vertu / Dou chevalier au soleil d’or, / Et dittes bien au roy encor, / Quant vous serés par devant li, / C’onques tel chevalier ne vi” (lns. 9280–9284). 131. “nous li donnons le hyaume / Pour le pris, ossi le royaume / D’Escoce, et le vostre gent cors” (lns. 2962–2964). The connection between politics and marriage is made plain throughout the work, to the point that the knights who came in second, third, etc., each marry heiresses of corresponding rank. Dembowski notes that Froissart thus underlines the importance of hierarchy. (Jean Froissart, 71–72). 132. Dembowski, Jean Froissart, 113. 133. As Dembowski notes, “This letter is only a ‘white lie.’ Any knight can hold Hermondine ‘pour sa dame’ ”(Jean Froissart, 116, quoting ln. 2181). When Hermondine suggests that Camel may fight for her, she is not promising to reciprocate with her love. According to the codes of courtly love, many lovers could serve one lady. 134. “la lettre bien li plaisoit, \ Mais dou rondelet c’estoit trop” (lns. 2161–2162). 135. For example, Florée offers to help Meliador and Hermondine exchange letters (lns. 17731–17739). 136. Kelly notes that the sixteenth century saw the proliferation of thirteenth- and fourteenth-century prose versions of the stories of Lancelot, Tristan, and other heroes (Medieval French Romance), 76–77. W. R. J. Barron surveys romances that circulated in both print and manuscript in England from 1216 to 1534 (English Medieval Romance), 238–242. 137. Printed in 1485 by Caxton, Malory’s popular retelling of Arthurian romance Le Morte D’Arthur provides an excellent case study of fictional letters. In addition, several other Arthurian romances were circulating in print and in manuscript during this period of Mary’s life, including King Arthur’s Death, Legend of King Arthur, Sir Lancelot du Lake, and numerous others. A copy of the Romance of the Holy Grail had belonged to Elizabeth of York and her mother Elizabeth Woodville (Janet Backhouse, “Illuminated Manuscripts,” 180–1). See also Carley’s Libraries of King Henry VIII. All references are to Spisak’s edition, Caxton’s Malory. 138. Malory, Morte d’Arthur, 529–530. 139. The letter reads: “Moost noble knyghte Sir Lancelot, now hath dethe made us two at debate for your love; I was your lover that men called the Fayre Mayden of Astolat. Therfor unto alle ladyes I make my mone, yet praye for my soule and bery me atte leest, and offre ye my Masse-peny; this is my last request. And a clene mayden I dyed, I take God to wytnes. Pray for my soule, Sir Lancelot, as thou art pierles” (530). 140. “Locating a Public Forum,”19–36. 141. This device follows the Ovidian tradition of the Heroides; it is a device Malory will repeat with the letter Perceval leaves on his sister’s body to explain her role in the Grail quest. Lancelot finds it and spends a month in prayer inspired by her example (Morte d’Arthur), 493–494. 142. Bennett, English Books and Readers, 161. Dickson, Valentine and Orson, 302. 143. References to the poem are taken from The comforte of lovers, printed by Wynkyn de Worde, probably in 1515. Notes to Pages 41–45 209

144. Politics and Literature, 56–72. 145. For the poem’s references, see Hawes, lines 168, 189, 193, 861, fols. A4r-v and C4v. For Fox’s references to them, see pages 59, 62, 65. 146. Lines 1–9, fol. A4v. Hawes’s printer employs / as a punctuation mark; to avoid confusion with the contemporary use of / as an indication of line breaks in poetry, I have substituted | in its place. 147. Lines 21–5, fol. A4v. 148. Line 32, fol. A2r. 149. Line 79, fol. A2v. 150. Page 64. Although Lerer admits his lack of interest in Fox’s biographical allegory, he agrees that Hawe’s narrator “present[s] himself as someone painfully excluded from the workings of the courtly patronage system” (Courtly Letters), 52. Building on Fox’s argument, Lerer contends that Hawes offers reading and writing texts as a possible comfort for the poet’s anxiety about social mobility. 151. Line 645, fol. 101r. 152. Lines 162–73, fols. A4r-v. All subsequent references in this paragraph taken from fols. A4r –A5r. 153. Lines 155–61, 211–17, fols. A4r –A5r. 154. Lines 219–24, fol, A5r. For information on Tudor symbolism, see Anglo, “Tudor Dynastic Symbols,” 193–209. 155. See Fox, 69–70, for a full outline of the tests. 156. Lines 407–10, fol. B2v. 157. Lines 722–49, fols. C2r-v. 158. Page 67. Fox suggests that for Hawes, the purpose of the poem is primarily to provide comfort, to express his feelings for Mary, and to justify his worthiness without expectation of receiving Mary’s love. Only at the very end of his article does he entertain the idea of specific political patronage as Hawes’s goal. 159. Lines 855–861, fol. C4v. 160. Lines 762–763, fol. C3r. 161. Lines 841–842, fol. C4v. 162. Lines 872–889, fol. C5r. 163. Lines 911–917, fol. C5v. 164. Lines 932–938, fol. C6r. 165. L&P, I.i, 1050. 166. BL Cott. Vitellius C.XI, fol. 145. The full list has been edited in Turpyn’s Chronicle of Calais, 54–66. 167. For example, L&P, I.i and I.ii, 202, 224, 237, 471, 629, 639, 796, 976, 1027, 1086, 1125, 2465, 2487, and 2692. 168. L&P, II.ii, pgs. 1444, 1446, 1458–60, 1463. 169. For example L&P, I.ii, 377, February 28, 1510, for a chevalier d’honneur to accompany Mary and 2370, October 15, 1513, for a choice of femme de chambre and controller. 170. BL Cott. Galba B.III, fol. 75r. For the annuity, see Rymer’s Foedera, vol. 5, 49. In L&P, II.ii, in the King’s Book of Payments, there is a note that 20l. was allocated for “one sent from the Duchess of Savoy to my Lady Princess of Castile to be in her service,” p. 1460. 171. L&P, I.i, 474; CSPS, Addenda, 8. 172. BL Cott. Galba B.III, fol. 190r. For Ferdinand’s approval, see L&P, I.ii, 2131. 173. BL Cott. Galba B.III, fol. 109r. L&P dates the letter December 18, 1513, (I.i, 2515) but Gairdner makes a compelling argument to place it in 1508, given 210 Notes to Pages 45–50

that the letter mentions the presence of de Berghes and Charles’s other ambassadors in England at the time, something that did not happen in 1513 (“Spousells”), xi–xii. 174. L&P, I.i, 130. Maximilian writes to Margaret on July 30, 1509 acknowledging Mary’s gesture and letting Margaret choose whether Charles should reciprocate at that time. 175. Morgan, Rulers of England Box 02, Henry VIII, no. 33a. The letter could be dated anytime between 1509 and 1514, but it makes sense to narrow the dates; Mary tended to travel with Henry and in 1509 in April, the king was at Richmond; in April from 1510–4, he was at Greenwich, and references to payments for Mary’s Easter offering suggest she was with him (L&P, II.ii, pgs. 1441, 1445, 1450, 1455, 1460, and 1464). If it were as late as 1514, one might expect some reference to her impending journey in July to consummate the marriage. 176. “mon trescher et tresayme Seignieur,” “bonne vie et longue et eureuse prosperite enn toutes voz affaires.” 177. “leplus humblement que faire le puis a vostre bonne grace me recommende.” 178. “mes humbles recommendacions.” 179. L&P, I.ii, 2858 and CSPS, II, 166 and 169. 180. “Car de long temps Jay eue desir a scavoir comment les atours et habillemens que se usent pardela me sieroynt et maintenent que Je les ay essaiez Je me contente moult fort deulx ./ Esperant quil me sera chose assez facille de laisser ceste acoustumee mode de vestir quant Je me trouveray avecques vous.” 181. L&P, I.i, 1557.

2 Becoming the Queen 1. Baskervill, 15, my translation. Baskervill transcribed the magnificently illuminated presentation copy given to Mary: BL Cott. Vespasian B.II. Cynthia Brown has produced a more recent edition, Les entrées royales à Paris de Marie d’Angleterre et Claude de France. 2. Rymer, Foedera, vol. 6.i, 51. 3. See Green, Lives, 24; CSPS, I, 558; L&P, I.ii, 2779. 4. Baumgartner, Louis XII, 230. 5. See for example William Knight’s two letters to Wolsey (L&P, I.ii, 2779, April 3, 1514 and 2868, May 2, 1514) and Richard Wingfield, Thomas Spinelly, and Knight’s report to Henry, L&P, I.ii, 2797, April 9, 1514. 6. See L&P, I.ii, 2512, December 17, 1513, to Henry; 2660, to Wolsey, February 19, 1514; and 2917, May, 1514, to Henry. See also the letter from the Bishop of Winchester to Fox and Wolsey, L&P, I.ii, 2928, May 20, 1514. 7. Rymer, Foedera, vol. 6.i, 59. 8. The full text of Henry’s letter is printed in Godefroy, Lettres du roy Louis XII, et du cardinal George d’Amboise, vol. IV (Brussels, 1712), 312–317. See L&P, I.ii, 2877, for English abstract and 2894, May 10, 1514 for a letter giving Margaret’s response. 9. See L&P, I.ii, 2934 and 3000. 10. Charles Giry-Deloison notes even in times of peace, tensions typically ran high between the two countries; he cites the example of Robert de Gaguin, a French ambassador in England, who wrote in 1498 that “Englishmen would teach archery to their sons by giving them a target of the face of a Notes to Pages 51–54 211

Frenchman and saying: ‘Go, my boy, learn to shoot and kill a Frenchman.” See “England and France at Peace,” 43. In addition to Mary’s awareness of that tension and knowledge of current events garnered from life at court, Palsgrave’s teaching would have assured her historical knowledge, since he frequently quoted texts such as Chartier’s Lai de paix or Quadrilogue. See Lesclaircissement, fol.III.123r. 11. “vel dolo seducta aut Circumventa, Terroribusve sive minis impulsa, sed Sponte & ex Animo suo” (63). Rymer, Foedera, vol. 6.i, my translation. The text of her speech was distributed in Latin, but the translator noted that Mary delivered it in English. Catalogued in L&P, I.ii, 3101. See also Green, Lives, 26–7 and Richardson, WQ , 78 for translations of additional lines. 12. “in bonam partem accipiat, nec sibi propterea in aliquo succensiat, cum sem- per parata fit & erit ipsius Regiae Celtitudinis Beneplacito in omnibus obtemperare.” 13. L&P, I.ii, 3098 and 3099. 14. L&P, I.ii, 2956 and 2957. For Henry’s letter to Wolsey about the negotiations, see Rymer’s Foedera, vol. 6.i, 61. For Henry to Margaret, see L&P, I.ii, 2972. 15. For sample rumors of the marriage, see L&P, I.ii, 2994, Margaret of Austria to Maximilian, June 12; 3035, Richard Wingfield to Wolsey, June 27; 3037, Caracciolo to the Duke of Milan, June 28. 16. On August 12, Henry informed Pope Leo that “the said most illustrious lady our sister, having held consultation with discreet persons, solemnly determined, in presence of a public notary and witnesses, to rescind and hold null and void whatever had been transacted by our father, in her name.” Qtd. in Mumby, Youth of Henry VIII, 271. 17. Sibling Relations, 12. 18. Richardson notes that because of the marriage, Henry could accept the money without seeming to be one of Louis’s “pensioners,” the way his predecessors had been perceived for taking payments in lieu of pursuing their claim to the French crown (Renaissance Monarchy, 56). 19. Baumgartner, Louis XII, 238–9; Green, Lives, 28, Richardson, WQ , 78–79, and Rymer, Foedera, vol. 6.i, 64–70. 20. Baumgartner, Louis XII, 229. 21. Rymer, Foedera, vol. 6.i, 61. 22. Annales of England, 15. 23. “Laisserez vous l’aigle ainsi bas voller, / Jusques à fouller le champ des fleurs de lys? / Souffrerez vous ce pays affoller? / . . . Homme sans cueur perd credit & renom.” See “Invectif sur l’erreur, pusillanime, & lascheté des gensd’armes de France,” in Les poesies de Guillaume Crétin, 170, lns. 81–88. The word “voler” can mean both “to fly” and “to plunder” or “steal”; I have highlighted the latter in my translation. See Giry-Deloison, “France and England,” 53, for more. 24. See Baumgartner, Louis XII, 238 for examples. 25. See L&P, I.ii, 3009. In addition to Mary, Louis was apparently contemplating either her sister, the newly-widowed Margaret of Scotland, or Margaret of Austria, or Eleanor of Castile. 26. NA SP 1/10/79–80, fol.79r. 27. Hughes, Tudor Royal Proclamations, 123. 28. CSPV, II, 482. Badoer’s original reads, “La Raina non se ne incura del re di Franza sia vechio di anni . . . .et habi gote, et lei zovene di anni . . . e bella e donzella, tanto è stà contenta di esser raina di Franza” Diarii, 12. 212 Notes to Pages 54–56

29. Carlisle, Life of Mary, in BL Addit. 33748, fol. 9r. Rymer, Foedera, vol. 6.i, 69. 30. NA SP 1/10/79–80, fol.79r. 31. Barbara Harris observes that some women—such as Margery Paston and Margaret Douglas—married secretly but notes Mary is “probably the best known early-sixteenth-century woman who openly challenged the arranged marriage” (“Power, Profit, and Passion”), 62–63. 32. Wells and Taylor, Shakespeare, S.d, I.i.1–2. 33. Godefroy, Lettres du roy Louis XII, vol. IV, 326–327. See L&P, I.ii, 2994, for English abstract. 34. L&P, I.ii, 3009. 35. CSPM, 692. June 28, 1514. 36. L&P, I.ii, 3018 and 3041, June 19 and 30. 37. L&P, I.ii, 3043. 38. On August 27 the Venetians held a high mass, rang bells and chanted Te deums throughout the city; the next day they lit fireworks and the Doge sent con- gratulations to Henry and thanks for England’s friendship. CSPV, II, 472–473, 476–7; L&P, I.ii, 3206. For the news about Castile, see L&P, 3337, October 5, 1514. 39. L&P, I.ii, 3173 and 3178; August 18 and 20. CSPV, II, 479, September 1. 40. For the letter expressing Leo’s approval, see L&P, I.ii, 3254. He also rewarded Archbishop Thomas Wolsey, one of the prime architects of the match, with a cardinalship. On May 21, 1514, Polydore Vergil reported to Wolsey that if he had influence on Henry, Leo would make him a cardinal. Later in the letter, Vergil explains that the Pope desires peace (2932). On August 12, the same day Henry informed Leo of the marriage, the king wrote another letter asking for the cardinalship for Wolsey (3140). Leo would deliver on his promise in 1515. 41. L&P, I.ii, 3240. September 4. 42. WQ , 79. Perry argues that the English still desired revenge for French attacks (Sisters, 87). 43. L&P, I.ii, 3252. September 8. 44. Anglica Historia, 224–225. 45. Giry-Deloison notes that when some of the English lords who went to France as part of Mary’s entourage dressed more richly than their hosts, the French condemned them as uncouth and the next day the English dressed more plainly (“ ‘Une haquenée”), 149. 46. “Je suis plus joyeux et plus aise que je fus passé vingt ans; car je suis seur, ou on m’a bien fort menti, qu’il est impossible que le Roy et la Royne puissent avoir enfans, qui est faict à mon advantage” (“Mémoires de M. de Fleuranges”), 44. 47. L&P, I.ii, 3250, September 7, 1514. Seeking to protect Spain from the Anglo- French alliance, Ferdinand ordered his ambassador to negotiate the marriage of the Infante Ferdinand with Louis’s daughter Renée. L&P, I.ii, 3145, August 12, 1514. 48. Hall’s Chronicle, 569. Sir Edward Ponynges told Wolsey that he feared the English would be unable to hold Tournai given the people’s irate reactions to news of the marriage. L&P, I.ii, 3247, September 7, 1514. For her part, Margaret first refused to believe the rumors, then tried to dissuade Henry by reminding him how the French had treated her badly, a suggestion Henry dismissed out of hand. L&P, I.ii, 3174 and 3257, August 19 and September 11, 1514. 49. Spinelly and Wingfield quoted Maximilian’s speech to Henry; see L&P, I.ii, 3264. September 13, 1514. Notes to Pages 56–59 213

50. CSPV, II, 503. October 30, 1514; L&P, I.ii, 3282, September 16, 1514. 51. CSPV, II, 505. October 30, 1514. 52. “Je vous certifie que c’est l’une des belle filles que l’on sçauroit voir, & ne me semble point en avoir oncques veu une si belle, elle a tres bonne grace & le plus beau maintien soit en devises, en danses ou autrement que possible est d’avoir, & elle n’est riens melancholique ains tout recreative.” June 30, 1514. Godefroy, Lettres du roy Louis XII, 338. See L&P, I.ii, 3041, for English abstract. 53. “Le personnaige est si bien qualiffié que il n’y a que redire ne en bonté ne en beauté ne en eaige & la pareille n’est point en Chrestienté. Monsieur est & sera heritier de plusieurs grands Royaulmes & Seigneuries pour parvenir ausquelles, cette alliance luy duit fort & n’en scauroit faire nulle dont il puist estre seur d’estre si bien ny si grandement aydé a secouru” (340). 54. Richardson, WQ , 106–107; Green, Lives, 26. 55. “il me semble qu’elle ayme Monsieur merveilleusement elle a ung tableau où il est tres mal contrefait, il n’est jour de monde qu’elle ne le veulle voir plus de dix fois comme l’on m’a affermé, & si me semble que qui luy veult faire plesir que l’on luy parlé de Monsieur” (338–339). 56. L&P, I.ii, 3129, August 7; 3136, August 10; 3139, August 12, and 3146, August 13, 1514. 57. Elizabethan Silent Language (Lincoln: UNebraska Press, 2000), 3. Although Hazard here discusses Elizabeth, her points also apply to the spectacles of Elizabeth’s father and aunt. 58. CSPV, II, 505. Letter from Nicolò di Favri to Francesco Gradenigo, October 30, 1514. 59. Le Treshault, Tresexcellent, Teschristien [sic] Roy de France Loys douziesme de ce Nom . . . par Moy Loys d’Orleans, Duc de Longueville . . . prent Dame Marie a sa femme & Espouze, & mon dit Tresredoubte Souverain Seigneur vous Promet, & moy pour Luy vous Promestz, que d’oresenavant, & durant sa naturelle Vie, il Vous aura, tiendra, & reputera pour sa Femme & Espouze; Et sur ce, en vertu et povoir dessusdit, il et moy pour Luy vous en baille sa Foy.” Rymer, Foedera, vol. 6.i, 72. 60. “Je Marie . . . prens le dit Seigneur Roy a mon Marye & Espoux, & en Luy Je consens comme a mon Marye & Espoux: & a Luy & a Vous pour Luy Je Promettz que d’oresenavant, durant ma naturelle Vie, Je l’auray, tiendray, & reputeray pour mon Marye & Espoux; Et sur ce baille a Luy et a Vous pour Luy ma Foy.” Rymer, Foedera, vol. 6.i, 72. 61. CSPV, II, 505. 62. CSPV, II, 505. “il Re con una vesta a scachi d’oro e de raxo beretin, con certi fogiami ingalizadi a suo modo, con uno colar che val assa’ danari, e il duca de Longavilla andava quasi a lai Sua Majestà con una vesta a scachi d’oro e di raxo paonazo, con una bellissima colaina. Pasado il Re, vene la Rezina moglie di questo Serenissimo Re, la qual è graveda, vestida de raxo beretin con colaine et zoje, in cao una scufia d’oro senza rechie al modo nostro, e a lai d’essa era la sorella del Re, che è la sposa garzona, di anni 16, con una vestura di raxo beretin, et la vesta di razo paonazo e d’oro fata a scachi, con una simel scufia d’oro, con colaine et zoje.” Diarii, XIX, 190. Favri’s estimate of Mary’s age as sixteen is short by two years. 63. BL Harl. 3462, fol. 142r. There is an English translation in Mumby’s Youth of Henry VIII, 269. 64. CSPV, II, 505. 214 Notes to Pages 59–61

65. L&P, I.ii, 3180, August 22. 66. Frantzen notes that the Tudors esteemed the poem “not only as an example of English love poetry but as an example of highly ornate art valued far above the ‘common speech’ of The Canterbury Tales” (Troilus and Criseyde), 22. Caxton printed an edition in 1483. Moreover, the story itself was popular at the Henrician court; in the Christmas season of 1516, William Cornish and the children of the Chapel Royal played “ye storry of troylous and pandor” to entertain the assembly. See Lerer, Courtly Letters, 34. Lerer highlights the story’s applicability, particularly with regard to Pandarus, to the court politics of Henry VIII. Mary was almost certainly present at this performance, since both she and Brandon were in London for the celebration of Wolsey’s receiving a cardinalship on November 15 (L&P, II.i, 1153). Brandon was still in London on December 22 when he witnessed Wolsey’s receipt of the Great Seal from the Archbishop of Canterbury (L&P, II.i, 1335). There is no further reference to either Mary or Brandon in the state papers until January 10, when Brandon wrote Wolsey from Norwich to affirm that he would return to London for additional business (L&P, II.i, 1397), yet it is reasonable to conclude the couple remained for the Christmas holidays. 67. II, 1027. All references are to Benson’s Riverside Chaucer. 68. Gordon, Story of Troilus, 53. 69. “car c’est la chose en ce monde que plus je desire” (Champollion-Figeac, Lettres de rois, reines), 545. See L&P, I.ii, 3244, September 5. Mary’s three letters to Louis also all mention his having written letters to her. Wolsey also noted in a letter dated September 14 that Louis had sent two more letters to Mary by different bearers; see L&P, I.ii, 3266. 70. “prandre la peine de le presenter a madite femme” (545). 71. For Longueville’s letters, see L&P, I.ii, 3155, August 16 and 3230, September 2, 1514. For Bohier’s letters, see 3202, August 28, and 3233, September 2. 72. Qtd. in Green, Lives. 34. 73. “Et pour ce que par mon cousin vous entendnez come toutes choses ont pris [word omitted] fin et conclusion, et le tres singulier desire que jay [words omitted] vous faire plus longue lettre.” Original, undated, August, 1514, BL Addit. MS 34208, fol. 27r. This manuscript is a modern copy of the French holograph original, held in the BNF. The original transcriber left a gap between the words “jay” and “vous;” working directly from the French original, Green supplies a translation of the missing phrase; see Letters, vol. I, 172–3. 74. “Dire & compter par ton plaisir escript / Disant par tout Jason le ma escript” (Lns. 31, 43–44, emph. mine). Saint-Gelais, Heroides. Later editions, such as the 1546 printing, read “plaisant.” 75. BL Addit. MS 34208, fol. 28r. 76. “vous asseure Monsieur . . . que la chose que plus je desire & souhaite pour le jourdhuy sest dentendre de voz bonnes nouvelles, sante et bonne prosperite.” 77. “vous suppliant monsieur me vouloir ce pendant pour ma tressinguliere consolacion souvent faire scavoir de voz nouvelles.” BL Cott. Vitellius C.XI, fol. 156r. 78. “les tresaffectueuses lettres quil vous a pleu naguaires mescripre qui mont este a tresgrant joye et confort vous asseurant monsieur quil nya riens que tant Je desire que de vous veoir.” BL Cott. Vitellius C.XI, fol. 156r. Notes to Pages 61–64 215

79. “tressinguliere consolacion . . . voz bons et agreables plaisirs pour vous y obeir et complaire.” 80. “qu’el n’y a Amytie ne Allience en la Christiente que tant ne plus Je tiengne chere.” Dated September, 1514. Rymer, Foedera, vol. 6.i, 81. 81. “que ma dite Femme a pris d’avoir ouy de mes Bonnes Nouvelles, & que la chose, que pour le Jourduy plus Elle desire & souhaite, est de Me veoyr & estre en ma Compaignie, Je Vous pris . . . luy dire de par Moy, & Luy faire bien entendre, que mes Desirs & Souhaitz sont pareilz & semblables aux siens.” 82. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 139r. See also L&P, I.ii, 3155, August 16. Cavalcanty could evidently call on other powerful friends. On May 18, 1514, Pope Leo wrote Henry asking for the return of the cargo (L&P, I.ii, 2916). This may have had some effect, since in July of that year, Cavalcanty received a pardon and release from prison (3107). Leo would write Henry again on August 28, 1514 (3205). 83. “Je vous supply quil vous [plaise] ma dame luy estre aidant envers ledit Seigneur” (fol. 139r). Longueville’s letter was burned on all the edges and some words are wholly lost; Rymer, who saw the letter before the fire, supplies “plaise.” Foedera, vol. 6.i, 73. 84. L&P, I.ii, 3614. 85. “la royne ma souveraine dame.” BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 139v. 86. L&P, I.ii, 3294. September 23. Record of Henry’s instructions. 87. L&P, I.ii, 3326; Perry, Sisters, 91. See also Green, Lives, 35. 88. Herbert Norris quotes lengthy excerpts from accounts of Mary’s wardrobe in Tudor Costume and Fashion, 209–11. 89. This batch was assembled from October 1–8, 1514. L&P, I.ii, 3343. Perry speculates that many of these people would have been working to alter the arms of Castile to that of France (Sisters), 91–92. 90. Green, Lives, 35–6. 91. L&P, I.ii, 3272. For an overview of the figure of Hercules in English mythogra- phy, see Pearson’s “Herculean Efforts,” 26–35, and Ferguson’s Utter Antiquity, 14–15. Given that Hercules was poisoned by his wife Deianira, the subject matter may also hint at a little subversive humor. 92. Sanuto, Diarii, XIX, 202–205. The letter has no signature but was apparently meant for the French ambassador in Venice, Antonio Triulzi, the Bishop of Asti; it opens “Reverendissime in Cristo pater et Domine mi singularissime.” Translation from CSPV, II, 511. November 2, 1514. 93. Green, Lives, 35–36. 94. For motto and banners, see CA MS I.3, fol. 85r and Green, Lives, 36. For a description of the litter itself, see Norris, Tudor Costume, 375–377. 95. Ibid., 36. 96. Louis’s letter does not survive, but Wolsey’s letter to Lord Berners, who would be Mary’s chamberlain, outlining the contents of Louis’s letter and asking him to consult Henry, does. L&P, I.ii, 3266. September 14. 97. Rymer, Foedera, vol. 6.i, 81. September, 1514. L&P, I.ii, 3323. 98. National Gallery 2615. For a discussion of the portrait, see Susan E. James, The Feminine Dynamic in English Art, 1485–1603, 38–39. 99. “un diamante in zojelo grando e grosso un bon dedo e una perla in pero soto granda come un ovo di colombo” (167). Letter to Alvise and Francesco Pasqualigo, September 23, 1514, in Sanuto, Diarii, XIX. Translation taken from CSPV, II, 500. 216 Notes to Pages 64–66

100. Ibid. Rawdon Brown, the editor of this volume, notes that “wagons” might be a better translation for “chareta” since carriages weren’t developed until later in the sixteenth century, but nonetheless he ultimately prefers “carriages.” (note, p. 209). 101. Leland’s Collectanea, vol. I.ii, 701–705. Note, Leland’s source reads “The Duchesse of Norffolk, and in her Compaigne, The Countesse of Oxenford her Doughter” (703). It was Norfolk’s sister Anne who was the Countess of Oxford in 1512, not his daughter. The other possible error is that it was the Dowager Duchess of Norfolk, Agnes Howard, who attended, not Elizabeth. The exact number of people accompanying Mary varies slightly depending on the source; CA MS M6bis, fols. 47r-8r lists only men, but gives thirty-seven lords and knights, as well as twelve other men, including Garter King of Arms. Leland’s source lists thirty-five men, with a few alterations to the CA manuscript. 102. BL Cott. Vitellius C.XI, fol. 155r, a list of Mary’s attendants approved by Louis. Leland’s list expands that slightly. Collectanea, vol. I.ii, 703. 103. Hall, Chronicle, 570. See letter from Andrea Badoer, September 16, 1514, re Henry’s plans to sail. L&P, I.ii, 3282. 104. Hall, Chronicle, 570. J.F.D. Shrewsbury speculates that Catherine’s premature labor resulting in a stillborn son one month later may have been caused by her travel here with Mary (“Henry VIII,” 7). Regardless, Catherine’s willingness to travel so late in her pregnancy is evidence of her continuing close relationship with Mary. 105. NA SP 1/10/79–80, fol.79r. That this conversation took place by the waterside is confirmed by another letter to Henry. See BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 253r. 106. Thirteen ships were required for Mary’s transportation; L&P, I.ii, 3513 summarizes the bills required to outfit and provision them. 107. All but 100 of the 500 men aboard the ship lost their lives. Turpyn, Chronicle of Calais, 16. See also Hall, Chronicle, 570, and John Stow, Annales of England (London, 1605), 832. Henry had only recently purchased the Great Elizabeth, which was previously known as the Lubeck. Christopher Coo, the captain of the Lezard, would be paid for transporting survivors home. L&P, I.ii, 3513, no. 2. 108. Anglica Historia, 225. 109. “E al tuor cambiato da tutti, a tutti si offeri molto con alcune parole in franz- ese che ne feze incantar tutti” (167). Letter to Alvise and Francesco Pasqualigo, September 23, 1514, in Sanuto, Diarii, XIX. Translation taken from CSPV, II, 500. My thanks to Ann Cerminaro-Costanzi for confirming the translation. 110. WQ , 86; Sisters, 92. 111. Giry-Deloison quotes Theodore Godefroy’s 1649 history Le Céremonial François, which notes that as Mary and Louis traveled through the towns of Picardy, they were greeted with official entries (“ ‘Un haquenée”), 143. 112. Selling the Tudor Monarchy, 63–64. 113. P. 570. Richardson, WQ , 90, and Perry, Sisters, 95, both name the Cardinal as Georges d’Amboise, but he died in 1510. It is more likely to have been René de Prie, who was the only cardinal recorded present at the entry to Montreuil and who celebrated the marriage in Abbeville. 114. “Réception Solennelle,” 71–75. Giry-Deloison observes that since the manuscript ends when the monks parted from Mary, the account is more a Notes to Pages 66–69 217

testament to their efforts welcoming Mary, not an official record of her entry (“ ‘Un haquenée”), 138–139. 115. “la belle et triumphant pucelle / Plaine d’honneur, de biauté et de sens,” (lns. 1–4, p.74). 116. Lns. 5–13. 117. “icy veons rozes et fleurs de lys / Tout d’un accord à sa noble venue” (lns. 18–19). 118. “ ‘Un haquenée,” 155. 119. Unlike the Bourgogne account, however, the Montreuil entry was recorded in a manuscript designed for circulation and describes Mary’s complete stay in the town. The Montreuil entry was edited by Wormald (“The Solemn Entry of Mary Tudor”) who argues that the prayer at the end of the manuscript indicates the town’s intent to circulate the text and notes that they may well have been competing with Abbeville (who circulated the story of its welcome in print and manuscript) for civic pride (473). 120. “la paix dont elle estoit cause” (476). 121. “la guerre qui est ung monstre merveilleux et dommaigeable mise en essil par la noble dame et le liz uny avecques la Roze” (477). 122. “C’este couronne triumphante / Je t’offre princesse puissante . . . pour la plus excellente et triumphante Royne de toutes les autres,” 477. 123. “representoit le mariage du Roy a la Royne Marie par lequel le poure peuple estoit delivré de la subgection de la guerre mere de tous maulx” (477). 124. “sur toutes fleurs La Rose est belle / Sur toutes fleurs elle est d’eslite” (474, lns. 9–10). Wormald notes that the conceit of France as a garden of lilies was common (473). 125. “la Royne receut aimablement fort comptente” (478). 126. “Chacun prenoit liesse de veoir ladite dame qui a toutes manieres de gens estoit agreable” (479). 127. There are several different accounts of their first meeting. See Hall, Chronicle, 570; Hippolyte Cocheris, Entrées de Marie D’Angleterre, as well as four different letters, all in Sanuto, Diarii, XIX, 196–207. See also CSPV, II, 507–11: 507, a letter from Marco Dandolo, the Venetian ambassador in France to the State, dated October 15 and 17; 508, a letter to the Bishop of Asti in Venice, October 10; 509, a summary of a letter without address, October 8 and 9; and 511, another letter to the Bishop of Asti, October 14. 128. CSPV, 508 and 511. 129. CSPV, 511. Other accounts state that Mary wore cloth of gold brocade on decorated with precious stones (509 and Cocheris, Entrées, 14). Either there was an error or, since another letter (508) reports there was a downpour that “drenched all them all, especially the ladies” right after the meeting, it’s possible that Mary changed clothing. 130. Cocheris, Entrées, 15. 131. CSPV, 508 reports that Mary kissed her hand to Louis first, which he did not understand, and he kissed her directly. See Sanuto, Diarii, “ed accostossi et la baciò; la quale, avanti la basasse, se basò a man sua propria, non intesi cerimo- nia, et le disse alcune parole” (198). Item 511 reports that he went “boldly” (“arditemente”) up to Mary as if they knew each other well, and “having first kissed his own hand to her, he then threw his arm round her neck, and kissed her as kindly . . .” See Sanuto, Diarii (“fra quali etiam che fusseno strectissimi, intrò molto arditemente, et si accostò a lei basandosi prima la mano propria, 218 Notes to Pages 69–71

poi cum butarli un brazo al collo et basarle cussi gratiosamente come s’el fusse stato de 25 anni” (203). 132. Cocheris, Entrées, 15. 133. CSPV, 509 and 511. 134. Fleuranges, Mémoires, 43. He also inaccurately reports the presence of Charles Brandon, the Duke of Suffolk (who didn’t arrive until later) but nonetheless there can be no doubt, Mary’s entourage made an impressive display. 135. “Ne prenda admiratione vostra reverendissima signoria, se ogni cosa quasi se scrive in superlativo grado, che ancora è più che non se scrive, et a gran gloria di questa Regina” (205). Sanuto, Diarii, XIX. CSPV, 511. 136. Green, Lives, 41. 137. “Pulchra Maria vales lilia colligere” (15–6). François-César Louandre, Histoire d’Abbeville et du comté de Ponthieu jusqu’en 1789. Vol. II, 3rd ed. (Abbeville: Auguste Alexandre, 1844). 138. The travel writer Lady Georgiana Chatterton noted that the Fosse-aux- Ballades was a place in the woods, a sort of primitive amphitheatre, where poets, musicians, singers, and actors from Abbeville would go to listen to one another’s work, to enact contests, etc. See The Pyrenees: with excursions into Spain Vol. 1 (London: Saunders and Otley, 1843), 13. 139. Louandre, Histoire d’Abbeville, 16. Giry-Deloison notes that the ship is a significant theme, especially since it recurs in the pageantry of Boulogne, Abbeville, and Paris; he argues that “the boat, which was one of the emblems of the capital of her new kingdom, represented the only means of transport (and only physical link) between France and England and therefore the crossing of the divide between the two countries.” “Un haquenée,” 152–3. He also speculates that the gift of a silver boat to Mary in Paris may have been the same present she gave in turn to some heralds and musicians, and if so, “the going back and forth of the ship symbolised the renewed amity between France and England” (153). 140. CSPV, 511. 141. Later that evening, the dancing and music continued at banquets in Mary’s honor. Tragically, a fire broke out in the town and four houses burned; the chronicler notes that the fire got worse because they weren’t allowed to ring alarm bells that would have summoned help, lest the noise disturb the king. CSPV, 511. 142. CSPV, 510. October 9. 143. “et de gran longeza che mai fu vista tanta” (206). Sanuto, Diarii, XIX. CSPV, 511. 144. CSPV, 510. Louandre, Histoire d’Abbeville, 17. Cocheris, Entrées, 17. 145. CSPV, 511. 146. Cocheris, Entrées, 17. 147. Elsewhere in Sanuto’s diaries, Princess Claude is referred to as “Madame; presumably the same is true here (202). See CSPV, 510. 148. “el Re è comparso molto alegro et gajo, et tre volta questa note ha passato la riviera e più l’haveria fatto se havesse voluto” (199). Sanuto, Diarii, XIX. CSPV, 508. 149. “disoit qu’il avoit faict merveilles” (44). Fleuranges, Mémoires. 150. “lesquelz il faisoit tres bon ouyr” (17). Cocheris, Entrées. 151. CSPV, 508. 152. Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd ser., Vol. I, 242–243. Notes to Pages 71–74 219

153. Qtd. in Green, Lives, 52. L&P, I.ii, 3387, catalogues this letter as October 25, but Brandon explicitly states he arrived on Thursday, which was October 26. 154. Ibid, 52–3. Green italicizes the phrase “your grace knows why.” That phrase would seem to indicate a known attachment between Brandon and Mary before her marriage to Louis. 155. “et est une aussi belle dame que jamais dame nature créa; et l’ayme tant le Roy”(263). Garnier, Joseph. “Correspondance de la Mairie de Dijon,” Analecta divionensia: Documents Inédits pour servir a L’Histoire de France Vol. I (Dijon: J-E. Rabutot, 1868). 156. “La dicte dame est tres belle honneste & joyeuse & est pour prendre plaisir en tous esbatemens, elle ayme la chasse & tyre de larc a la facon dangleterre si bien que merveille . . . Je croy que ce sera une dame daudasse, car elle ne seffraye de rien, & cy commende sagement a ses gens se quelle veult avoir” (Cocheris, Entrées), 7. 157. Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd series, Vol. I, 235–236. 158. Warnicke notes that Mary requested Thomas Boleyn to send his daughter, “la pettite Boulain” to join her in France. Citing Anne’s hope that of speaking with Mary, Warnicke asserts that that Anne had really been sent to live in the French nursery with princess Renée, since she was too young to act as a maid of honor (Rise and Fall), 14–17. 159. BL Cott. Vitellius C.XI, fol. 155r. 160. L&P, I.ii, 3354. For a complete listing of what the Garter King at Arms, Thomas Wriothesley, received, see Jerdan, Rutland Papers, 25–7. The chronicler notes that knights had the same amount as the Garter, while barons double that, earls and bishops double that again, and the Duke of Norfolk, twice as much as an earl (27). 161. WQ , 107–108. For Loades, see “Mary.” 162. CSPS, I, 288. 163. CSPS, I, 292. De Puebla to Ferdinand and Isabella reporting his conversation with Henry. Isabella ignored him, since her next letter to de Puebla explained she added more names (293). March 23, 1501. 164. Rise and Fall, 18. 165. October 12, 1514. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 257r. 166. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 257r. 167. WQ , 109. 168. October 12, 1514. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 146v. 169. “Le 9 d’octobre 1514, furent les amoureuses nopces de Louis XII, roi de France, et de Marie d’Angleterre, et furent espousés a dix heures du matin; et le soir couchèrent ensemble” (“Journal de Louise de Savoye,” 89). 170. Fleuranges, Mémoires, 44. 171. Fleuranges, Mémoires, 44. “Et avoit tant faict ledict sieur, que madame Claude, sa femme, ne bougeoit de la chambre de la Royne, et lui avoit-on baille madame d’Aumont pour sa dame d’honneur, laquelle couchoit dans sa chambre.” Ironically, Brantôme’s gossip suggests that the man Francis and Louise needed to fear most was the dauphin himself and that he needed to be warned about the consequences of attempting to consummate his infatuation with Mary. Oeuvres Complètes, 640. Matarasso points out that such gossip was surely unfounded, given that Louise felt comfortable returning home to Romorantin, something highly unlikely if her son were truly in danger of disinheriting himself. (Queen’s Mate, 284). 220 Notes to Pages 74–79

172. “pour le porter bientost et plus doucement en enfer ou en paradis” (Fleuranges, Mémoires), 45. 173. He speculates that the basoche may have been taking particular revenge on Louis who had forbidden them to criticize his second wife, Anne of Brittany (“ ‘Un haquenée,”), 134–135. 174. “Introduction,” 4. 175. The Man of Law’s Tale, in Benson, Riverside Chaucer, 745. 176. Two competing translations were published in England in 1509; one version, by Henry Watson, was published by Wynkyn de Worde. According to Jones and Underwood, Margaret’s involvement with de Worde’s version was fairly minimal—the work only published after her death—but they point out that his citation of her patronage provides further example of the power of her name, even posthumously (King’s Mother), 185–186. The work’s popularity would likely ensure Mary’s familiarity with the text; Wynkyn de Worde’s con nection to Margaret Beaufort strengthens that likelihood. I have cited Watson’s edition, fols. S1v-S2r. 177. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol.146v. October 12, 1514. 178. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 257r. October 12, 1514. 179. Kellner, Blanchardyn and Englantine, 158. 180. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 257r. 181. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 150r. October 20, 1514. 182. Green, Lives, 48. Green translates a lengthy excerpt from Wolsey’s letter. See also L&P, I.ii, 3381. 183. Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd ser., Vol. I, 244. 184. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 160r. November 18. 185. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 196v. This portion of the letter is written in Dorset’s hand; given his spelling, I have modernized the language. The original reads: “the quenys grace cantuniys stylele her goudeness & vysdome & incresyth in the same so that che lysyth no gronde & duly incresehyth in the kyngys her husbandes fawer & in the fa[vor] ofe hys pryfe consele.” 186. Green, Letters, vol. I, 178–179. 187. For the November annuity, see L&P, I.ii, 3499, and for the June annuity, see L&P, II.i, 569. 188. NA MS SP 1/9/158. November 13, 1514. 189. Dewick, Coronation Book of Charles V of France, 44. 190. “Ceremonies and Privileges of Office: Queenship in Late Medieval France,” 182. 191. “Taking a Second Look,”106. Sherman also notes the emphasis on the queen’s inability to inherit relates to the English claims to the French throne, claims that descended from the female line. 192. See pps. 45 and 48. 193. Sherman, 107. For the original Latin, see Coronation Book, 48. 194. “Journal de Louise de Savoye,” 89. 195. Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd series, Vol. I, 247–254. November 7, 1514. 196. “desirans de tout nostre coeur qu’elle y soit par vous recueillye, honorée et receue le plus honorablement et grandement que faire ce pourra” (34–35). Baskervill, Gringore’s pageants. 197. Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd series, Vol. I, 253–254. November 7, 1514. 198. Cocheris, Entrées, 21–25. Notes to Pages 79–86 221

199. Cocheris, Entrées, 25–26. Hall provides the details of pearls on the necklace, 571. 200. Hall, 571. Cocheris’s account specifies that Francis rode at her side, not behind, 25. 201. Cocheris, Entrées, 26. 202. Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd ser., Vol. I, 254. November 7, 1514. 203. Gringore’s pageants, 1–15. See also L&P, I.ii, 3417, for English translations of descriptions of the pageants. 204. “quilz estoyent en vie que ce feussent statuez” (11). 205. “Un haquenée,” 157. 206. “par toy vivons en plaisir et en joye”(2). 207. “Mais marie nostre royne et maistresse / A apporté au roy doulx et courtoys / Present de paix pour francoys et angloys” (6). 208. “Veni amica mea veni coronaberis” (6). Baskervill, Gringore’s pageants. Biblical citations are taken from the Douai-Rheims and Vulgate translations. The line mostly derives from verse 8, “Come from Libanus, my spouse, come from Libanus, come: thou shalt be crowned from the top of Amana” but the phrase “my love” (“amica mea”) comes from the first verse. 209. Song of Solomon 7:2: “Venter tuus sicut aceruus tritici vallatus liliis.” Psalm 121:7: “Ffiat pax in virtute tua et habundancia in turribus tuis.” 210. “dicelle estoille de mer a mys bon accord entre les princes” (12). 211. “la paix entre dieu & les hommes / Par le moyen de la vierge marie” (15). 212. “en leur triumphe et magnificence” (6). 213. Cocheris, Entrées, 31–32. 214. “jamais homme vivant ne vit si sumptueux souper a entrée de royne” (33). Cocheris, Entrées. 215. Cocheris, Entrées, 33–34. 216. For the detail of the value of the plate, see Hall, 572. As Jean Starobinski notes, “whenever it was a matter of manifesting power, Renaissance courts punctuated profane fetes with the paroxysm of throwing out largesse” (Largesse, 38). 217. Bonnardot, “si en aucune chose elle povoit fere plaisir à la Ville envers le Roy, le feroit très voulentiers” (218). 218. CSPV, II, 518. November 13, 1514. Sanuto, Diarii, XIX, 295–296. 219. Richardson, WQ , 118. 220. Turpyn, Chronicle of Calais, 16. 221. Sanuto, Diarii, XIX, 295. Green, Lives, 62–63 and Richardson, WQ , 119, both of which quote the French manuscript, Brienne MS 271. 222. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 196r. November 22, 1514. Dorset to Wolsey. 223. Lives, 62–63. 224. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 196r. November 22, 1514. Dorset to Wolsey. 225. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 160v. November 18, 1514. For the letter to Henry, see L&P, vol. I.ii, item 3437, which quotes him directly. 226. CB, 34–35. 227. L&P, I.ii, 3477. Louis’s answer to Brandon’s propositions. November 26. 1514. 228. “la mere et Royne dez estuder . . . notre mere et souveraine dame” (fol. 227r). BL Harl. 1757. 229. BN MS Français 5104, fol. Ev. The image is available on Gallica at the permanent address: http://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b7200014d.planc- hecontact.f25.langFR. 222 Notes to Pages 86–91

230. I am very grateful to Professor Richardson for sharing a copy of his paper, “An Oration to Mary Tudor, Queen of France, 1514,” which he delivered at the Sixteenth Century Studies Conference in Minneapolis in October, 2007. 231. Green, Lives, 67–69. 232. Green, Lives, 69. 233. Bonnardot, Registres, 219. 234. Ibid., 219. 235. Qtd. in Timothy Hampton’s Fictions of Embassy: Literature and Diplomacy in Early Modern Europe (Ithaca and London: Cornell UP, 2009), 54. 236. Green, Lives, 69. October 25. 237. BL Cott. Vespasian F.III, fol. 50r. 238. Jane Couchman explores the ways that Catherine de Bourbon similarly informs her brother of her husband’s devotion to her in order to maintain good relations. See “Resisting Henri IV: Catherine de Bourbon and her Brother” in Miller and Yavneh, Sibling Relations, 70. 239. Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd ser., Vol. I, 261. L&P, vol. I.ii, 3440. 240. NA SP 1/9/147. October 18, 1514. 241. NA SP 1/9/148. October 20, 1514. 242. Descars did return to France, although I can find no record stating precisely when, nor the amount of his ransom. 243. “sans nulle cause veritable” (fol. 148r). BL Cott. Caligula D.VI. 244. “Je vous prie de Rechief / et en faveur de moy en Recompense des services quil nous a faitz et a ce quil soit plus curieux de prier dieu pour vous & moy Luy faire quelque bun.” 245. “par aucune de noz especiaulx serviteurs d’angleterre.” 246. Green, Lives, 53. 247. “la Raina mi ha dimandà do cosse, l’una che tolemo impresa de Italia, l’altra che andemo a veder Veniexia” (196–7). Sanuto, Diarii, XIX. Translation from CSPV, II, 507. October 15 and 17, 1514. 248. CSPV, II, 547. December 8, 1514. Marco Dandolo to Venice. 249. L&P, I.ii, 3533. December 8, 1514. 250. “Contes & ducz de son noble sang proches / Trouvoient moien de faire leurs approches / Tout pres de moy, sachasne povoir mieulx / Complaire a luy que m’estre gracieux.” Letter 14. Bouchet. Epistres Morales, fol. xviii, lns. 14–18. 251. L&P, I.ii, 3518. December 4, 1514, regarding the amount; item 3544, December 14, and CSPV, II, 528, for more details. 252. “le contentement que j’ay de la Royne ma femme votre bon seur . . . laquelle s’est jusques ici conduycte et conduyt encores journellement envers moy de sorte que Je ne sauvoyr que grandement me louer and contenter d’elle, et de plus en plus l’aymer, honnorer, et tenir chiere” (261). Ellis, Original Letters, 2nd ser, Vol. I. Translation from Green, Lives, 71.

3 Marrying Where “my mynd is” 1. BL Cott. Vespasian F.XIII, fol. 281r. 2. Bridge summarizes the debate over the precise date (December 31 or January 1), ultimately making a convincing case for the latter. See A History of France, 267–283. Notes to Pages 91–96 223

3. BL Cott. Vespasian F.XIII, fol. 281r. For an overview of such romantic treat- ments of Mary, see the introduction to this book. 4. BL Cott. Vespasian F.XIII, fol. 281r. 5. Harris’s overview of Mary’s marriage surveys the few other early modern women who defied arranged marriages, noting that Mary is the most famous example (“Power, Profit, and Passion,” 62–63). 6. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 253v. Mary to Henry. Undated, late January/early February 1515. 7. Sanuto, Diarii, XIX, 363. CSPV, II, 553. 8. Sanuto, Diarii, XIX, 371. CSPV, II, 562. 9. Mémoires, 45. 10. Holinshed’s Chronicles, Vol III, 610. 11. Mémoires, 46. 12. Barrillon was a secretary for Francis’s chancellor, Anthoine Duprat. He writes, “Ledict seigneur la visitoyt souvent et faisoyt toutes gracieusetez qu’il est possible faire” (Journal de Jean Barrillon, 13). 13. Sanuto, Diarii, XIX, 397. CSPV, II, 573 and 574. 14. Fleuranges, Mémoires, 46. 15. WQ , 130–1. 16. WQ , 131. Perry seems to agree, noting that Mary “lived night and day by candlelight, dressed in the terrible white garments which made her look more like an abbess than a queen” (Sisters, 109). 17. See L&P, II.i, 26, Robert Wingfield to Henry, for example. 18. Oeuvres Complètes, vol. IX, 641–2. Brantôme’s account is a kind of historical fiction; he crafts narratives to entertain and comment on society more than for accurate detail. For instance, LaGuardia provides an example of how Brantôme enacts and disrupts masculinist fantasies in his accounts. See Intertextual Masculinity, 181–226. 19. Fleuranges, Mémoires, 46. “Elle ne sçavoit aultre roy que lui; car elle ne pensoit point avoir fruict au ventre qui l’en peust empescher.” 20. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI. fol. 214v. Brandon, Nicholas West, and Richard Wingfield to Henry. February 10, 1515. 21. Brown, Four years, Vol. I, 39. Ferdinand of Aragon also thought that Francis would go, as he advised his ambassador in Rome to inform the pope. See CSPS, II, 207. 22. Rymer, Foedera, vol. 6.i, 65. For complete description in English, see CSPS, II, 183. 23. BL Cott. Galba B.III. fol. 257r. 24. NA SP 1/10/9. 25. BL Cott. Galba B.III. fol. 311r. January 17, 1515. 26. BL Cott. Galba B.III. fol. 318r. February 6, 1515. Spinelly’s warnings continued as late as March 5; see L&P, II.i, 221. 27. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI. fol. 214v. February 10, 1515. For Gattinare, see L&P, II.i, 114. February 4, 1515. 28. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 273r. Undated, late December, 1514. 29. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 165r, February 8, 1515. Given Brandon’s spelling, I have modernized the language. The original reads: “was moche boundon to god yt he had gyefwon her soo good and lofyng a brodar wyche sche has hall was fond bowth a fadar and a brodar and nhow spyssealle in her most nede 224 Notes to Pages 96–98

wher fo sche prayd god yt sche myth lyef non lyngar dyn sche schold doo yt thyng yt schold by to your counttent tasseun and plyssur.” 30. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 213r, February 10, 1515. 31. This letter was partially burned in the 1731 fire that damaged the Cotton collection. I follow the speculations made by the editors of the L&P since they fit the size of the gaps; see. vol. II.i, 139. 32. Green notes that John Benedict Moncetto, the vicar-general of France and England, wrote Mary a consolatory epistle on Louis’s death in Latin, Quæstio consolatoria, in which he creates a dialogue between Mary and himself in which he comforts her in her despair at Louis’s premature death and her lament for the rapid change in her circumstances, which contrasts her glorious welcome with her present mourning (Lives), 74–75. See BL Addit. 15221, dated January 26, 1515. 33. See, for example, BL Cott. Galba B.III, fol. 314r. Spinelly to Henry. January 29, 1515. 34. Richardson, WQ , 143; L&P, II.i, p. xvii. 35. For instance, “Mary” writes, “I beg you to mix a little of your joy with my pain, that from you I see one word that will console me, and quickly to write me back how I can bring an end to my cries” (“Je te supply mesle ung peu de ta joye / A ma douleur, que de toy ung mot je oye / Consolatif, & promptement m’escriptz / Comment pourray donner treve à mes criz”) (197). Les poésies de Guillaume Crétin, 191–8. I have been unable to determine a date of composition, but Crétin died in 1525. 36. Epistres Morales, fols. xvii-xix (under “Epistres Familieres”). In Lives, Green describes the poem in greater detail, observing that it was commissioned by the Prince of Talmond, then notes how it celebrates Louis, commemorates Mary’s loving attention during his final months, and compares her to classical heroines such as Helen and Briseis (75–76). 37. “Ung cler ruysseau bruyant & rutillant, / Qui par mes yeulx sen alloit distillant / Sur mon visage, & d’illec descendoit / Sur le papier” (lns. 9–12). 38. “Encores tremble en escripuant ma main / Ceste douleur” (lns. 23–4). 39. Jane Couchman similarly explores the ways that Catherine de Bourbon’s professions of devotion to her brother stem from epistolary convention as much as they do from personal feelings. See “Resisting Henri IV: Catherine de Bourbon and her Brother” in Miller and Yavneh, Sibling Relations, 65. 40. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 255r. Undated, January/February 1515. 41. BL Cott. Caligula Caligula D.VI, fols. 253r-254r. Undated, January/February 1515. 42. These letters all belong to the spring of 1515. The closings belong to BL Cott. Caligula Caligula D.VI, fol. 256r, January; fol. 254v, January/February; fol. 250r, 15 February; and fol. 247r, March, respectively. 43. See The Lioness Roared, 25–62. 44. NA SP 1/10/79. Undated, April 30/May 1, 1515. 45. Lns. 288–94, fol. A6v. 46. Courtly Letters, 56. 47. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 257r. 48. My emphasis. The OED notes that “store” can mean “stock, reserves, often in immaterial sense, treasures, accumulated resources” and as a verb, “to restore what is ruined or weakened” (7c and 3). BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 255r. Undated, January, 1515. Notes to Pages 99–103 225

49. “Two thynges me conforte” he says: books and letters. Lns. 281–294, fol. A6v. 50. Fol. 255r. 51. Fol. 255r-v. 52. Fol. 256r. The “mother” is another name for hysterica passio. Kaara Peterson identifies this disease as a “uterine malady . . . [that] describes primarily respira- tory distress along with a sensation of strangling or pressure sometimes leading to a complete cessation of visible breathing. An attendant coldness of the body . . . is especially popular in Renaissance descriptions of symptomology” (“Re-Anatomizing Melancholy”), 154. The “Master John” Mary refers to is probably John Veyrier, sometimes also spelled Veyrery or Veyrye, the chief surgeon who began serving the Tudors under Henry VII. He was at Henry VIII’s coronation. L&P, vol. I.i, item 82. June 24, 1509. 53. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fols. 248v-249r. This letter is dated February 15, but Mary fabricates the timing of the events described, telling Henry that they took place the previous Tuesday night. However, Francis only returned to Paris on Thursday, February 15. He had left the city on January 18 to be crowned at Rheims on January 25, and his movements thereafter, visiting various shrines at Corbeny, Compiègne, and Senlis, are documented. See Knecht, Renaissance Warrior, 46–47. The events described must have occurred before February 3, when Brandon writes Wolsey to explain that Mary told Francis about their relationship and therefore must truly have happened before January 18. 54. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 250v. 55. “Thicker than Water” 12, in Sibling Relations. 56. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 255v. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 253v. 57. “vel dolo seducta aut Circumventa, Terroribusve sive minis impulsa, sed Sponte & ex Animo suo” (63). Rymer, Foedera, vol. 6.i, my translation. See chapter 2 for more. 58. BL Caligula D.VI, fol. 253r. This letter is undated but its content signals it was written in late January/early February 1515. 59. Fol. 253r. This letter was badly damaged by fire. In her edition, Green notes that Joseph Grove, who had access to Mary’s letters before they were damaged in the 1731 fire, quotes the passage fully in his History of the life and times of Cardinal Wolsey: “That your grace well knows what I did as to my first marriage was for your pleasure, and now I trust you will suffer me to do what I like” (Letters, 188, note a). I follow her in supplying the words “pleasure” and “marry as me liketh for to do” since based on the size of the gaps in the original and Grove’s quote, they seem a reasonable formulation of Mary’s original words. To preserve readability, I have not included all the brackets indicating where I silently added obvious missing letters. 60. “la qual vol tornar in Anglia,” in Sanuto, Diarii, 390. See also CSPV, II, 570. 61. After Brandon confessed the marriage, Wolsey replied that Henry could not believe that Brandon would break “yowr promysse made to hys grace in hys hand” at Eltham in front of Wolsey. NA SP 1/10/77. March 1515. 62. L&P, II.i, 94. 63. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 273r. 64. L&P, II.i, 160. Spinelly to Henry, February 13, 1515. 65. In Letters, Green provides a transcription of most of the letter (195–6). See also L&P, II.i, 106. Dated February 3, 1515. 66. L&P, II.i, 113. Undated, February, 1515. 226 Notes to Pages 103–105

67. For Mary’s reference, see BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 246r; Brandon writes twice, once to Wolsey to warn him (Caligula D.VI, fol. 191r), the other to Henry when he apologizes for the marriage, Caligula D.VI, fol. 183r. His second letter gives one’s name as [Bonaventure] Langley; the second friar’s name was lost in the Cotton fire; all that can be read is “fryar fr” (fol. 184v). 68. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 191r. February 8, 1515. 69. L&P, II.i,160. Spinelly to Henry, February 13, 1515. 70. Mercurin de Gattinare to Margaret of Austria (Savoy). February 15, 1515. (Le Glay, Négotiations diplomatiques, Vol. II, 60–2). 71. NA SP 1/10/81. 72. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 163r. February, 1515. The day was lost in the fire, but using the precise phrasing that Mary employed suggests the same period. 73. I have modernized the language. The original reads: “hall me monne es gone and the qvyen and I bowth most meke fryndys and they wyell not by gotten wyet howth monne.” BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 168r. February 8, 1515. 74. The original reads “hall me nold fyellowes bowth [men] and women . . . .for daw me bodde by her me hart es wyet you.” Quoted in L&P, II.i, 146. 75. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 171r. To Wolsey, February 26, 1515. Actually, after Brandon wrote that promise, he squeezed into the margin a specific reference to jewels and plate, letting one wonder if he was nervous about giviing Henry a blank check of “wat he lest.” 76. See the February 15 letter, (Caligula D.VI); for Francis, fol. 248v, for Henry, fol. 249r. 77. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 260r. Undated, but the content points to early February. 78. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 262r. Undated, February/early March. 79. The original reads “arredde to wreth wyet thyr aun handys to the kyng me masstar aftar scheth frome as I thane thynke byst bout I doo pout et off tall I may have your advyes.” BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 190r. The date is lost, but Brandon refers to receiving Wolsey’s last letter on February 11. 80. Le Glay, Négotiations diplomatiques, 73. For Spinelly, see L&P, II.i, 180. 81. L&P, II.i, 203. This document is an undated draft corrected by Wolsey, yet it mentions receiving the ambassadors’ letter dated February 18. 82. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fols. 246v-247r. Undated, March, 1515. 83. Green quotes extensively from the original instructions; see Lives 102–4. See L&P, II.i, 468 for an abstract of the incomplete copy archived in England. She also supplies the Ash Wednesday date and notes that a French chronicle gives the date for the marriage as March 3; however she observes obliquely that Brandon’s confession on March 5 includes their (unfounded) fear that Mary was pregnant, which would seem to preclude a March 3 date (Lives), 90. One could speculate that if the French chronicler were correct, the two might have engaged in premarital sex, thus necessitating a hasty marriage, but that would seem unlikely, given how foolhardy such an action would be and how difficult to arrange, not ignoring how it would contradict Mary’s statement about Brandon never getting to enjoy her did he not agree to the marriage. It would, however, explain the decision to act so precipitously. By contrast, if Henry’s letter refusing to commit to the marriage sparked the decision, then that would argue for a date around February 24, provided they adhered to Mary’s four-day deadline. 84. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 185v. Undated, March 1515. Notes to Pages 105–112 227

85. The original reads “the quyne wold newar let me [be in] rest toll I had granttyed her to by married [and] soo to by playn wyet you I have mared her haretetylle and has lyen wyet her in soo moche I fyer me lyes yt sche by wyet chyeld.” BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 180r. 86. L&P , II.i, 223. 87. Cott. Vespasian F.III, fol. 41r. 88. L&P, II.i, 231. 89. NA SP 1/10/77. The document is a draft in Wolsey’s own hand. 90. For his, see Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol.263r. For hers, see Caligula D.VI, fols. 248v-249r. 91. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 251r. 92. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 188r. Undated, March 1515. 93. Selling the Tudor Monarchy, 67. 94. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 183r. Undated, March 1515. 95. The original reads “yt the kyng me brodar es counttent and the frynche kyng bowth the towne by hes lyettares and the todar by hes wardes yt I schold have [y]ou I wyll have the ty[m] aftar meen dyssour” (fol. 186r). Both the L&P (II.i, 80) and Green, Letters, 201, transcribe the first word here as “yf” but the second letter is clearly a “t” making the word “that,” which claims a much stronger position for Mary and makes more sense in context. 96. The original reads “you wyell not by countynt to follow [my m]end loke newar after thys d[ay to have] the proffar agayene (fol. 186r). 97. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 246r. Undated, March 1515. 98. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 253r. Undated, January/February 1515. 99. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fols. 246r-v. Undated, March 1515. 100. Lerer, Courtly Letters, 87–88. 101. Brown, Four years, Vol. I, 43–44. 102. CSPV, II, 593. March 26, 1515. 103. The full text of Isabella’s letter (in Latin) may be found in Ellis, Original Let- ters, Vol. I, 2nd ser, 263–265. An abstract of it may be found in L&P, II.i, 257. 104. Champollion-Figeac, Lettres de rois, Vol. II, 552–4. 105. For Henry’s letter, see NA SP 1/10/61. For Wolsey’s, see BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 259r. Both are dated February 18, 1515. 106. NA SP 1/10/106. 107. The artist is unknown; see Richardson, WQ , 140, and the image that follows on the insert. Although Richardson interprets this as a reference to her personal cleanliness, Perry more accurately identifies it as a reference to her dishonesty in the matter of the Mirror of Naples (Sisters), 112. 108. See Green, Lives, 95–8, for a more complete overview. 109. L&P, II.i, 304. 110. Richardson, WQ , 181–182. 111. Quoted in L&P, II.i, 204. 112. L&P, II.i, Appendix, 7. March 12, 1515. Green quotes the letter at length in Lives, 96–7, note 3. 113. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 251r. 114. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 258r. 115. Quoted in L&P, II.i, Appendix, 7. 116. BL Cott. Caligula D.XI, fol. 86r. 117. “homme de basse condition.” “Journal de Louise de Savoye,” 89. 118. L&P, II.i, 296. 228 Notes to Pages 112–116

119. L&P, II.i, 318, 319, and 327. 120. The original reads “be paut to dyth ar by paut in prysson and soo to by disstrued alaf” BL Cott. Vespasian F.XIII, fol. 80r. 121. The original reads “me svffaryn lord and masstar and he yt has browth me op of nowth.” 122. The original reads “not fyryng the malles of thym for I know your grace of scheth natur yt et can not by in thyr pour es to caus you to dysstru me for ther malles bout wat pounesment so evar I have I schall thanke god and your grace of et and thynke yt I have wyell dessurvyed.” 123. NA SP 1/10/79–80. Undated, but since their stay in Calais was limited and Mary makes reference to being there, it must have been composed either April 30 or May 1, 1515. The watermark on the letter indicates that the paper was Wolsey’s own. Furthermore, the abstract in L&P, II.i, 227, indicates that the hand is Brian Tuke’s, with corrections in Wolsey’s hand. 124. Antenhofer notes that Barbara of Brandenburg, marchesa of Mantua, would share drafts with her husband and son (“Letters Across the Borders,” 107–9). See Daybell’s Women Letter-Writers in Tudor England in which he identifies several such instances, including an example of a secretary guiding his employer Lady Elizabeth Willoughby’s rhetoric (77–80). Other manuscript letters reveal extensive authorial revision; Sara Jayne Steen’s edition, Letters of Lady Arbella Stuart, provides myriad examples, especially on pps. 239–41, 244–6, and 251–5. Women were not alone in such practices. In Letterwriting in Renaissance England, Stewart and Wolfe include a transcription of a letter from Nathaniel Bacon to Lady Anne Heydon, drafted by a secretary, that reveals extensive corrections in Bacon’s hand (65–7). 125. Women Letter-Writers in Tudor England, 79. In an earlier essay, he also argues that although it is important to consider the influence of third parties, the final version of a letter represents the way “a woman wished to project herself,” no matter what changes might have been suggested by a secretary. See “Women’s Letters and Letter Writing in England, 1540–1603” in Shakespeare Studies 27 (1999): 170. 126. Rich Apparel: clothing and the law in Henry VIII’s England (Farnham and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2009), 169. 127. An indenture made regarding Mary and Brandon’s debts in December 1526 offers certain jewels left to Mary in partial payment of the debt and specifies that should Mary die without repaying the full amount, any remaining jewels and plate she possessed would be given to Henry. NA E30/1446. See also L&P, IV.ii, 2744. 128. Turpyn, Chronicle of Calais, 17. Gunn, CB, 37. Gunn notes that Richardson (and Green’s) reading of Barking is a mistake for Birling, where Henry was known to have been on May 6. Birling is also much closer to Dover. 129. Green, Lives, 102. 130. L&P, II.i, 436. See Gunn, CB, 38, and Green, Lives, 107–8, who corrects the L&P entry by noting that the payments are twice a year, totaling 2,000 pounds. 131. Green publishes lengthy excerpts from the original document in Lives, 102–4, including the full details of the public marriage and what Sidney was supposed to say. See also L&P, II.i, 468. 132. “Et me dit que devez soliciter le roi d’Angleterre qu’il la retire en ses mains . . . que s’elle se mari en France et le roi d’Angleterr mouroit sans hoirs, Notes to Pages 116–122 229

il metteroit son royaume en grant hasart” (qtd. in footnote 1, 73). Le Glay, Négotiations diplomatiques. 133. L&P, I.ii, 3206. 134. See Bodl. Wood MS F33, fols. 45r-46v; L&P, II.i, 1652, and Richardson, WQ , 199–200. 135. Hall, Chronicle, 703. Actually, this was Mary’s second son, also named Henry. The first died by 1522; the second was born in 1522. See CA MS R.36, fol. 55v, which contains an epitaph for both boys. The birth date of the second may be extrapolated from Hall’s comment about his age at the time of his creation as Earl of Lincoln. 136. Richardson, WQ , 269. His decision ultimately made possible the events leading up to the execution of Mary’s granddaughter Lady Jane Grey after the death of Edward VI. 137. Quoted in L&P, II.i, 197. February 27, 1515. 138. L&P, II.i, 199.

4 Always the French Queen: Identity Politics 1. Fisher, Here after ensueth two fruytfull sermons, fols. A2r-v. 2. Hatt notes that Fisher was a member of Catherine’s entourage and that the next year he gave two different sermons inspired by the scene, one for All Saints Day and one at the start of Advent (English Works of John Fisher), 9. She also notes that he arranged for them to be printed in 1532 in support of Catherine during the divorce proceedings (11). 3. CSPV, II, 618. May 15, 1515. 4. Brown, Four years, I, 120. CSPV, II, 638. 5. Ibid, 120. 6. NA SP 1/10/165–170, fol. 165r. 7. Anglica Historia, 232–3. Although this anecdote may represent anti-Wolsey rhetoric, nonetheless it seems a reasonable approximation of the Cardinal’s typical actions. 8. L&P, II.i, 1604. 9. BL Cott. Titus B.I, fol. 71r, to Henry. The original reads, “her dyed and fry wyell the wyche your grace schall wyell parssyef yt et tys doun wyet good mynd and hart.” The letter to Wolsey may be found in the same manuscript, fol. 313r. 10. CB, 61. 11. For 1526, see NA SP E30/1446. Henry’s great seal is attached. The 1525 document is a fragment of a draft, according to L&P, Addenda, 477. 12. For a reproduction of the map, see Mitton’s Maps of Old London, 234–5. For more information on the building, see 47–48 of Maurice Howard’s “Power and the Early-Tudor Courtier’s House.” 13. Kingsford, A Survey of London by John Stow Vol. II, 59. The text refers to the 1603 edition. 14. “Power and the Early-Tudor Courtier’s House,” 47. 15. Ibid., 46. 16. Shoberl, Suffolk, 194. 17. For a complete description of the house, see Gunn and Lindley’s “Charles Brandon’s Westhorpe,” including full text of a manuscript survey of the building done in 1538. 230 Notes to Pages 122–124

18. Wodderspoon, Historic Sites, 61–62. See also Gunn and Lindley, “Charles Brandon’s Westhorpe,” 281. 19. Gunn, CB, 69. 20. For the bridge, see Gunn and Lindley, “Charles Brandon’s Westhorpe,” 279 and for Mary’s arms, see Richardson, WQ , 213–214. 21. For a sketch of her personal seal, containing her arms surrounded by another fleur-de-lis on the left and a Tudor rose en soleil on the right, see BL Addit. MS 33748, fol. 2v. 22. BL Cott. Vitellius C.XI, fol. 155r. Gunn, CB, 63. 23. Gunn observes that Brandon’s relations flocked to their household, including Frances Palsgrave, and the esquires George Heveningham and William Tyrrell; he also notes that Brandon followed contemporary practice by turning to his kin, especially the Wingfields, to assist in running his lands. See CB, 63, 45. 24. “la Royne ma tant Instante et prye de lavoir que nullement me luy ay peu dire du contraire.” BL Addit. MS 14840, fol. 2r. May 30, 1515. Brandon had two daughters by his first marriage to Anne Browne: Anne, born circa 1506, and Mary, born 1510. He may well have been using Mary as an excuse to avoid offending Margaret. Now that he was married to a queen, his own household offered his daughters great advantage. 25. Mary and Brandon sometimes helped to advance their charges’ prospects through carefully chosen marriages; Gunn notes several such matches between the Brandons’ protégés and local women (CB), 65. In 1517, however, a problem occurred when a Mistress Jerningham attempted to play matchmaker for her stepdaughter Lady Anne Grey, née Jerningham, and John, Lord Berkeley, one of Henry’s wards in Brandon’s custody. The horrified duke promptly wrote Wolsey to disclaim any knowledge of the match, protesting “I had liever have spent a thousand pounds than any such pageants should have been done within the queen’s house and mine.” See Green, Lives, 116–7 and L&P, II.ii, 3018, March 17, 1517. Although one might be tempted to see links between Mary and the clandestine marriage of her lady-in-waiting, Brandon skirts any hint of her involvement by specifying that the betrothal took place after Jerningham left Mary’s company. Regardless, the weight of the responsibility Mary and Brandon bore for their charges is clear in the duke’s worry that Henry might take offense, even though the matter ultimately came to naught. 26. English Aristocratic Women, 65. 27. L&P, IV.i, 547. 28. See Green, Lives, 115; Richardson, WQ , 215; L&P, IV.ii, 2972. There was a Villebresme who carried messages to Mary and referred to her as his mistress (L&P, II.i, 913). 29. L&P, IV.ii, 4229. For Popincourt, see BNF MS Français 2932, fol. 3. For examples of letters to Montmorency, see BNF MS Français 3002, fol. 48 and Français 3014, fol. 28. In addition Gunn notes that St. Martin had been Mary and Brandon’s secretary from 1515 to 1520, but in either 1525 or 1526, Mary moved Henry to ask Louise for him to come back to her employ. He also notes that St. Martin was accused of being a spy. See CB, 91. For the accusation, see L&P IV.i, 2047. However, since St. Martin was still employed as Mary’s secretary in 1528, it seems that accusation was not pursued. 30. HMC: Lord Middleton, 334. Notes to Pages 124–126 231

31. Ibid., October 28, 1523, November 17, 1523, and December 1524 (360–361 and 378, respectively). 32. L&P, V, p. 309. 33. Both list “jocatoribus Regine Francisce,” albeit with various spellings; the first was for 2s, the second for 2s, 9d. See Dymond’s Thetford Priory, 412, 520. Dymond observes that the second occasion includes a note that the prior paid the whole sum without any supplement from the convent, suggesting that ordinarily such payments would be joint (notes 815 and 918). See also Chambers, Medieval Stage, Vol. II, 246. 34. Clopper, Drama, Play, and Game, 112, note 15. 35. Dymond, Thetford Priory, 602, 708; far more often Brandon’s bear-ward visited. 36. Owen and Blakeway, A History of Shrewsbury vol. I, 328. There is also a reference to the Duke of Suffolk’s players performing in Dover between 1524 and 1527 (L&P, IV, appendix, 89). 37. Drama, Play, and Game, 14. 38. Plays of Persuasion, 7–8. 39. Walker’s Plays of Persuasion provides an excellent survey of such drama broadly on pp. 8–24, then examines specific cases of Skelton’s Magnyfycence, Heywood’s Play of the Weather, and Bale’s King Johan, among others. 40. However, Lancashire makes a strong case that Brandon sponsored the produc- tion of the interlude Hick Scorner at Manor Place (later Suffolk Place) in 1514 (Two Tudor Interludes), 33–6. See Walker, Plays of Persuasion, 42–59, for a reading of the play’s political allegory. 41. Caraccioli, An historical account of Sturbridge, 15. 42. For Norwich, see Palmer, A Booke . . . Greate Yermouthe, 82; for King’s Lynn, see Flenley, Six Town Chronicles of England,195 and HMC: Southhampton and King’s Lynn, 173. 43. HMC: Southhampton and King’s Lynn, 173. The town of Eye also records payment for a present to Mary and Brandon, probably in 1516. NA Eye Borough Records, ref. EE2/L2. 44. Flenley, Six Town Chronicles, 195. 45. Gurney’s “Extracts from the Household and Privy Accounts,” 435–6, 447. 46. For example, a Mr. Tresham sent Mary and Brandon each a present of gloves in 1530 (L&P, IV.iii, 6788). In November 5, 1526, the Council of the North, for instance, informed Wolsey that they planned to send a gift to Henry, and asked his advice over whether to send similar presents to Catherine, Mary, Brandon, the Duke of Norfolk, and the Marquises of Dorset and Exter (L&P, IV.ii, 2608). 47. For more information on the exchange of letters, gifts, and poetry as a means of maintaining relationships, see Donawerth, “Women’s Poetry,” 3–18. 48. Mary visited Thetford in 1516/7; see Dymond, Thetford Priory, 341, 343. For Butley, see Bodl. Tanner MS 90, fol. 26v for the 1516 visit, fol. 32r-v for 1527, and fol. 33r-v for 1528. Dickens has edited this manuscript; see Butley Priory. Mary’s letter dated September 28, 1519, is written from Butley as well. NA SP 1/19/27. See also Green, Lives, 113–14, and Gunn, CB, 79. 49. Translated in Green, Lives, 113–14. 50. Bodl. MS Tanner 90, fol. 33r-v. See also Richardson, WQ , 225 and Knowles, The Religious Orders in England, Vol. 3, 128–9. 232 Notes to Pages 126–130

51. Lives, 136. 52. L&P, IV.ii, appendix, 48. June 16. 53. Butley Priory, 60; Knowles, 129. Regarding donations, there are records of individual donations (in 1528, for example Mary gave 16s, 8d) but there is no indication of total gifts (129). 54. Hall, Chronicle, 582. Although Gunn claims that the joust was never held and that Hall must have reconstructed the events from the account books, Nicolo Sagudino, Giustinian’s secretary, records the Italian ambassadors’ impressions of the May Day celebration and joust, noting that Henry had done especially well precisely because he wished them to send news of his prowess to Francis. CSPV, II, 624. For Gunn, see CB, 38. 55. See L&P, II.i, 1153, Hall, Chronicle, 584, L&P, II.ii, 4055, and L&P, IV.i, 2159, respectively. These date from 1515–1526 and are just a few examples of such references to Mary. 56. L&P, II.i, 1113; the preface gives a complete translation of the letter on pp. xlvii–lii. For full text of the letter in French, see Taschereau, Revue rétro- spective, 444–58. See also Richardson, WQ , 195. 57. L&P, II.i, xlix. 58. Ibid., l. 59. Revue rétrospective, 453. 60. CSPV, II, 918. July 10, 1517. 61. CSPV, II, 920. July 10, 1517. 62. L&P, II.ii, 3446, July 7, 1517. 63. Quoted in CSPV, II, 918. 64. CB, 67. 65. CSPV, II, 1085. October 5, 1518. 66. CSPV, II, 1088. October 9, 1518. 67. Hall, Chronicle, 597. 68. For the kiss, see CA MS M6bis, fol. 51v; for the banqueting, see Bodl. MS Ashmolean 1116, fol. 100v. Polydore Vergil even speculated that Charles’s refusal to dance at any of these events could be an indication of his regret at losing Mary (Anglica Historia), 269. 69. Streitberger, Court Revels, 112. L&P, III.ii, p.1559. 70. Hall, Chronicle, 631–2. 71. CSPS, Supplement to Volumes I and II, July 3 1523. 72. CSPV, IV, 105. May 7, 1527, Gasparo Spinelli to Lodovico Spinelli. Hall, Chronicle, 723. Streitberger, Court Revels, 127–9. 73. Richardson, WQ , 205. 74. Anglo, Spectacle, 140–2. For Anglo’s overview of the event, see pp. 137–69. Russell’s Field of Cloth of Gold provides a thorough account of events, while Doran and Starkey’s Man and Monarch supplies reproductions of the tent design and other illustrations (93–7). L&P, III.i contains dozens of calendar entries, starting at 673 and continuing through 878, as does CSPV, III, starting with item 50 and continuing throughout entries through the month of June, 1520. For early modern accounts, see Hall, Chronicle, 600–20; Vergil, Anglica Historia, 269–71; Holinshed, Chronicle, 641–55; Fleuranges, Mémoires, 69–71; Jerdan, Rutland Papers, 28–49; and Bamforth and Dupèbe’s edition of Jacobus Sylvius’s Francisi Francorum Regis et Henrici Anglorum. Notes to Pages 130–132 233

75. Dickens called it a “glorious excuse for the two courts to show off” (The Courts of Europe, 156). Anglo describes the event in detail but condemns it as “a late flowering of the most extravagant medieval chivalry,” a missed opportunity for real diplomacy that could have cemented peace between England, France, and Spain had Charles been invited (Spectacle, 168). For more recent views, see Sharpe, Selling the Tudor Monarchy, 158, 163–4, and Richardson’s “Eternal Peace, Occasional War.” 76. “Eternal Peace, Occasional War,” 45. 77. Richardson, “The Field of Cloth of Gold.” 78. Selling the Tudor Monarchy, 164. 79. The list of Mary’s attendants is no longer extant, but the king’s list indicates that Brandon brought with him five chaplains, ten gentlemen, fifty-five servants, and thirty horses. Jerdan, Rutland Papers, 29. 80. NA SP 1/19/228. 81. Qtd. in L&P III.i, 698. March 26, 1520. To be fair, men’s appearance was also important; their handsomeness and athleticism would be similarly scrutinized. 82. CSPV, III, 92. June 12–19, 1520. 83. Anglica Historia, 269. 84. CSPV, III, 90. June 19, 1520. It is tempting to speculate that this piece was the much-contested Mirror of Naples, yet that seems unlikely, given that no one else comments and the French surely would have (not to mention the improb- ability of Henry allowing Mary to borrow the necklace). 85. CSPV, III, 50, 80, 84, and Bodl. MS Ashmolean 1116, fol. 101v. 86. CSPV, III, 84. See Sanuto, Diarii, Vol. XXIX, 22, “la regina Maria dentro una letica d’oro lavorata a zigli con letere do, videlicet una L. et una M. legate insieme, et per tutto pochi spini zoè l’arma dil re Lodovico.” 87. For a summary of some examples, see Russell, Field of Cloth of Gold, 132–3. 88. “The Field of Cloth of Gold.” 89. At Hampton Court Palace, Henry would later order that traces of his marriage to Anne Boleyn be erased by eradicating all the stone interlocking H&A symbols; a few were overlooked and survive today. Clearly such images had power. 90. CSPV, III, 94. 91. Field of Cloth of Gold, 125–6. 92. Hall, Chronicle, 600–1. 93. Marguerite d’Alençon, Francis’s sister, was present at the event, but details of her participation are not recorded as frequently as Mary’s, nor is there indication that she traveled with her brother to visit the English as Mary did. The only time Marguerite is mentioned as a foil to Mary is in the first banquet, that she is present to greet Henry as Mary did Francis. CSPV, III, 69. 94. L&P, III.i, 870. 95. CA MS M6bis fol. 9r. For Henry’s welcome by the French, see L&P, III.i, 869. 96. CSPV, III, 69. 97. CA MS M6bis fol. 9r. The fountain also spouted upon his departure. 98. CSPV, III, 50. 99. Bodl. MS Ashmolean 1116, fol. 101r. 234 Notes to Pages 132–136

100. L&P, III.i, 869. 101. L&P, III.i, 870. 102. CA MS M6bis fol. 9v. Soardino also mentions her presence; see CSPV, III, 85. 103. Jerdan, Rutland Papers, 44–6. He notes that Henry himself added Buckingham’s name to the list, demonstrating how concerned the king was with such details. 104. CA MS M6bis fol. 10r. Ultimately, the overall winners were judged to be Henry, Francis, Brandon, the Count of St. Pol, and others from either side. Russell, Field of Cloth of Gold, 137. 105. Stevens, Music and Poetry, 405–6. Stevens contends that the song may have been written for Catherine’s voice (241). Russell agrees, noting that it may have been sung at the Cloth of Gold (141). 106. CSPV, III, 90. 107. Bodl. MS Ashmolean 1116, fol. 102v. CA MS M6bis fol. 10v. 108. Bodl. MS Ashmolean 1116, fol. 102v. Russell speculates that it may have been Sir Christopher Barker, Suffolk Herald, who wrote this account because of how closely it records Brandon’s activities (Field of Cloth of Gold), 122. 109. V.iv.17–19. Wells and Taylor, Shakespeare. 110. CSPV, II, 661. 111. Qtd. in L&P, II.i, 1585, February 24, 1516. 112. Bodl. Wood MS F33, fols. 45r-46v. BL Eger. 985, fols. 61v-63v contains virtually the same account, as does BL Addit. 6113, fols. 117v-119v. 113. Bodl. Ashmolean MS 1116, fol. 86r-v. 114. BL Eger. 985, fols. 63v-64r. BL Addit. 6113, fols. 116v-117r, contains the same version, save that the initial letter “I” is large and decorated with swirls. The chronicler lists the date as Thursday, July 17, and at the end, states that the girl was born on St. Francis’s Day, but Green notes that July 17 was a Friday in 1517, and moreover, that St. Francis’s Day fell on Thursday the 16th, making the day a likely error in the manuscript. See Lives, 118, note 3. 115. Warnicke notes that it was Lady Elizabeth Boleyn, Anne’s mother, who performed this office (Rise and Fall), 36. Anne did not return to England until 1521. 116. Assuming that records would indicate Mary giving birth when she was at court or visiting Butley priory, the windows of opportunity for childbirth suggest summer of 1518, summer of 1519, the second half of 1520, or 1521. If Steven Gunn is correct that Eleanor was named for Charles V’s sister, 1518, the year Henry’s daughter Mary was betrothed to the French dauphin, seems an unlikely time to honor the Anglo-Burgundian connection (CB), 62. She may well have been born in late 1520 or 1521 after the successful meeting between Henry and Charles at Gravelines. 117. CSPV, II, 1287. 118. Chronicle, 703. See also L&P, IV.ii, 1431. 119. A record of Mary’s and Brandon’s epitaphs includes epitaphs for their two sons named Harry, the latter of whom was named the Earl of Lincoln. CA MS R.36, fol. 55v. 120. Byrne, Letters of King Henry VIII, 424–5. There is no mention of Henry Brandon because he died in 1534. 121. NA SP 1/19/169. January 22, 1520. Mary to Wolsey. Notes to Pages 136–140 235

122. All references taken from L&P, II.i. See items 718, 791, 989, 1023, and 1292, respectively. The phrase “for services to, etc.” occurs in all but the last. 123. She received 100l upon leaving for France. L&P II.ii, p. 1471. 124. L&P, II.i., 989 and 1374. 125. NA SP 1/9/158. November 13, 1514. 126. Ellis, Original Letters, 3rd ser., Vol. II, 213. 127. Gunn notes that Palsgrave succeeded in raising funds by selling one of the benefices, although that he did not receive the new position he requested. CB, 99–100. 128. Ellis, Original Letters, 3rd ser., Vol. II, 214. Vaughan notes that Palsgrave refused to allow him a copy; the author wanted to ensure that a demand for his teaching services would continue, so he was careful about selling too many. 129. Dowling argues that although dedications cannot guarantee interest in the subject, they do suggest the possibility that the patron’s tastes were suffi- ciently known to give author some reason to anticipate a return on the investment (Humanism in the Age of Henry VIII), 238. 130. Bennett, English Books and Readers, 95. For the extant fragment, see Introductions in Frensshe. 131. De contemptu mundi, fol. A2r. 132. “Transformation or Continuity?” 13–14. 133. “luy donnant par vous à congnoistre que à ma requeste ceste ma rescription luy a esté prouffitable.” Qtd. by Société de l’histoire de l’art Français in Nouvelle Archives, 155. Henry also gave Ambroise a reward of 20 crowns in 1531. See L&P, V, “Privy Purse Expenses,” fol. 113. 134. Sharpe discusses the importance of such patronage and artwork at Henry’s court in particular. Selling the Tudor Monarchy, 130–40. 135. See BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 262r, for example. 136. NA SP 1/59/126. 137. L&P, IV.ii, 3264. Rymer, Foedera, vol. 6.ii, 82. 138. BL Cott. Vespasian F.III fol. 40r. 139. Green, who quotes the full text of one letter I was unable to locate, places the signature on the upper left corner but it is not clear that she is necessarily replicating the original (Lives), 133–134. Either way, this is still an unusual move for Mary. 140. Women Letter-Writers in Tudor England, 47–48. 141. For facsimile images, see Pryor, Elizabeth I: Her Life in Letters, 60, 84, and 120; Man and Monarch, 123 and 182, for examples that show the signature above the body; both texts also provide examples of the other placements. 142. On January 15, 1528, she begins the campaign; a translation of the letter is available in Green, Lives, 133–134. Then, on June 18 and December 26, 1528, she writes again; see BNF MS Français 2932, fol. 11 and Français 3014, fol. 28. See also L&P, IV.ii, 4392, 5064. 143. BNF MS Français 2932, fol. 3. June 20, (1528). 144. “Je vouldroys son bien & advancement afin que de moy eust tousjours souvenance” MS Français 3014, fol. 28. 145. “Je vous en veulx ung peu Importuner / ce que pourrez envers moy faire de votre couste en chose ou Il vous plaira memployer.” Ibid. Gunn argues that Mary had no success in the affair, but offers no support beyond the multiple letters (CB), 92. It would be equally possible to interpret her lack of further 236 Notes to Pages 140–142

letters as success negating the need. Indeed, in the letters, she explains that Montmorency has agreed to help multiple times; he simply required reminding and Mary’s campaign accomplished that. 146. Muriel St. Clare Byrne’s work on the Lisle family letters illustrates how the act of gift-giving would accumulate a debt that could be traded for later favors (Lisle Letters), 110–29. 147. “[Je] vous Remercie bien appercevant que ne metez en oubly les biensfaitz du temps passe et la nourriture dentre nous deux enquoy Je vous Reppute tousjours lune des myennes / et me tens plus familliere de vous que nul autre par dela / par quoy Je vous veulx employer.” BNF MS Français 2932, fol. 3. 148. “[Je] vous pris ne vueillez dormir en ce / mais tousjours le solliciter de sorte que Je puisse obtenir ma Requeste envers luy et de temps a autre Je soye parvous advertyr de sa Response.” Ibid. 149. “Crime, Sanctuary, and Royal Authority,” 315. 150. NA SP 1/19/27. 151. NA SP 1/19/169. January 22, 1520. 152. L&P, III.i, p. 297. There is also a second pardon recorded a year later, but no indication why; perhaps there was a problem with the first or the second is simply an instance of bureaucratic excess or additional charges required pardon (L&P, III.i, p. 529). 153. L&P, IV.i, 57. January 23, 1524. 154. There is a record of Anthoine de Crequy, a French lord, writing Brandon in 1523, but clearly that was not the end of the matter, since Hampton was still in prison a year later. L&P, III.ii, 3535. 155. NA SP 1/40/212. January 16, 1527. 156. See L&P, V, 978, for Eleanor Verney’s annuity of 50 marks, citing her service to Mary, Margaret, and their parents. 157. A newe enterlude . . . godly queene Hester, B1r. 158. Plays of Persuasion, 102–12; Bevington, Tudor Drama and Politics, 87–93. Michele Osherow discusses the figure of Esther more generally in “Crafting Queens.” 159. “Powerful Obedience,” 117–140. 160. Bevington notes that as early as the fourteenth century, Richard II used the story to woo the people of London (Tudor Drama), 87. In this iteration of the political allegory, he argues that Hester represents Catherine of Aragon (88–90). 161. Dewick, Coronation Book, 45, 48. 162. L&P, II.i, 705. July 14, 1515. Dacre’s letter to Henry’s council mentions Margaret writing to Mary and Henry the year before. 163. L&P, II.i, 834. 164. L&P, II.i, 913. The lord in question may be Brandon. 165. BL Cott. Caligula B.II, fol. 385r. This letter, written in French, may be the one Villebresme mentions carrying for Mary since Albany makes reference to him as the bearer, which would mean that Mary probably wrote on August 6. There is no date given in Albany’s letter; L&P, II.i, 1025 calendars this document with two other letters from Albany written in Edinburgh on October 13, 1515, yet those letters explain that Albany sends Rougecross to update Henry and Brandon on the events since Villebresme’s departure, which would suggest an earlier date (1024, 1026). Notes to Pages 143–146 237

166. “vous suppliant madam en ensuivant Ce que mescripuez vouloir tousjours tenir main envers le Roy votre frere alentretenement De la paix powr le bien de son Royaume et de ce pays” (fol. 385r). 167. In a messy italic, he writes, “Madame touchant la Reine de scosse votre seur Je vous Jure ma foy que de ma part Je li ay fest et fera tout la plesr et servisse a moy posyble.” He adds a few more words (“et me sera Iames come autre . . .”) but these are faded and the last word(s) illegible. 168. L&P, II.i, 1893. May 16, 1516. Richard Sacheverell, writing to the Earl of Shrewsbury, notes their departure. 169. Early Tudor court, 145–6. 170. Early modern accounts include Hall, Chronicle, 586–91, Stow, Annales, 848–51, Vergil, Anglica Historia, 243–247, and Godwin, Annales, 36. CSPV, II, contains the abstracts of several letters from Italian observers, including Giustinian, Chieregato, and Nicolo Sagudino (items 879, 881, 883, 887, 910). For the full text of Giustinian’s letters, see Brown, Four years, Vol. II, 68–76. See also Richardson, WQ , 205–8, Yungblut, Strangers settled here amongst us, 40–41, 73–74, and Sutton, Mercery of London, 354–356. 171. Hall lists several groups adding up to 1,000 (589). Giustinian says 2,000; see Brown, Four years, II, 70. 172. Sagudino has a detailed account (CSPV, II, 910), as does Stow, 851. 173. CSPV, II, 887. Agnes Strickland also records the text of a ballad celebrating Catherine’s kindness and pity on this occasion. See Lives of the Queens of England Vol. IV (Philadelphia: Blanchard and Lea, 1852), 87. 174. The French Fetish from Chaucer to Shakespeare (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004). 175. L&P, II.i, 826. 176. L&P, II.i, 827–828. 177. Brown, Four years, Vol. I, 159–160. 178. CSPV, II, 802. 179. L&P, II.ii, 2958. February 1517. That request nearly opened old wounds over who was to blame for the Castile marriage falling apart. Worcester reported some mockery from Nassau and Ravenstein, to which he replied that Charles had rejected Mary, not the reverse. L&P, II.ii, 3054. March 25, 1517. 180. L&P, II.ii, appendix 43 and 4479 (Bonnivet and the other ambassadors to Francis. October 4, 1518.) 181. L&P, III.i, 1174. Bonnivet writes Wolsey that Mary’s ambassadors are returning after negotiating matters regarding the dowry, to the satisfaction of all. See also L&P, III.ii, 1441. 182. L&P, III.ii, 2958. Coby outlines how this speech led to Cromwell becoming one of Wolsey’s men; see Thomas Cromwell, 48–9. 183. L&P, IV.i, 586. For a broad overview of English policy during this period, see Guy’s Tudor England, 106–109. 184. L&P, IV.i, 1093. 185. L&P, IV.i, 1398. 186. NA SP 1/35/234. 187. L&P, IV.i, 1600. 188. CA MS R.36. fols. 38r-40v. 189. Gunn, CB, 90. See also Brandon to Wolsey, September 2, 1525. L&P IV.i, 1615. 190. NA SP 1/36/36. 238 Notes to Pages 147–150

191. L&P, IV.i, 1705. 192. L&P, IV.i, 2064. He wrote Wolsey in March of 1526 that he was experiencing difficulties with lawsuits and in meeting with Francis since the king traveled frequently. 193. L&P, IV.i, 2256. The English ambassador John Tayler wrote to Passano to clarify who was in charge of Mary’s revenue, informing him that St. Martin had arrived with letters from Mary and Brandon, as well as Henry to Louise, about Hampton’s authority. 194. BNF MS Français 3002, fol. 48. 195. The original reads, “dieu a donne ceste heur aux dames.” CA MS R.36, fol. 33r. 196. The original reads, “vous mdam fustes la clefz” (fol. 34r). 197. The original lines read, “vous fustes ung des principaulx & milleurs moyens de la continuacion de ceste bonne & saincte paix” and “bonnes & honestes parrolles” (fol. 34r). 198. On December 30, Passano wrote Brinon to inform him that he [Passano] told Louise that Brinon had found Mary to be receptive and helpful. The original reads, “bonissima et accordata”; Jacqueton gives the full text in La politique extérieure de Louise de Savoie, 405. Gunn discusses this meeting in context with Brandon’s renewed prominence at court (CB, 101). 199. CA MS R.36, fol. 35r. 200. BNF MS Dupuy 462, fol. 32r. May 9, 1526. At Southwark Place. 201. The original reads, “sil me eust estre possible et par pourter partie de votre Enny vous donnes quelque Relasche Je leusse faict du meilleur cueur.” 202. The original reads, “Je aure tousjours besoing en mes affairez de votre bonne grace.” 203. L&P, II.ii, 3018. Brandon to Wolsey. Morrison’s Women Pilgrims in Late Medieval England notes the history of the Walsingham shrine’s popularity with women, especially the frequency of women leaving bequests to the shrine in their wills (17). 204. Qtd. in Green, Lives, 116. 205. L&P, Addenda, 367. 206. BL Cott. Caligula B.VI, fol.119v. Both Green and Ellis render the phrase as “ny[phews] the prences” (Lives, 116 and Original Letters, I, 1st ser, 125). They are incorrect; the word is clearly “nyce.” J.S. Brewer, the editor of this volume of L&P entries, agrees with my reading; see II.i, 2347. Moreover, it makes no sense for Mary to ask Henry about the health of the princes in plural, for Margaret’s second son Alexander died in December 1515. 207. L&P, II.ii, p. 1476. 208. Catherine of Aragon, 188. I have not yet found corroborating evidence for this fascinating assertion. 209. BL Cott. Caligula B.VI, fol.119r and BL Harl. 6986, fol. 11r. 210. See BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fols. 247r and 253v, for “humble” and fol.148r for the Knight letter. 211. L&P, III.ii, 3162. 212. L&P, V, 686. 213. L&P, II.ii, 4034–4035. 214. BL Addit. 19398, fol. 44r. A facsimile copy may be found in Man and Monarch, 92. Buckingham’s trial and execution in 1521 provides a terminal date for its composition. Notes to Pages 150–152 239

215. CB, 56–62. 216. Hall, 631; L&P, III.ii, p.1559; Ives, The Life and Death of Anne Boleyn, 37; Warnicke, Rise and Fall, 37. Warnicke also speculates that Anne may have joined Mary and Brandon’s household after her return from France; although intriguing, I can find no documentary evidence to substantiate her hypothesis (38–39). 217. CSPV, IV, 105; Dickens, Butley Priory, 51–52. 218. NA SP 1/47/223. 219. Mary’s letters indicate her whereabouts; on March 17, she writes Wolsey from the manor at Rising; on June 20 she writes Jane Popincourt from London, and on August 8 she writes Montmorency from Wingfield Castle. See NA SP 1/59/126 and BNF MSS Français 2932, fol. 3 and 3002, fol. 48r. See also Dickens, Butley Priory, 54–55. 220. Dickens, Butley Priory, 54–55. 221. CSPS, IV.i, 232. Starkey points out that Chapuys’s obvious bias against Anne does not disqualify him as a valid source since every source is prejudiced in some way; moreover, Chapuys diligently reported his own sources of information, all of whom were prominent at court. See Six Wives, 360. 222. CSPS, IV.ii, 802. Chapuys reports that Henry forced Catherine to relinquish her jewels by pointing out Mary’s submission in the matter. 223. Henry VIII, 229. Hall reports the famous 1529 encounter when Brandon, dis- gusted by the delays in deciding the case, shouted in front of Wolsey and the Cardinal Legate Lorenzo Campeggio that “there was never Legate nor Cardinall, that did good in Englande” (758). George Cavendish, one of Wolsey’s gentlemen-ushers, supplied the Cardinal’s supposed response, that “Sir of all men within this realm, you have least cause to dispraise or be offended with cardinals; for if I, simple cardinal, had not been, you should have had at this present no head upon your shoulders,” and that after Wolsey’s reproaches concluded, Brandon left silently. The Life and Death of Thomas Wolsey, 122–3. Both accounts are propaganda in their fashion, yet both seem plausible: that Brandon’s support of Henry might lead him to abandon Wolsey and yet quietly regret the necessity when confronted with the justifiable charge of ingratitude. 224. CSPS, IV.i, 302. Gunn also agrees that Brandon was opposed to Anne, but notes that he had to conform to Henry’s wishes (CB), 118–9. 225. Qtd. in CSPS, IV.ii, 739. The original reads, “desarçonner le roy de sa folie.” 226. The twelfth section of the book does caution against those orders that have relaxed their discipline. In his edition, John O’Malley gives an overview of arguments that the last part was a later addition (Collected Works), 130–3. 227. Gunn, Brandon, 116. 228. Bodl. Wood MS F33, fol. 45r. 229. CA MS I.15, fol. 105v. See also Ford, Mary Tudor, 35, 37. Ford includes a complete transcription of CA MS I.15, beginning at fol. 104r. When the chronicler lists the painter’s charge, he identifies the saint as St. Charles, but in describing the procession notes Charlemagne. 230. Eamon Duffy notes that since the 1520s, such images were becoming contro- versial and that by the 1530s, images at shrines and churches were being removed or destroyed (Stripping of the Altars), 381. 231. Avril and Reynaud, Les Manuscrits à Peintures en France, item 173. See also Evans, “The Rediscovery of a Royal Manuscript,” 81–2. 240 Notes to Pages 152–153

232. L&P, IV.ii, 5859. See also Richardson, WQ , 242–6, for an overview of Brandon’s first marriages to Anne Browne and Margaret Mortimer relative to the bull. 233. CSPV, IV, 761. The original reads, “per parole injuriose ditte contra madama Anna de la sorella di questa Maestà duchessa di Sofolch, che fo regina di Franza.” Sanuto, Diarii, Vol. 56, 287. 234. See L&P, V, 1139, no. 11 for pardon; see 1183 for Brandon’s denial that his servants were seeking a kind of vigilant justice. 235. L&P, V, 1183. CSPV, IV, 761. Capello’s original reads, “La materia del divortio ogni giorno vien più dificile.” Sanuto, Diarii, Vol. 56, 287. 236. On July 31, Capello reported that Henry had stayed two days with Mary and Brandon, but provided no hint as to the reason. CSPV, IV, 792. Capello’s original reads, “Già do giorni soa maestà è col duca di Sopholch, et sua sorella la regina.” Sanuto, Diarii, Vol. 56, 793. 237. CSPS, IV.ii, 993. 238. CSPS, IV.ii, 995. 239. L&P, V, 1316. CSPV, IV, 802. The original reads, “et la sorela de questa Maestà fu regina di Franza, la qual, come se dice, ha grandemente recusato de andar.” Sanuto, Diarii, Vol. 57, 24. Capello’s line is a little confusing; he notes that Anne will be accompanied by some of the chief ladies of the realm, including the duchess of Norfolk, and the king’s sister, “who it is said, has adamantly refused to go.” There is no record, however, of Mary accompanying Brandon, and since Chapuys specifically discussed Brandon’s departure, that would be a strange omission. An even stranger omission would be Hall forgetting Mary’s name in his list of ladies who danced at Calais; he notes that Anne was with Francis and the Countess of Derby with the King of Navarre, leaving the other five women nameless (793). Moreover, Mary’s presence would have been a coup; Henry needed women of rank to support Anne. Warnicke points out that had Mary been well enough to go, Henry need not have ennobled Anne, since his sister’s rank would allow her to lead a state visit (Rise and Fall), 115–6. Ultimately, given that Capello began another clause with “et” and a new point, it seems more likely he was stringing together a series of sentences, or that even if he intended to suggest Mary was going, she nonetheless refused. 240. L&P, V, 1294. September 1, 1532. Starkey notes that Elizabeth was also a close friend of Catherine’s (Six Wives), 460. 241. L&P, VI, 212; CSPS, IV.ii, 1055. Moreover, Mary wrote a letter to Arthur, Lord Lisle that March 30, noting London as her residence. BL Cott. Vespasian F.III, fol. 40r. Frances’s marriage must have taken place by March 17, for account book references to her dinner with her cousin the Princess Mary that evening give her that title. L&P, VI, 1540. 242. English Aristocratic Women, 237–238. 243. BL Harl. 6986, fol. 11r. A more recent hand notes in the upper left corner, “1528 Mary the French Q. A letter of compliment only” and at some point, the date “1528” was written at the end of the letter’s body. Although the L&P editors catalogue the letter in June, 1533, they explain that the letter is undated and therefore they use the date of Mary’s death as a terminus ad quem (VI, 693). Ellis’s chronological organization in Original Letters suggests the letter belongs in 1528, which accords with the marginal notes on the letter; however, those notes may be Ellis’s own (I, 1st ser., 304). Green, by contrast, quotes Notes to Pages 153–154 241

from a second letter by Brandon on the same matter and suggests that both were written a few months after March 16, 1520 (the date of another letter by Brandon referring to Mary’s illness) (Lives 121–122). However, the March letter notes her improvement; 1520 also seems doubtful since the Field of Cloth of Gold took place in June. More significantly, Brandon’s letter was addressed to Wolsey, so the Cardinal’s death in 1529 gives a new terminus. Gunn notes that in the mid-1520s, a doctor named “Master Leonard” joined Brandon’s household, where he remained for twenty years, but that doesn’t mean that Mary wouldn’t necessarily consult “Master Peter” as well (CB), 64. She did go to London in 1528, which provides some evidence for that date. Since records survive of Mary’s illness on several occasions throughout her life and given the lack of any conclusive internal reference that could date the letter more particularly, I have chosen not to assign a date, save to note a likely 1521–1528 composition. 244. For example, see Starkey, who even describes her language as “pathetic.” Six Wives, 491. Richardson and Perry follow the 1528 date (WQ , 253–4, Sisters, 181). 245. Green, Lives, 3. 246. BL Cott. Caligula D.VI, fol. 256r. 247. L&P, Addenda, 210. 248. NA SP 1/19/228. March 16. 249. Qtd. in Lives, 121–122. This letter is not calendared, nor can I locate its full text. 250. BL Harl. 6986, fol. 11r. 251. Starkey, Six Wives 490; CSPS, IV.ii, 1072. 252. He wrote a letter to Lisle from London. L&P, VI, 666. 253. L&P, VI, 736. 254. Ford, Mary Tudor, 36. 255. Sara Jayne Steen plausibly conjectures Mary may have suffered from porphy- ria; she diagnoses Arbella Stuart’s symptoms and traces them to James I and ultimately back to Margaret and Mary. “How Subject to Interpretation,’ 110–1. Alan Rushton agrees (Royal Maladies, 72). 256. Hume, Chronicle of Henry VIII, 135. Hume notes that twelve copies of the Chronica del Rey Enrico Otavo de Ingleterra were found in Madrid, one of which notes that it was copied in 1556; the author claims to have been an eyewitness, but gets many facts wrong, including that Brandon had no children by Mary, but all by his first wife. The writer clearly detested Brandon, condemning him as a sinner who killed his son by stealing that son’s fiancé (Brandon’s last wife, Catherine Willoughby, was initially engaged to young Henry). 257. See, for example, Plowden, Lady Jane Grey, 35. 258. CSPV, IV, 927, 934; L&P, VI, 720. 259. The original reads, “il y a trois jours que je vous ay escript la mort de la Royne Marie Duchesse de Sulsfoltte [sic] laquelle estoit bien aymée en ce Royaume, & mesme du commun de ceste ville qui la regrette fort” (Camusat, Meslanges historiques, 133r). See also L&P, VI, 723. Dinteville, who was one of the ambassadors immortalized in Holbein’s painting, presumably means London by “this city.” 260. The original reads, “j’ay veu par vostre lettre du dernier jour du mois passé la certaincté de la mort de ma belle soeur la Royne Marie Duchesse de Susfolk, dont il ma tresfort despleu & desplaist pour l’ennuy & desplaisir que je suis 242 Notes to Pages 155–157

seur que mon bon frere & perpetuel allié le Roy d’Angleterre en aura souffert & porté” (Ibid., 133v). See also L&P, VI, 846. 261. Ford, Mary Tudor, 36; Green, Lives, 138–9. 262. Ritual in Early Modern Europe, 55. Although discussing fourteenth-century Florence, his point is still relevant. 263. L&P, VI, 797. Ford, Mary Tudor, 36–37. 264. CA MS I.15, fol. 104r-106r. 265. Ford, Mary Tudor, 43. 266. Death, Burial, and the Individual, 175. 267. Ford, Mary Tudor, 39. 268. Ibid., 39–43. 269. Ibid., 45–46. 270. BL Addit. 33748, fols. 29v-32v. Carlisle describes the details of the body’s preservation, down to her long hair’s still golden color (fol. 32v). Richardson notes that some of that hair was ghoulishly taken by souvenir hunters (WQ ), 266. 271. WQ , 266. 272. CA MS R.36, fol. 55v. For information on Fellows, see Walter Godfrey et al’s The College of Arms. 273. The catalogue at Queen’s College, Oxford, where the third book is housed, notes that the book was originally created for the Bourchier family and by one of them given to Mary; the two best candidates for the giver are Henry Bourchier, Earl of Essex, who was one of the principal mourners at Mary’s funeral service at Westminster Abbey, or John Bourchier, Lord Berners, Mary’s chamberlain. See MS 349 at http://www.queens.ox.ac.uk/library/ medieval-manuscripts/the-catalogue. I tip the balance toward Berners given that he was deputy of Calais from 1520–1533 and in that capacity, would be someone Mary would find useful in her frequent contacts with France (in fact, her last extant letter was to his successor, asking for a place for John Williams at Calais). Boro notes that Berners would have acted as both spy and defender of English interests, reporting all relevant news to Henry and Wolsey (Castell of Love, 5). Berners was also the translator of Froissart, as well as the romances Huon of Bordeaux and Castell of Love; his reputation for learning would make it appropriate to give a book as method of remembrance and his interest in English–French translation would have made Mary a natural patron to cultivate. 274. For more on gift exchange, see Donawerth, “Women’s Poetry,” 3–6. 275. “Your Humble Handmaid,” 461–462. 276. For a description of the manuscript, see Avril and Reynaud, Les Manuscrits à Peintures, item 173. 277. See Macfarlane’s “The Book of Hours.” All references to this text taken from this article. 278. Marking the Hours, 67. 279. Queen’s MS 349. At least seventeen more images are missing, cut out by later hands, notes the catalogue. One thief later repented and sent back his images. His note and the librarian’s comments are also preserved in the volume: “Repentence desires these may be put in their proper places in ye book from whens they were taken; Dublin, Nov, 5, 1727” and the response, “N.B. These Illuminations, taken out of this Book or some Other in Queens College Library, were sent back to Dr. Gibson by an Unknown Hand, his Conscience Notes to Pages 157–160 243

pricking him. And so may conscience prick all those that have wronged the Library” (fol. 250r). 280. Donawerth notes an important distinction between patronage and gift exchange—that the former seeks to “establish loyalty to a faction rather than more general social bonds” (“Women’s Poetry”), 8. 281. Reading Families, 71–73. Mary’s other Book of Hours, the one from Margaret, may also have passed to her daughters. Macfarlane notes that the book eventually made its way to Leopold Ignatius, Archduke of Austria, but that the word “papa” (“pope”) was erased and that the feast of St. Thomas à Becket was similarly removed (and later re-added in a different hand), all in accor- dance with Henry’s abolishing the feast of that saint in 1538, so the book must have remained in England at least until 1538 (6). Queen’s MS 349 similarly removes references to the Pope and scratches out the image of St. Thomas à Becket (fol. 14v). 282. Marking the Hours, 51. 283. In Stripping of the Altars, Duffy contends that “given the development of the Book of Hours round the Little Office of the Blessed Virgin, it would not be difficult to argue that the whole of the primer was in some sense a Marian prayer-book” (256). 284. See Krug’s translation of the 1527 printed text in Cultures of Piety, 114. 285. These may be found mixed in with the men’s suffrages from fols. 41r-57r. 286. Duffy contends that the Bolton Hours, which also emphasized women saints, may indicate it belonged to the women of the family who commissioned it (Marking the Hours, 15–16). 287. Reading Families, 73–74. 288. For information on Wilgefortis superstitions in England, see Friesen’s The Female Crucifix, 59–62. BIBLIOGRAPHY

I. Primary Sources Manuscripts Bibliothèque Nationale de France Dupuy MS 462 Français MSS 2932, 3002, 3014, 5014

Bodleian Library Ashmole MS 1116 Douce MS 198 Tanner MS 90 Wood MS F33

British Library Additional MSS 6113, 14840, 15221, 19398, 33748, 34208 Cotton MSS Caligula B.II, B.VI, D.VI, D.XI Galba B.III Julius A.III Titus B.I Vespasian B.II, C.XII, F.III, F.XIII Vitellius C.XI Egerton MS 985 Harley MSS 1757, 3462, 6986

College of Arms MS I.3 MS I.15 MS M6bis MS R.36

Morgan Pierpont Library Rulers of England Box 02, Henry VIII, no. 33a Letter from Mary to Margaret of Savoy

National Archives (UK) EE2/L2 Eye Borough Records SP 1 State Papers, Henry VIII: General Series SP E30 Exchequer: Treasury of the Receipt: Diplomatic Documents 246 Bibliography

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Abbeville, 58, 62, 65–6, 69–72, 73, 91, 167, Ravenna, 67 168, 169, 170 the Spurs, 49, 53, 87 actors. See players bear-baiting, 25, 124 Albany, John Stuart, Duke, 79, 89, Beaufort, Margaret, Countess of 142–3, 144 Richmond, 21–2, 24, 26, 36, Albret, Marie d’, Countess of Nevers, 73, 75, 123, 138, 158, 197n6, 86, 93 200n59 alliances, matrimonial, 2, 10–14, 26–30, Beem, Charles, 97 38, 44–7, 50–4, 56–7, 58, 60–1, Bell, Susan Groag, 206n102 62, 65–71, 87–9, 91, 92, 95, 116–17, Berghes, Johannes de, Lord, 28–9 128–30, 148, 157 Berners, Humphrey, 123 Almazan, Miguel, 45 Berners, Lord. See Bourchier, John Ambroise, Master, 138, 140, 194–5 Bevington, David, 142 Anglo, Sydney, 9, 18, 232n74, 233n75 Boccaccio, Giovanni, 21, 22, 33–4, 59 Angoulême, Francis d’. See Francis I, Decameron, 21 King of France De mulieribus claris, 21, 33–4 Angoulême, Marguerite d’. See Il Filostrato, 59 Marguerite, Duchess of Alençon Bohier, Sir Thomas, 55, 60, 77 Anne of Brittany, Queen of France, 50, Boleyn, Lady Anne, 2, 15, 72, 126, 129, 86, 206n102, 220n173 150–3, 233n89 Apollonius of Tyre, 15, 21 Boleyn, Lady Elizabeth, 135 Arthur, Prince of Wales, 8–9, 10, 20, Boleyn, Lord Thomas, 219n158 27, 96 Bonnivet, Guillaume Gouffier de, Arthurian legend, 8, 10, 17, 21, 37–40, 68, Grand Admiral of France, 85, 129, 75, 84, 208n137 133, 146 Aumont, Madame d’, 74, 93 books. See individual works listed under Austin Canons, 126 author’s name ownership, 5, 21–3, 152 Backhouse, Janet, 5, 202n19 see also under Mary, Queen of Badoer, Andrea, 53–4, 55, 56, 119–20 France Banaster, Sir Humphrey, 135, 136, 189 Books of Hours, 21, 22, 152, 156–60, banquets. See under spectacle 197n6 Bapaumes, Robert de, 127 Bouchet, Jean, 89, 96–7 Barker, Sir Christopher, 234n108 Boulogne, 65, 66–7, 68, 88, 125 Barrillon, Jean, 93 Bourbon, Charles III, Duke, 132, 133 Baskervill, Charles Read, 80 Bourchier, Henry, Earl of Essex, Basset, Mary, 23–4 242n273 Bath Place, 121, 134 Bourchier, John, Lord Berners, 72, 123, battles 156–7, 215n96, 242n273 Flodden, 49, 142 Bourdichon, Jean, 152, 156 Pavia, 120, 145, 146 Brandon, Anne, Lady Powis, 123 258 Index

Brandon, Charles, Duke of Suffolk, 31, Capello, Carlo, 152, 154 51, 54, 86 Capello, Vincenzo, 27 ambassador to France, 71, 76–7, 78, 79, Carley, James, 5, 202n21 85, 95–6, 104, 111 Carmeliano, Pietro, 11, 29 children, 2, 116, 123, 134–6, 150 Spousells, 29–30 debts/income, 104, 115, 120–2, 128, Caroz, Luis, 45 145–7 Carracciolo, Marino, 55 letters, 3–4, 95–6, 104, 105–8, 111 Castiglione, Baldassare, 23–4, 25 life with Mary, 122–8, 147, 150–4, Il Cortegiano (The Book of the Courtier), 155–6, 157 23–4 marriage to Mary, 1–4, 13, 91, 100–9, Castir, Kateryna de, 45 112–17, 119–20, 173–6, 179–84 Catherine of Aragon, Queen of England, relationship with Henry, 4, 102, 104, 37, 46, 49, 52, 58, 70, 74, 87, 104, 115, 121, 126, 127, 134–5, 150–3 116, 117, 119, 126, 127–33, 134, 142, spectacle, participation in, 2, 8, 10, 38, 143–4 84–5, 117, 119–20, 124–8, 133, 134–5 divorce from Henry, 116, 148–53 Brandon, Eleanor, Countess of letters, 10–12 Cumberland, 2, 135–6, 154–6, 157 as Princess of Wales, 8–9, 19, 21, 25–6, Brandon, Frances, Marchioness of 27, 28, 45, 73, 96, 102 Dorset, 2, 135–6, 144, 153, 154–6, 157 relationship with Mary, 11–13, 25, 64, Brandon, Henry, (first son of Mary and 96, 117, 127–9, 132, 134, 135, 144, Charles), 116, 134–6, 229n135 148–50, 153, 185, 216n104 Brandon, Henry, (second son of Mary Cavalcanty, Jehan, 62 and Charles), Earl of Lincoln, 2, 116, Caxton, William, 8, 36, 39, 75, 158 135–6, 137, 150, 154–6 Cerf, Jehan de, 45 Brandon, Mary, Lady Monteagle, 123, Cerisay, Nicholas de, 78 230n24 Chambyr, Elizabeth, 136 Brandon, Mary Tudor. See Mary, Queen Chance, Jane, 206n102 of France, Duchess of Suffolk “Chancon faicte en lhonneur De Brant, Sebastian, 22, 75 madame marie,” 28 The Ship of Fools, 22, 75 Chapman, Hester, 197n5 Brantôme, Pierre de Bourdeille, 94 Chapuys, Eustace, 151–3, 154 Breuil, May de, 86 Charlemagne, 40, 152, 155 Brinon, Jean, 147 Charles, Prince of Castile, later Brion, Philippe de Chabot, Seigneur, 146 Charles V, Holy Roman Brooke, George, Lord Cobham, 123 Emperor, 19, 32, 49–52, 55–7, Browne, Anne, 240n232 62, 96, 107, 117, 127, 129, Buckingham, Edward Stafford, Duke, 130, 133, 145, 151, 152, 163–4, 133, 150 197n6 Burgavenny, Lord George Neville, 135 letters from, 45 Bury Fair, 124–5 marriage to Mary, 2, 11, 12, 26, 27–30, Bury St. Edmunds, 126, 155–6 44–7 Butley Abbey, 125–6, 150–1, 185, 234n116 Charles III, Duke of Savoy, 95, 102 Chartier, Alain, 5, 21, 31–2, 34 Caceres, Francisca de, 45 La belle dame sans mercy, 34 Calais, 27, 28, 49, 50, 61, 65, 112, 113, 114, L’excusation de Maistre Alain, 34 139, 152–3, 182–4 L’hopital d’amours, 34 Campeggio, Lorenzo, Cardinal, 128, Lai de paix, 31 239n223 Quadrilogue invectif, 31–2 Capell, Sir Giles, 84 Traité de l’Esperance, 31 Index 259

Chaucer, Geoffrey, 4, 5, 21, 22, 31, 35, 41, de Pizan, Christine. See Pizan, Christine 43, 59–61, 74–5, 98 de Canterbury Tales, 22 Descars, Francis, 87–8, 168–70 Man of Law’s Tale, 74–5 Desmond, Marilynn, 202–3n34 Melibee, 21 Desnoues, Richard, 110 Troilus and Criseyde, 35, 43, 59–61, 98–9 D’Este, Isabella. See Este, Isabella d’ Cheyney, Sir Thomas, 84 Dillon, Janette, 142 Chieregato, Francesco, 9, 128, 143 Dinteville, Jean de, Bailly of Troyes, 154 chivalric romance. See romances divorce of Henry VIII and Catherine of chivalry, enacting, 3–4, 8–10, 13–14, Aragon, 116, 148–53 17–19, 21–2, 27–30, 36–44, 65–70, Docwra, Sir Thomas, 55, 78 78–86, 96–100, 124–34, 147–8 Donawerth, Jane, 231n47, 242n274 christenings, 116, 134–5, 152 Donnington Castle, 122 Cicero, Marcus Tullius, 6 Doran, Susan, 207n115 Ad Familiares, 6 Dorset, Marquis of. See Grey, Thomas, Claude, Queen of France, 30, 53, 70, 74, Marquis of Dorset 79, 84, 86, 104, 106, 109, 119, 131–3 Douglas, Archibald, Earl of Angus, 142 Clerk, John, 145 Douglas, Lady Margaret, 134, 212n31 Clifford, Eleanor, Countess of Dover, 28, 64, 113, 115 Cumberland. See Brandon, Eleanor Dowling, Maria, 201n9, 235n129 Clifford, Lady Florence, 157 Drayton, Michael, 1–2, 3, 6, 7, 15 Clifford, Lord Henry, Earl of Englands Heroicall Epistles, 1–2, 3, 7, 15 Cumberland, 155 Duffy, Eamon, 239n230, 243n283 Clopper, Lawrence, 124 Duprat, Anthoine, 223n12 clothing. See under fashion Duwes, Giles, 21, 24 Clotilde, Queen of Burgundy, 33, 147 Cluny, Hôtel de, 93, 94, 102, 104, Edward IV, King of England, 18, 134, 155 105, 112 Edward VI, King of England, 136, Cocheris, Hippolyte, 217n127 206n102 Colonne, Guido delle, 21 Egmont, Charles van, Duke of History of the Destruction of Troy, 21 Gueldres, 47 Compton, Sir William, 103 Eleanor of Castile, 12, 26 Confrères de la Passion, 80 Elizabeth, Princess, later Elizabeth I, see also players Queen of England, 23, 134, 206n102 Cornish, William, 133, 214n66 Elizabeth of York, Queen of England, Coronation Book, 78 18, 19–21, 24, 155, 158, 163, 200n57 coronations. See under spectacle Ellis, Henry, 198n12, 240n243 Couchman, Jane, 7, 222n238, 224n39 Elston, Timothy, 138 Crabb, Ann, 7 Eltham Palace, 20, 37, 197n6 Crétin, Guillaume, 53, 96–7 Empson, Sir Thomas, 141 Cromwell, Thomas, 137, 145, 152, 154 entry spectacles. See under spectacle epistolary conventions. See letters Dacres, Lord Thomas, 135 Erasmus, Desiderius, 6, 20, 44, 137–8, Dandolo, Marco, 89, 92–3 151, 197n6 Dannot, Gerard, 76 De conscribendis epistolis, 6 Darcy, Lord Thomas, 87, 168–9 De contemptu mundi, 137–8, 151 Davis, Natalie Zemon, 3 Espinoy, Guillaume de l’, 67 Daybell, James, 7, 113, 139 Este, Isabella d’, Marchioness of de Grazia, Margreta, 3 Mantua, 7, 9, 128 Denton, James, 72, 110, 146, 176, 177, 187 Esther, Queen, 68, 78, 86, 88, 141–2 260 Index fashion Garnyshe, Sir Christopher, 65 clothing, 24, 29, 44, 45–6, 52, 58–9, 69, Gattinare, Mercurin de, 95, 104 83, 131, 133, 135, 160 Gertrude, Marchioness of Exeter, 153 hairstyles, 64, 69, 70 Gibson, Richard, 38 jewelry, 14, 30, 52, 54, 58, 63, 64, 65, 70, Giry-Deloison, Charles, 67, 74, 81, 72, 78, 79, 94, 104, 105–7, 110–11, 112, 210–11n10, 212n45, 216n114 114–15, 121, 122, 131, 133, 144–5, 151 Gittings, Claire, 155 Favri, Nicolò di, 55, 56, 58 Giustinian, Marin, 154 Fellows, William, 156 Giustinian, Sebastian, 94, 109, 119–20, Ferdinand of Aragon, King of Spain, 9, 128, 134, 135, 145 10–12, 25, 26, 27, 29–30, 45, 46, 47, Glemham, Sir John, 126 49–50, 53, 55, 56, 73, 85, 109, 223n21 Godly Queen Hester, 141–2 Ferrante, Joan, 198n15 Godwin, Francis, 53 Field of Cloth of Gold, 15, 119, 129–36, Golde, John, 139 145 Gonzaga, Federico, Marquis of Mantua, film/television versions 130 The Sword and the Rose, 2 Gower, John, 15, 22, 41, 200n65 The Tudors, 2 Confessio Amantis, 15, 22 When Knighthood was in Flower, 2 Gravelines, 129, 130, 234n116 Firth-Green, Richard, 201n5 Great Yarmouth, 125 Fisher, John, Bishop of Rochester, 119, Green, Mary Ann Everett (Wood), 135 197nn5–6, 198n12, 201n11, 201n18, Fitzroy, Henry, Duke of Richmond, 116, 204n73, 219n154, 224n32, 225n59, 136 226n83, 240–1n243 Fleet Prison, 88, 171–2 Greenwich, 27, 28, 37, 45, 57, 115, 127, 128, Fleuranges, Robert de la Marck, 56, 69, 150, 164 70, 73–4, 93–4, 232n74 Grey, Frances, Marchioness of Dorset. Fosse-aux-Ballades, 69–70 See Brandon, Frances Fox, Alistair, 41–3 Grey, Henry, Marquis of Dorset (1530), Framery, Laurens, 67 153, 155 Francis I, King of France, 2, 91, 94, 102, Grey, Lady Anne, née Jerningham, 123, 104, 109, 122, 127, 129, 142, 152, 154 135, 230n25 dauphin, 50, 53, 56, 69, 73–4, 79, 84–5, Grey, Lady Elizabeth, 115, 123, 135 86, 87–8 Grey, Lady Jane, 23, 136, 206n102 Field of Cloth of Gold, 119, 129–33, Grey, Lord Edward, 135 145 Grey, Thomas, Marquis of Dorset (1501), Pavia, aftermath of, 120, 145–8 25, 64, 77, 78, 79, 84–5, 123, 128, 133 relationship with Mary, 3–4, 13, Gringore, Pierre, 49–51, 79–83 56, 69, 79, 84–5, 86, 87–8, 93–6, Guildford, Lady Jane, 13, 72–8, 98, 146, 99–100, 102–7, 110–12, 115, 120, 167–8 132, 135, 138–40, 144–8, Guildford, Sir Henry, 84 154–5, 160, 169, 175–6, 187–8, Guise, Charles de Rohan, Count, 70 189 Gunn, Steven, 85, 121–2, 230n23, 235n127, Froissart, Jean, 4–5, 10, 22, 38, 242n273 238n198 Chronicles, 22 Guy, John, 203n58 La prison amoureuse, 207n127 Meliador, 10, 38–9 hairstyles. See under fashion Fuensalida, Gutiérre Gómez de, 10, 12 Hall, Edward, 8, 24, 37, 47, 56, 63, 64, 65, Fulwood, William, 139 66, 78, 84–6, 105, 117, 126, 128, 136, funerals. See under spectacle 143, 151 Index 261

Hall, Francis, 146, 187 Jardine, Lisa, 6 Hampton, George, 141, 146–7, 186 Jerningham, Anne. See Grey, Lady Anne Hampton, Timothy, 87 Jerome, 6 Harris, Barbara, 7, 20–1, 24, 197n5, jewelry. See under fashion 212n31, 223n5 John II, King of Portugal, 96 Hawes, Stephen, 41–4, 98 Jones, Michael, 201n15, 206n111, 220n176 The Comforte of Lovers, 41–4, 98 jousts. See under spectacle Hayward, Maria, 115 Juana, Queen of Castile, Archduchess of Hazard, Mary, 57 Burgundy, 11, 12, 25–6, 27 Henry VII, King of England, 2, 5, 8, Julius II, Pope, 47, 49 9–12, 18, 19, 21, 25–30, 36, 41, 42, 44, “Justes of the Months of May and June,” 49, 66, 73, 96, 156 17–19, 27 Henry VIII, King of England, 2, 6, 11, 12, 18, 19–21, 24, 25, 30, 31, 35, 36–8, Kaeuper, Richard, 36 44–7, 49–51, 71, 79, 85, 119, 120–1 Katherine, Countess of Devon, 134–5 books, 5, 21–2, 156 Kennington, 17, 27 divorce, 148–53 King’s Lynn, 125 heirs, 116, 134–6 Kipling, Gordon, 5, 8, 18, 201n5, 202n19, letters, 52–3, 87, 94, 98, 105, 109 202n22, 202n23, 207n115 relationship with Mary, 2, 3–4, 6–7, Klein, Lisa, 156, 157 13–15, 37–8, 51–4, 62–4, 75–6, 87–9, Knight, Vincent, 88, 150, 171–2 91–2, 94–117, 121–2, 123, 124, 126–9, Krug, Rebecca, 158, 201n18, 202n26 133–6, 143–6, 148–56, 167–86, 194–5 spectacle, participation in, 57–8, 62–3, Laidlaw, J.C., 205n91 66, 84, 126–35, 155 Lancashire, Ian, 231n40 Hercules, 21, 22, 63, 122, 133, 135 Lando, Piero, 102 Heroides. See under Ovid Langley, Bonaventure, 179, 226n67 Hindman, Sandra, 202–3n34 Leest, Jacques, Abbé de Saint-Vulmer, Holbein, Hans, 241n259 66–7 Holinshed, Raphael, 93, 232n74 Legenda Sanctorum, 22 Holt, John, 20 Leland, John, 199n34 Holy League, 47, 49, 67 Lemaire de Belges, Jean, 5, 31, 32–3 Hone, William, 20 Epistres de l’amant vert, 5, 31 Howard, Elizabeth, Duchess of Norfolk, Les illustrations de Gaule et singularitez 64, 151, 153 de Troye, 31, 32–3 Howard, Sir Edmund, 84 Leo X, Pope, 50, 55, 57, 89, 197n6 Howard, Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, 51, Lerer, Seth, 6, 98, 209n150, 214n66, 64, 76, 103, 108, 123, 128, 135, 143, 151, 227n100 152, 154 Lestrange, Sir Thomas, 125 Husee, John, 136 letters, conventions of Hussey, Lady Anne, 153 absence v. presence, 6–7, 35, 39, 60, 98 collaboration, 4, 106, 113–15 Imitation of Christ, 22 connection, 59–61, 87, 97–9, 149, 153 Isabella, Queen of Naples, 109–10, 142 fictional, 5–6, 22–3, 34–6, 59–61, 74–5, Isabella of Castile, Queen of Spain, 8–11, 96–7, 98–9 25, 73 hand, 35, 60–1, 100, 104–5, 106, 111 length, 59–61 Jacques, Duke of Luxembourg, 55, 127 politics, use in, 7–8, 22–3, 35, 45–7, 61, James IV, King of Scotland, 9, 19, 20, 27, 87–9 50, 53, 142, 156 public v. private, 6–8, 35, 61, 109, 113–15 262 Index letters, conventions of—Continued Maroton, Louis, 115–16 reliability, 35, 74–6 Marotti, Arthur, 3 rhetorical fashioning, 3–5, 35, 39–41, marriage of Mary and Louis XII. See 45–7, 59–61, 160–1 Louis XII; Mary; proxy marriages salutations/signatures, 6–7, 19, 97–8, motives: Henry, 52–4; Louis, 52–4; 138–40, 149–50 Mary, 53–4 theatricality, 6–7, 60–1, 109 reactions, international, 54–7 women’s voices, 5–6, 18–19, 22–3, 34–5, Mary, Princess, later Mary I, Queen of 39–41, 96–7 England, 23, 116, 128–9, 134–6, 185 letters, individual. See under sender’s name Mary, Queen of France, Duchess of Levissey, John, 123–4 Suffolk Lincoln, John, 143 birth, 2 Lippomano, Vetor, 55, 116 books: available to, 4–5, 21–3, 30–6, Lisle, Lady Honor, 23 38–44, 137–8; owned, 156–60 Loades, David, 73, 198n9 children, 2, 116, 134–6, 137, 154–7 Longueville, Louis d’Orleans, Duke, chivalric romance, 17–19, 21–2, 29–30, 50–2, 55, 56–9, 60, 62, 72, 77, 79, 81, 36–44, 100, 102–3, 125, 128, 129 87, 89, 165–6, 169 clothing. See under fashion Lorraine, Antoine, Duke, 95, 132 coronation, 14, 78–9, 86, 88, 89, 142 Louis XII, King of France, 1, 26, 30, 91, debts, 114–15, 120–2 94, 109, 122, 136, 148 diplomacy, role in, 26, 29–30, 87–9, health, 54, 56, 71, 73, 85, 89, 92–3, 95, 116–17, 126–34, 144–8 113 dowager queen, 91–4, 119–20, 122, 125, letters, 60–1, 87 133–4, 141, 143, 148, 151, 153, 156, 157, marriage to Mary, 2, 3, 6, 7, 10, 13, 160 14, 30, 31, 49–61, 64, 69–74, 76–7, dower rights, 94–5, 106, 110–11, 114–15, 79–89, 92–3, 94, 96–7, 100, 101, 121–2, 128, 144–8, 154 104–6, 109, 111, 113–14, 119, 129, 131, dowry/goods, 28, 44, 52, 62–4, 117 133, 142, 144, 145, 147, 152, 156, 160, education, 17–47: courtly arts, 23–7, 164–7, 169, 170, 182–4 36–44; formal, 19–23; French, 21, Louise of Savoy, 4, 7, 56, 73–4, 79, 84, 94, 30–1; household 24–5; Latin, 21; 104, 106, 109, 112, 127, 145–8, 187, 188 letters, 4–6, 18–19, 34–6, 38–41; Lydgate, John, 5, 31, 41 queenship, 31–4, 38–44; religious, 20–1 Malory, Sir Thomas, 4, 8, 10, 39–41, 75 fictional portrayals, 1–3, 91, 96–7, Morte d’Arthur, 8, 10, 39–41, 75 119–20, 160 Manners, Richard, 123 funeral, 155–6 Manship, Henry, 125 health, 99, 153–4 Margaret, Countess of Salisbury, 153 Henry’s divorce, 148–53 Margaret, Duchess of Burgundy, 28 intercessor, 62, 87–8, 109–10, 141–4 Margaret, Queen of Scotland, 9, 19, 20, letters from, 3–4, 45–7, 59–61, 73–6, 27, 55, 116, 120, 127, 134, 136, 142–4, 87–8, 91–2, 95–101, 104–15, 123, 149, 156–7, 185, 197n4 136–41, 142, 146–50, 153–4, 163–96 Margaret of Austria, Duchess of Savoy, letters to, 45, 95, 102, 105, 109–10, 12, 26, 28, 30, 32–3, 44–7, 50, 51, 142–3 55–6, 94–5, 104, 115–16, 123, 145, life with Brandon, 122–8, 147, 150–4, 163–4, 206n102 155–6, 157 Marguerite, Duchess of Alençon, (later marriages: to Charles Brandon, 2, 13, Queen of Navarre), 7, 12, 30, 56, 79, 91–2, 96–109, 110–17, 119–20; to 84, 96, 233n93 Charles of Castile, 2, 27–30, 44–7, Index 263

49–52; to Louis XII, 2, 50–61, Milan, French ambitions regarding, 27, 62–73, 76–89, 92–3 52, 55, 63, 85, 88–9, 93, 94 negotiations with Henry, 4, 54, 91–2, Miller, Naomi, 20, 52, 100 97–101, 103–9, 111–15, 120–2 Mirror of Gold for the Sinful Soul, 22 patronage, 41–4, 62, 65, 78, 110, 136–41 Mirror of Naples, 64, 105, 109, 110–12, pregnancy/childbirth, 128, 134–6, 144 145, 233n84 queenship, 3, 8, 10, 13–15, 19, 44–7, Montemerlo, Pietro, 131 50–161 passim Montmorency, Anne de, Grand Master relationship with Francis I, 73, 93–6, of France, 123, 139–40, 147, 189, 99–100, 102–3, 104, 110–12, 132, 135, 190–4 138, 144–8, 154 Montreuil-sur-mer, 65, 67–9, 81, 112 religion, 20–1, 125–6, 151–2, 156–60 More, Thomas, 19–20 renunciation of first marriage, 51–2, “A Rueful Lamentation,” 19–20 56–7 Mortimer, Margaret, 240n232 residences, 122–4 Mulla, Agostin da, 30 retainers, 44–5, 72–8, 110, 123–4, music, 23–6, 27, 29, 67, 70, 79, 84, 123–5, 136–8, 139–41, 146–7, 167–70, 176–8, 128, 133, 138, 143 181, 185–7, 189–94 rhetoric, 15, 45–7, 56–7, 60–1, 73–7, Neville, Sir Edmund, 84 87–9, 91–2, 95–6, 97–115, 121, 136–43, Norfolk, Duke of. See Howard, 145–50, 153–4 Thomas sibling relations: with Catherine of Norwich, 125, 189 Aragon, 11–13, 25, 64, 96, 117, 127–9, 132, 134, 135, 144, 148–50, 153, 185, Order of St. Michael, 80 216n104; with Henry, 3–4, 19–20, Order of the Garter, 25, 29, 68 37–8, 51–2, 62–4, 91–2, 94–109, 111, Order of Toison d’Or (Golden Fleece), 25 112–17, 119–22, 126–9, 133–6, 143–4, Osherow, Michele, 236n158 148–55, 156; with Margaret, 9, 116, Ovid (Publius Ovidius Naso), 1, 4, 6, 21, 134, 142–4, 149, 156–7 31, 34–5, 40, 60 spectacle: 8–10, 11, 17–19, 27–30, 37–8, Heroides: 1, 5–6, 31, 34–5, 60, 99, 133; 58–9, 65–72, 79–86, 119–20, 123–36; Dido, 22, 35, 40; Hypsipyle, 60; comparisons to Virgin, 13, 65–8, Penelope, 5–6, 99 81–3, 86, 155–6; as May Queen, 17–19 paintings. See Ambroise, Master; masques. See under spectacle Perréal, Jean de Matthias Corvinus, King of Hungary, 27 Palsgrave, John, 5, 19, 21, 30–6, 72, Mattingly, Garrett, 200n56, 200n61, 78, 110, 120, 136–8, 170, 181, 201n18 210–11n10 Maximilian of Austria, Holy Roman Lesclaircissement de la langue francoyse, 5, Emperor, 12, 15, 25, 26, 27–30, 44–5, 30–6, 137, 210–11n10 47, 49–50, 52, 55–7, 94–5, 96, 107, Paris, Mary’s entry into, 79–84 115–16, 127, 130, 145 Parsons, John Carmi, 74 May Day of 1517, 120, 142–4 Pasqualigo, Lorenzo, 64, 65, 134 May Queen, 17–19, 27, 83 Pasqualigo, Piero, 109 McCartney, Elizabeth, 78 Passano, Jean Joachim de, Sieur de McRae, Joan, 206n104 Vaulx, 146 Meale, Carol, 36 “Pastime with good company,” 37 Meun, Jean de, 31 Paston, Margery, 212n31 Roman de la Rose, 5, 31 Patterson, Annabel, 3 Michalove, Sharon, 23–4, 25 Pavia, 120, 145, 146 264 Index

Paynell, Thomas, 137–8, 151 Raimondi, Raimondo de, 27 The assaute and conquest of heven, 137 Ramryge, Thomas, Abbot of St. Albans, De contemptu mundi (Erasmus), 137–8, 135 151 Receyt of the Ladie Kateryne, 8–9, 21 Pearson, Meg Forbes, 215n91 Redyng, Mary, 136 Pennington, Sir William, 152 Renée, Princess of France, 50, 86, Penthesilea, Queen of the Amazons, 219n158 33–4, 137 Richardson, Glenn, 9, 86, 130–1, Perréal, Jean de, 64 207n115, 233n75 Perry, Maria, 4, 65, 197n5, 198n9, 215n89, Richardson, Walter, 4, 65, 93–4, 156, 223n16, 227n107 197n5, 197n6, 201n18, 211n18, Petrarch, Francesco, 21 227n107 Philip of Burgundy, King of Castile, Richmond, 11, 21, 22, 25, 26, 28, 42, Archduke of Austria, 11, 19, 25–7, 205n91 148 Riddy, Felicity, 36 Philips, Kim, 36 Robertet, Florimond, 77 physicians, 24, 44, 91, 99, 153–4, 194, Robin Hood, 37, 126 240n243 romances, 8, 10, 18–19, 21–2, 29, 36–44, Pizan, Christine de, 21, 22–3, 33–4, 45, 75, 86, 98 206n106 Arthurian romances, 8, 10, 17, 21, Epistre d’Othea, 21, 22–3 37–40, 68, 74, 75, 84, 208n137 Livre de la cité de dames (Book of the Athelston, 40 City of Ladies), 33–4 Blanchardyn and Eglantine, 22, 36, 75–6 Plantagenet, Arthur, Viscount Lisle, 139, The Castell of Love, 207n127, 242n273 195–6 characters: Apollonius of Tyre, 15, players, 69–70, 123–4 21; Cleriadus and Meliadice, 21; Pleine, Gerard de, 55–7 Melusine, 21, sons of Aymon, 21, 84 Pole, Edmund de la, Earl of Huon of Bordeaux, 207n127, 242n273 Suffolk, 26 Valentine and Orson, 40 Pole, Richard de la, Earl of see also Froissart, Jean; Hawes, Suffolk, 52 Stephen; Malory, Sir Thomas Ponynges, Sir Edward, 212n48 Rouel, Michelle, 110 Popincourt, Jane, 21, 72, 120, 123, 136, Russell, Joycelyne, 131, 232n74, 243n108 139–40, 191–2 Ruthal, Thomas, Bishop of Durham, Powell, Susan, 200n65 64, 135 Poyet, Jean, 152, 156 Rymer, Thomas, 204n71 Praet, Louis de, 129 Préchac, Jean de, 2 St. Albans, Abbot. See Ramryge, Prie, René de, Cardinal, 66, 70, 79 Thomas Privy Council, 88, 91, 105, 107, 108, 112, St. Bridget, 22, 158 179, 180 The Fifteen Oes, 22, 158, 160 proxy marriages St. Catherine, 8, 63–4, 137, 158 Charles and Mary: aftermath, 44–7, St. Elizabeth, 152, 155 ceremony, 27–30; renunciation by Saint-Gelais, Octavien de, 31 Mary, 50–2, 56–7 St. George, 63, 84, 158 Louis and Mary: ceremony, 57–9; St. Margaret, 63–4, 68, 137, 158 mock bedding, 58–9 St. Martin, Nicholas de, 123, 147, Puebla, Rodrigo Gonzales de, 8, 12, 190–4 204n59, 219n163 St. Mary Magdalene, 63, 64, 107, 158 Pynson, Richard, 29 St. Ursula, 8, 137, 158 Index 265 saints, 63, 137, 158, 243n281 coronations: Anne Boleyn, 153–4; see also individual saints Francis, 94; Henry VIII, 37; Mary, Salinas, Maria de, 11, 149 14, 78–9, 86, 88, 89, 142 Sampson, Richard, 116 entertainments, 29, 36–8, 70, 72, 117, Sanseverino, Galeazzo di, 70, 85 123–4, 126–9 Sanuto, Marino, 27, 30, 217n131 entry spectacles: of Catherine of Savage, Anthony, 140–1, 185–6 Aragon, 8–9; of Mary, 65–72, 79–84 Savage, Susan, 140–1, 185–6 funerals, 155–6 Scale of Perfection, 22 jousts, 128, 143 Schatew [Chateau] Vert, 129, 150 masques, 8, 15, 37, 117, 124, 129, 133, 150, see also spectacle: masques 207n123 Schneider, Gary, 199n24, 199n27 plays, 129, 141–2, 214n66 scribes/secretaries, 31, 44, 72, 75, 78, 88, weddings, 8, 9, 14, 28–30, 58, 70, 105, 94, 110, 113, 115–16, 123, 146, 147, 150, 115, 153, 156 203n37 see also tournaments Semiramis, Queen of Babylon, 33–4 Spinelly, Thomas, 95, 104–5, 116 Seyssel, Claude de, 21 Starkey, David, 163, 198n9, 201n8 Sforza, Ludovico, Duke of Milan, 27, Staverton Park, 126 197n6 Steen, Sara Jayne, 3, 228n124, 241n255 Sforza, Massimiliano, Duke of Stein, Gabriele, 31, 207n127 Milan, 55 Stevenson, Sir William, 136 Shakespeare, William, 152 Stewart, Alan, 228n124 Antony and Cleopatra, 105 Stile, John, 199n52, 204n70 Henry IV, Part II, 54–5 Stourton, Lord William, 123 Henry VIII, 134 Stow, John, 122, 143–4 Romeo and Juliet, 1, 152 Streitberger, W.R., 38 Sharpe, Kevin, 18, 66, 120, 122–3, 130, Stuart, Lady Arbella, 241n255 207n115 Suffolk House, 122, 188 Sheingorn, Pamela, 202–3n34 Summit, Jennifer, 7, 203n36 Sherman, Claire Richter, 78 ships tapestries, 10, 22, 28, 44, 62, 63, 79, 84, Great Elizabeth, 65 131, 134–5, 202n27, 206n102 Henry Grace à Dieu, 64 Tasso, Torquato, 87 La Pucelle Marie, 127 Thérouanne, 49, 50, 52 Shrewsbury, 124 Thetford Priory, 124, 125 Sidney, Sir William, 84, 105, 115 Tournai, 49, 52, 88, 104, 106, 107, 171 Skelton, John, 20, 37, 205n92 tournaments, 10, 13, 17–19, 22, 38–9, 77, Skeron, Anne, 197n6 89, 104, 128 Soardino, Jacopo, 130–1, 133 1501, marriage of Arthur and “Song made in honor of my lady Catherine, 8 Mary,” 28 1502, marriage of Margaret and James, “A Song of an English Knight,” 2, 10 206n110 1506, Lady May, 27 Song of Solomon, 66–7, 81 1507, “Justes of the Months of May Southwark. See Suffolk House and June,” 17–19, 27 spectacle 1509, Henry VIII’s coronation, 37 banquets, 2, 9, 10, 13, 29, 37, 58, 79, 84, 1511, birth of Henry and Catherine’s 86, 104, 117, 127, 128–9, 132–3, 143, son, 37 144, 151, 153, 218n141 1515, marriage of Mary and Louis, 2, ceremonies, 25, 26 84–6 266 Index tournaments—Continued Walker, Greg, 10, 124, 142 1517, celebration of treaty with Spain/ Warbeck, Perkin, 9, 26 Low Countries, 128 Warham, William, Archbishop of 1520, Field of Cloth of Gold, 130–3 Canterbury, 58 treaties, 2, 26, 27–8, 49, 50, 53, 54, 57, 94, Warnicke, Retha, 219n158, 239n216, 127, 128–9, 145, 146, 150 240n239 Treul, Jean du, 71–2 weddings. See under spectacle Triulzi, Antonio, Bishop of Asti, 58, 63, West, Nicholas, 55, 71, 78, 94, 105, 70, 217n127 173 Triulzi, Hieronimo, 109 West Stow Hall, 122 Troy myths, 21, 22–3, 31, 32–4, 35, 40, 86, Westhorpe, 122, 123, 124, 154, 155 128, 137 Westminster Abbey, 152, 155 Tudor, house of Westminster Palace, 11, 37, 205n91 Arthur. See Arthur, Prince of Wales William, Duke of Bavaria, 96 Elizabeth I. See Elizabeth, Princess Williams, Deanna, 144 Henry VI. See Henry VII, King of Williams, John, 139, 196 England Willoughby, Catherine, Duchess of Henry VIII. See Henry VIII, King of Suffolk, 149, 241n256 England Willoughby, Sir Henry, 123 Margaret. See Margaret, Queen of Windsor, 11 Scotland Wingfield, Edmund, 30 Mary. See Mary, Queen of France Wingfield, Sir Humphrey, 141, 189 Mary I. See Mary, Princess Wingfield, Sir Richard, 94, 105, 130, Turpyn, Richard, 28, 84 145, 173 Tuke, Brian, 113, 154 Wingfield, Sir Robert, 94–5 Wolfe, Heather, 228n124 Underwood, Malcolm, 201n15, 206n111, Wolsey, Thomas, Archbishop of 220n176 York, Cardinal of York, 6, 7, University of Paris, 86 14, 51, 52–3, 60–1, 64, 72–7, Uvedale, William, 136 81, 85, 91–2, 98, 103, 104, 105–6, 111, 112–15, 116, 120, Val, Anthoine du, 139–40, 189, 190–4 121, 127, 128–9, 130–2, 134–5, Valence, Pierre, 137 142, 143, 145–6, 147, 149, Introductions in Frensche for Henry, 137 150–1, 154, 166, 168, 170, Vallée, Anne de, 110 172, 177, 180–7, 189, Vaughan, Stephen, 137 205n87 Vendôme, Charles de Bourbon, Duke, letters, 76–7, 95, 102, 106 66, 70, 79, 85, 132 patronage, 78, 110, 136, 138–41 Vergil, Polydore, 55, 65, 121, 131, 232n68, Woodville, Elizabeth, Queen of 232n74 England, 208n137 Verner, William, 78 Worcester, Charles Somerset, Earl, 55, Verney, Dorothy, 136 59, 71, 72, 77, 78, 165–6 Verney, Eleanor, 236n156 Worde, Wynkyn de, 17, 22, 40, 75 Veyrier, John, 99, 173, 225n52 Wormald, Francis, 217n119, 217n124 Villebresme, 142–3 Wycliffe Bible, 21 Vives, Juan Luis, 24 Wyngaerde, Anthony van den, 122 De Institutione Foeminae Christianae (On the Instruction of a Christian Yavneh, Naomi, 20, 52, 100 Woman), 24 Younge, John, 10