Journal of Consumer Behaviour J. Consumer Behav. 9: 437–453 (2010) Published online in Wiley Online Library (wileyonlinelibrary.com) DOI: 10.1002/cb.337

Anti-consumption as part of living a sustainable : Daily practices, contextual motivations and subjective values Iain R. Black1* and Helene Cherrier2 1Department of Marketing, University of Edinburgh Business School, University of Edinburgh, Scotland, EH8 9JS, UK 2Department of Marketing, Griffith University, Nathan Campus, 170 Kessels Road, Nathan, QLD 4111,

 This research examines anti- practices, motivations and values within attempts to live a more sustainable lifestyle. Sixteen women were interviewed and from their narratives, anti-consumption for was found to be practiced via acts of rejection, reduction and . In addition, practices of anti-consumption for sustain- ability are constructed through the collaboration between the needs of the individual and the needs for environmental preservation. This perspective moves sustainable consump- tion away from a rational information processing and environmentally motivated choice to incorporate various subjective and individualistic needs and values. Hence, the challenge for sustainable marketers is to position sustainable practices along side self interested notions such as independence, beauty, quality or value for money. Copyright # 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Introduction We have a fairly small car and one of the reasons, I mean it’s for gas and we find you Global warming. It’s huge, everyone don’t need a big SUV, and ‘oh why can’t we should be doing it. It’s, like it’s not a fad have a bigger car mummy, we want one of or a craze, it’s not going to go away any those cars that has, you know, a DVD time soon, it’s just, this is the way that player and da, da, da...’ (Katherine) people should live, you shouldn’t have clothes dryers and we shouldn’t have a 4 In the excerpts above, both Lisa and wheel drive. (Lisa) Katherine express a strong resistance to acquiring and using an SUV. Although both informants avoid the same product, their *Correspondence to: Iain R. Black, Department of Market- motivations against SUV consumption are ing, University of Edinburgh Business School, University of Edinburgh, Scotland, EH8 9JS, UK. quite different. Lisa refuses to buy a four E-mail: [email protected] wheel drive because of its impact on global

Copyright # 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, Nov.–Dec. 2010 DOI: 10.1002/cb 438 Iain R. Black and Helene Cherrier warming and Katherine refuses to purchase an tices. This suggests that prescriptive and SUV because she does not really need it and it is normative views of sustainability may be more expensive to run. Considering these motiva- alienating than inviting to consumers whose tional differences; should we say that only values, attitudes and beliefs do not necessarily Lisa’s rejection represents a form of sustainable fit the well-defined ‘environmentally conscious behaviour and that Katherine’s rejection is consumers’ (Ottman, 1993). objective, self-interested and materialistic and In the following discussion, we review the therefore should not be viewed as being based concept of and its on sustainability? association to anti-consumption literature. We This question highlights some important then offer details of the study and the themes concerns for the nascent field of anti-con- theorized during the analysis. In conclusion, sumption and its association with sustainable we highlight the importance of offering self- development: does anti-consumption fit within interested benefits when promoting sustain- the discourse of sustainability? If so, what are able lifestyles and make recommendations on the characteristics and meanings affiliated to how to frame the effects these practices have practices of anti-consumption for sustainability on identity. and what makes practices of anti-consumption part of ? In order to answer these questions, we examine practices of anti- Sustainable consumption consumption in a corpus of narratives from women who are trying to live a sustainable The question of sustainability is often discussed lifestyle. The analysis of 16 phenomenological around issues of sustainable consumption interviews concentrates on the daily anti- (Heiskanen and Pantzar, 1997). Although consumption practices, the meanings that increasingly central to academic and policy consumers give to their anti-consumption prac- debates, this notion is still as elusive as its official tices, and how these practices are incorporated definition: ‘sustainable consumption is the use within wider discourses of sustainable living. of goods and related products which respond to The findings offer anti-consumption for basic needs and bring a better quality of life, sustainability as a practice of rejection, while minimising the use of natural reduction and reuse. Although each of these and toxic materials as well as the emissions of practices associate with environmental pres- wasteandpollutantsoverthelifecycle,soasnot ervation, they are mostly constructed through to jeopardise the needs of ’ a web of identity claims and responsibilities. (Norwegian Ministry of Environment, 1994, This perspective moves sustainable consump- cited in OECD, 2002). The ambiguity of the tion away from a rational information proces- concept has led to multiple interpretations and sing and environmentally motivated choice to to a general acceptance that ‘there is no incorporate various subjective and individua- clear definition of sustainable consumption’ listic needs. Hence, the challenge for sustain- (Heiskanen and Pantzar 1997, p. 410). able marketers is to position sustainable For some, sustainable consumption refers practices alongside self-interested notions to the consumption of ‘greener’ products; also such as independence, beauty, quality or value referred to as (Ottman, for money. Finally, this study helps re-visit the 1993; Tanner and Kast, 2003; Moisander, notion of sustainability. For our informants, 2007). Marketers often build on this view to sustainable practices incorporate actions that develop and promote do not necessarily have many green creden- choices such as organic and locally grown tials. Yet, these actions allow consumers to fruit and vegetables, recycled paper, alterna- integrate sustainability within their daily lives tive formulations for detergents, eco-friendly and experience anti-consumption for sustain- magazines or low- light bulbs. In each ability as pleasurable and self-fulfilling prac- case, marketers promote ‘shopping with the

Copyright # 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, Nov.–Dec. 2010 DOI: 10.1002/cb Anti-consumption sustainability sustainable consumption identity 439 planet in mind’ and introduce new green retail (Dodson, 2003). The idea of ecological citizens environments such as the ‘Ecomall: a place to incorporates the notion of downscaling con- help save the planet’ (ecomall.com). This sumption. This, to some extent, signals that conceptualization supports the notion that anti-consumption may represent an innovative continued based on improved motivational force for . efficiency, green taxation and informed con- Anti-consumption ‘literally means against sumers is compatible with sustainability (Fisk, consumption’ (Lee et al., 2009). Although 1973). Here, environmental preservation can be most research in anti-consumption focus on achieved through consumer demand for green the reasons behind product/brand avoidance, and environmentally friendly products. The key a review of the literature indicates that to sustainable consumption from this perspect- practices of anti-consumption are elements ive relies on rational and environmentally aware of sustainable lifestyles. For example, in studies consumers who make decisions based on their on sustainability, green consumers refuse to deep values (Ottman, 1993). These consumers, purchase products that are harmful to the named ‘environmentally conscious consu- environment (Moisander and Pesonen, 2002; mers’ (Ottman, 1993) or ‘green consumers’ Moisander, 2007), in research on , (Elkington et al., 1990; Tanner and Kast, 2003), ethical consumers reject products from are individuals willing to use some of their time socially irresponsible businesses (Ozcaglar- and money to express their concern and care Toulouse et al., 2006), in political consump- for the environment. Support for the relevance tion studies, consumers do not purchase of environmental concerns in motivating sus- brands and products that do not respond to tainable consumption is contained in Harrison their particular political ideology (Micheletti et al.’s acknowledgement that ethical con- et al., 2003; Sandıkcı and Ekici, 2009) and in sumers all have in common, a concern ‘with anti- analysis, resistant consumers the effects that a purchasing choice has, not boycott organizations that negatively impact only on themselves, but also on the external (Klein et al., 2004). world around them’ (Harrison et al., 2005, p. Although most note 2). Here, being a consumer and purchasing of that practices of anti-consumption are most green or environmentally friendly products likely to be associated with environmental entails being environmentally informed and concerns, some show that anti-consumption doing deeds greater than fulfilling personal can be motivated by individuals prioritizing desires and satisfaction for the self. their self-interests and well-being. For For others, sustainable consumption is broader example, reducing consumption for voluntary and includes rethinking the social and cultural simplifiers is mostly an inner experience function of material consumption and affluence driven by a desire to live the good life (Cherrier (Schumacher, 1974). This alternative view entails and Murray, 2007). Craig-Lees and Hill empiri- downscaling consumption and reframing the cally noted that most of voluntary simplifiers normative framework based on material pros- surveyed did not refer to the environment as a perity and wealth to an ‘anticonsumerist ethic’ key reason for their anti-consumption prac- (Press and Arnould, 2009). Here, environmen- tices (Craig-Lees and Hill, 2002, p. 198). tal consciousness and moral restraints on Instead, in their reflections on the relationship consumption choices undermine the tradi- between consumption and the good life, tional model of self-interested consumers and voluntary simplifiers refuse to purchase items individualization of responsibility (Press and that fail to improve their level of happiness Arnould, 2009). Following this perspective, (Elgin, 1981b) and reject consumption activi- consumers are ‘ecological citizens’ who share ties that do not correspond to their self- personal commitments to sustainability and concept (Craig-Lees and Hill, 2002). In addition take actions in their daily lives to reduce their to voluntary simplicity and , anti- impacts on others and on the environment consumption practices have been conceptu-

Copyright # 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, Nov.–Dec. 2010 DOI: 10.1002/cb 440 Iain R. Black and Helene Cherrier alised in terms of self-interested motivations in to living a sustainable lifestyle (see Table 1). All studies on ethical consumption. For example, respondents were aged between 23 and 64 during their discussion on virtue ethics, Barnett with a household income above 40 000 Euros. et al. (2005) extend our understandings of ethical An initial set of interviews was conducted in consumption beyond consumers’ socio-environ- Sydney, Australia with the informants recruited mental concerns to consider the relevance of from a database of people who had attended self-interested concerns. Similarly, looking at a series of ‘greenhome’ workshops ran by boycotting, Kozinets and Handelman (1998) local councils and the Australian Conservation note personal integrity as a driver to product Foundation. These workshops provided infor- avoidance and anti-consumption practices. mation and tips on how to live more sustain- The existence of practices of anti-consump- able lives. Potential informants were screened tion in sustainable lifestyles as well as the to ensure they had made a conscious decision diversity of environmental and self-interested to change their consumption practices to concerns are interesting pieces in the sustain- reflect their growing environmental awareness able development puzzle, and yet not well- and that this decision had been put into understood (Lee et al., 2009). In this paper, we practice. explore anti-consumption within sustainable To allow a national comparison to this group, lifestyles and the meanings ascribed to the a second set of interviews were conducted in practices with the aim of offering details on the Toronto, . The long term commitment characteristics of anti-consumption within by state and municipal governments in this sustainable living. We also question whether part of Canada made it likely that a pool of self-interested concerns can be drivers to anti- women experienced in environmentally con- consumption for sustainability and hence scious behaviour existed from which the sustainable development. sample could be recruited. The Toronto mothers were recruited by a professional fieldwork agency working to a strict respondent screener. The study This measured socio-demographics (to ensure Sixteen in-depth interviews in total were a match with the Sydney group), which conducted with women who had committed environmentally friendly behaviours were

Table 1. Informants

Name Age Profession Partner Children

Sydney Rachel 50 Social worker Yes 4 Susan 23 Environmental scientist No 0 Angie 50 High school teacher No 0 Mandy 51 Home maker Yes 2 Taylor 38 Home maker Yes 2 Anne 41 Home maker Yes 0 Lucy 57 Home maker Yes 3 Lisa 25 Personal assistant Yes 0 Laurie 55 Clinical psychologist Yes 2 Carol 64 Registered nurse Yes 3 Toronto Katherine 36 Homemaker Yes 2 Sarah 43 Teacher Yes 2 Kate 43 Homemaker Yes 1 Deborah 36 Homemaker Yes 3 Francis 43 Primary school teacher Yes 2 Pearl 42 Lead trading co. Yes 1

Copyright # 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, Nov.–Dec. 2010 DOI: 10.1002/cb Anti-consumption sustainability sustainable consumption identity 441 practiced and the length of time they had been ity, organic production, , actively engaged in these behaviours. environment, nature and global warming. As The discussions followed the long interview well as being aware of the general concerns design discussed by Thompson et al. (1989), about the state of the , they talked in were conducted in the informants homes and detail about specific such lasted between 1.5 and 3 hours. They topics as gas emissions, rubbish disposal discussed were guided by questions on brands, and in air, and food. Air products or activities that were avoided and pollution was the most frequently mentioned reasons for this. The discussions were audio concern, though water shortages were also taped, from which verbatim transcripts were mentioned regularly. They also discussed what prepared. During the analysis we adopted they saw as the consequences of these issues, the hermeneutic circle (Thompson, 1997) with global warming and health problems where by multiple readings and documenting attributed to specific concerns. It was also recurring patterns, meaning-based linkages common for a clear link to be made between where developed for and between each environmental concerns, the potential con- informant. sequences of this and their motivation to act. Rachel: ‘Well because the Earth is in need of it I guess, and you know, worrying about your kids futures and what’s it going to look like Findings for them and the whole global warming The findings showed that whilst the individual thing.’ Here, we start to see the motivations sustainable practices performed by the respon- for their actions are not primarily driven by dents differed (mainly due to product avail- concern over the environment but instead by ability and local council facilities), they are all self interest, an idea expanded upon during situated in a similar set of socio-environmental theme two. issues and share a common set of self- In this finding section, theme one and two concerns. We found during the analysis that explain how anti-consumption is prioritized whilst both groups clearly practiced different over green consumption and what types of behaviours, the underlying types of behaviour anti-consumption practices our informants and their meanings and roles were similar. performed. These acts of rejection, reduction, Hence, whereas Australians recycled sun tan and reuse, although diverse, highlight the lotion bottles more often than the Canadians, efforts and commitments associated to prac- the meanings attached to these different anti- tices of anti-consumption for sustainability. consumption actions were common to both Theme three shows practices of anti-consump- groups. Therefore, for this paper, we feel it is tion being incorporated in daily lives not so appropriate to combine both groups within much as environmental investments but rather the analysis. in terms of self-expressions. The last theme All informants offered myriads of anti- portrays the notion of sustainability as sub- consumption practices shaped by their self- jectively constructed where practices of anti- concepts, families, and occupations. A broad consumption help re-align unsustainable acts range of practices were discussed from common into discourses of sustainability. ones such as turning off lights and not driving a car where possible, to ones that can be described as more involved and extreme such Anti-consumption for sustainability as attempting not to use fresh water to flush versus green consumption or not using purchased but instead making their own mixtures. In our analysis, all informants are clearly aware Informants referred to their anti-consump- that living a sustainable lifestyle involves tion practices using discourses on sustainabil- ‘shopping with the planet in mind.’ Our

Copyright # 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, Nov.–Dec. 2010 DOI: 10.1002/cb 442 Iain R. Black and Helene Cherrier informants evaluate their purchase decisions from conflicting identities. During the inter- and try to favour products that they consider views, each informant discussed how, within ‘better’‘eco-friendly’ (Sarah) or ‘green, envir- their daily lives, they embraced diverse onmentally friendly’ (Katherine). The pro- identities such as mother, wife, sister, artist, ducts ranged from food items (organic, less teacher and lawyer and how each identity packaging, and locally grown) to cleaning contributes to a range of values. It is the products (green detergent, paper) to management of the boundaries between these renovating material (‘green’ paint). identities that, it is argued here, can help Although references to green consumption explain consumer’s inclination for anti-con- are offered in the narratives, faithfully practi- sumption practices over green consumption. cing these consumption activities are not For example, Susan cited above, considers fundamental to living a sustainable lifestyle. green products as ‘too expensive’ (Susan). As expressed in the excerpt below, our Similarly in the excerpt below, Katherine informants do not necessarily purchase envir- explains how important organic is and yet onmentally friendly products. does not purchase this type of product.

Katherine: I bought this very un-environ- Katherine: Organic is big and it’s getting mentally friendly product, a Swiffer. bigger and bigger and bigger. And I ... I They’re ... it’s a mop but it’s not like a haven’t been buying it. I’ve just started pain in the neck mop where you have to kind of paying attention to some of the wring out the stuff or ... you get a stuff and looking at price points and stuff, disposable pad that goes on it. And then there’s some things are outrageously you squirt stuff out of the actual mop and expensive. [...]Organic milk is big, like then go over it. They’re fantastic but they’re all my girlfriends seem to be buying not very environmentally friendly because organic milk right now. It costs twice as you’ve got this throw away thing that ... much as regular milk and I haven’t gone that route yet...I don’t know if I’m totally Katherine expresses her personal prefer- convinced yet. ences for using a mop that is ‘un-environmen- tally friendly’. Similarly, Sarah purchases Throughout her narrative, Katherine, a ‘double ply toilet paper’ that is ‘not very homemaker, expresses caring about money sustainably friendly to buy’ and Francis and savings as key value. As saving is a strong admits that she ‘don’t use them (environmen- part of her identity, the idea of purchasing tally friendly cleaners) as much as my friends more expensive green products such as do or people...I think I want that just a little organic fruits, milk or beef conflicts with her bit extra clean.’ For Susan, she believes that core values: ‘because when I looked at the not only does using environmentally friendly price I was like oh’ (Katherine). Similarly Kate, products not necessarily preserve the natural below, has not been ‘convinced yet’ by the environment but also ‘potentially you could superiority of green products over conven- lose money by choosing more environmen- tional goods. tally friendly products—they’re a bit more expensive.’ Kate: We want to paint the house so my The analysis here suggests that green husband likes Benjamin Moore paint and I consumption is not an essential part of told him that there’s a new green paint that sustainable living. Across the sample, each comes out. But there’s issues about it informant gave examples where they had set because you know once I said the paint limits on what green products or eco-friendly will start fading, you know it doesn’t have items they could incorporate in their daily the right pigments and dyes in it. So they lives. In most occasions, these limits originate haven’t perfected it yet.

Copyright # 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, Nov.–Dec. 2010 DOI: 10.1002/cb Anti-consumption sustainability sustainable consumption identity 443

Here we see that for Kate, the idea of isn’t as good or there are some paints, purchasing green paint is attractive but the cheaper paints that you can use that are a uncertainty over its quality leads to conflict little more environmentally friendly but with her need for a beautiful home. As a they’re not as saturating colour and things homemaker, Kate’s main identity evolves like that. around caring for the home and is proud to create a comfortable one for her family. When This first theme shows that our informants considering whether to purchase green paint appear to prioritize anti-consumption activities or not, she faced a conflict between wanting to over green consumption. This lack of commit- offer a beautiful home to her husband (wife ment to consumption of green alternatives values) and the desire to preserve the environ- despite professing positive attitudes towards ment (environmental values). As we expand such purchases is well known in the literature upon below, with most informants, family (see Mannetti et al., 2004 and Peattie and values are given priority over sustainability. Peattie 2009 for review of this area). In Whereas a range of identity conflicts occurred addition to concerns for cost or quality often (mother versus wife, friend versus environmen- described in the literature on resistance to talist), limitations were typically placed on green green consumption, our analysis suggests that products that either challenged core mothering part of this ‘green gap’ may be due to core values or modified the home or body (core elements of the self that clash with the elements of self, Belk, 1988). For example, purchase or use of green products. Further- Francis is a mother. She eats , grows more, the following themes suggest that this vegetables and uses publictransportyetrefuses ‘green gap’ may also be due to the perform- to purchase and use environmentally friendly ance of anti-consumption rather than pro- cleaners. Her refusal is linked to her identity as a environmental consumption to provide diver- mother. Francis does not buy these cleaners as sities of practices that are sufficiently flexible she does not think they clean well and using to allow for self-expression. them would challenge her conceptualization of ‘being mother’ as a homemaker, where cleanli- Anti-consumption for sustainability: ness is critically important. Similarly, Taylor will rejecting, reducing and reusing not acquire solar panels because they would change the look her home. Taylor’s core identity As highlighted in theme one, our informants’ reflects strongly her care for her family and sustainable living is mainly expressed through risking the aesthetic of her family home conflicts practices of anti-consumption. The practices inte- with this. In both of these examples, the eco- grate processes of rejecting, reducing and reusing friendly cleaners and the were products, brands or consumption activities. rejected because buying and using them In term of rejection, our informants rejected involved modifying one’s core identity. Other the consumption of a wide range of products, examples showed the importance of hobby and brands or consumption activities. For example, work identities taking precedence over issues of Kate ‘can’t use any insecticides’ and Katherine sustainability. For example, Francis says that she will not buy non-organic fruits ‘like for apples, does‘ love the environment, I am enjoying the strawberries, I guess also fruits and vegetables trees, the birds and you know just the nature. I that come in contact with a lot of pesticides.’As love nature’ and yet in the excerpt below, she shown below, this rejection of particular acknowledge consuming non-environmentally products or brands is often a practice that has productstosatisfyherpassionforpainting. been incorporated into a sustainable lifestyle.

Francis: There’s no environmentally Katherine: No, I’m pretty good now but I friendly ... there’s some recycled paper you used to print off ... I do a lot of writing. can use but they’re not as ... the quality And I used to print off the cases I would

Copyright # 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, Nov.–Dec. 2010 DOI: 10.1002/cb 444 Iain R. Black and Helene Cherrier

have to read first and read them and then possible and ‘run my at night.’ do it. Now I try to ...I don’t print off stuff, I Similarly, Rachel will ‘try not to use the oven’ just read from my computer which isn’t as or ‘try not to use the oven too much’. Explicit pleasant and you can’t do it anywhere to these examples of rejection and reduction is unless I’ve got my laptop with me. But the notion of ‘trying.’ Expressions such as yeah, I won’t print stuff out... ‘trying’ or ‘as much as I can’ were present in all narratives and clearly show anti-consumption Although Katherine used to print articles, for sustainability as practices that entail efforts, her awareness on sustainability has led her to commitments and acceptable failures. Rachel stop printing. Although incorporated into her and Francis (and Laurie below) recognise that lifestyle, this behaviour requires effort and they ‘try’, even if sometimes they fail in trying commitment. As mentioned above, not print- to reduce their consumption, the simple ing means that she must read from the screen, aspect of ‘trying’ appears vital to their which ‘isn’t as pleasant’ and requires her to sustainable narratives. The practices explained carry the ‘laptop with me.’ Yet, as this by Laurie below do not represent a strict behaviour does not clash with Katherine’s rejection of ‘packaged products’, ‘junk foods’, core values, she is prepared to bear these costs. ‘ towels’, ‘ ’, ‘vacuum In addition to rejecting particular products, cleaner’ or ‘car’ but rather an effort brands or consumption activities, our analysis ‘to reduce that to more of a minimum.’ shows that anti-consumption for sustainability incorporates practices of reducing. Theoreti- Laurie: I use the washing machine less cally speaking, we incorporate reducing con- frequently both for power and water sumption activity within the concept of anti- conservation, so, and that’s easier with consumption based on Lee et al.’s (2009) only 2 of us here but I’ll save towels up and conceptualization that: ‘anti-consumption lit- do, so I’ve tried to reduce that to more of a erary means against consumption’ (p. 145). minimum. Um, as far as water goes, we’ve Under this conception, anti-consumption incorp- fitted the , well we’ve, one our orates a rejection to the entire consumption daughter’s has moved out who had long process: acquisition, usage and disposal. Reducing hair and long – (laugh) that made represents a form of anti-consumption towards the a big difference but seriously we put um, usage of particular products, brands or con- the, you know, water saving shower heads sumption activities. For example, Francis and things like, all that on the taps, we’ve describes her sustainable lifestyle mainly done that. Um, Ross certainly reduced how referring to reducing her consumption levels. long he’s in the shower. [...] we try, recycle waste as much as we-, well we don’t have a Francis: Well I first of all, for example, lot of-, I don’t think we have a lot of waste. cleaning or laundry, I’ll wait until I have We don’t, I don’t buy a lot of packaged full loads before I run the machine. I try to products, um, mostly fresh fruit and hang up my clothes as much ... as much as I vegetables so there’s not much, we don’t can in the summer...I run my dishwasher use much in the way of sort of junk foods, at night, I , I recycle, we have a but we do recycle pretty faithfully. I green ... green bin system where we put a suppose we do have a reasonable turnover lot of biodegradable and things like that of wine bottles. So we recycle. I have a and that’s ... besides the garbage...I do use worm farm, um, that all the kitchen scraps my car but I try to limit ... try to car-pool as go to. Um, what else? I use the vacuum much as I can. I try not to idle my car. cleaner minimally (laugh). Um, yeah I can’t think of anything else. I walk to work, Rather than rejecting owning a car or a um, so use the car fairly sparingly. We’ve dishwasher, Francis tries to drive as little as sold a car, so we, my, Ross has a work

Copyright # 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, Nov.–Dec. 2010 DOI: 10.1002/cb Anti-consumption sustainability sustainable consumption identity 445

vehicle and we have one other car but, and In all narratives, reusing was an important we use that at weekends, but I tend to, I aspect of sustainable living and as Rachel’s excerpt walk to work because that’s local. So our above suggests, the practice could involve petrol consumption’s fairly small. great efforts and demonstrate high level of commitment to sustainability. As stated above, Laurie’s behaviour shows a diversity of Rachel understands that reusing water ‘from practices that touch a broad range of essential the washing machine’‘to flush the toilet’is parts her day-to-day life such as transportation, ‘almost crazy.’ It is an act she would not washing and eating. In addition, this quote advocate. This behaviour interestingly demon- highlights that reducing consumption does not strates a high degree of motivation towards take precedence over other roles. Laurie’s and reuse, but rather than efforts and commitment to sustainable living being proud of her commitment, she expresses are contingent upon her life stages and since notions of embarrassment. As she does not her daughter left home, sustainable living is want others to know about what she does, she more possible. Similarly, Laurie’s desire to is clearly uncomfortable about its social image reduce her consumption ‘to more of a and fears being stigmatized as a crazy person. minimum’ has not led to drastic changes in Throughout the data there were examples, her daily life during which she continues to where despite performing radical conservation ‘have a reasonable turnover of wine bottles.’ behaviours, informants rejected the label or In addition to rejection and reduction, our identity of ‘conservationist’ (or indeed ‘tree informants expressed another practice posi- hugger’). The fear of being stigmatized as deviant tioned ‘against consumption’ (Lee et al., 2009). and acting outside the mainstream shows that our Reusing is against all three processes that informants did not perform sustainable consump- define consumption: acquisition, usage, and tion practices that could potentially shift their disposition (Holbrook, 1987). On the one identities. Rather, our informants’ anti-consump- hand, reusing is against the acquisition and use tion practices were performed within their of new products; and on the other hand, it is existing identities and desired identities. against unnecessary disposal of products Theme two offers examples where the (Cherrier, 2010). For example, as seen below, informants reflected on rejecting, reducing, Rachel collects the water from the washing and reusing as essential to living a sustainable machine and uses it to flush the toilet. lifestyle. In this study, we categorize each of these practices as anti-consumption activities Rachel: Another thing, I mean another for three main reasons: (1) anti-consumption thing we do is, now this is really going and means against consumption, (2) rejection, this is not something I would promote with reducing and reusing are activities that were anyone but the runoff water from the last performed by our informants so that they couple of rinses in the wash, you know would not have to acquire, use or waste and (3) from the washing machine, I collect that these practices do not involve any process of and put it the bathroom to flush the toilet. acquisition of new products or consumption So ah, that’s something I’ve been doing for activities. This second theme also shows that the last, I don’t know, 6 months, but it’s our informants’ anti-consumption practices something that’s almost crazy (laugh). were performed within their existing identities And something I would never advocate to and desired identities. people because you’re constantly running back and it looks a bit silly, running back Anti-consumption for sustainability and forth with buckets of water to the and self-expression bathroom and ah. And I try not to go crook on people for not using it (laugh). But it’s a, When defining the green consumer, Elkington it is a bit of a weird thing to do (laugh). et al. (1990) emphasize that caring for the

Copyright # 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, Nov.–Dec. 2010 DOI: 10.1002/cb 446 Iain R. Black and Helene Cherrier environment leads consumers to reduce the local historical to community sort number of purchases to a minimum. Although of nursing groups to the hospital board our analysis notes that our informants strongly and then becoming involved in local adhere to environmental preservation and care government in 1991, so lots of hands on for nature, the actual practices of anti-con- experience I guess in making decisions, ah, sumption for sustainability mostly relate to a in relation to um, ah issues of the concern for self-expression, either in terms of environment. identities or desired identities. For example, Rachel identifies herself as a person of ‘faith.’ All narratives depict a clear relationship Her spiritual connection to Christianity is vital between our informants’ identities and sustain- to her self-concept and it is her faith that leads able practices. Adopting a sustainable lifestyle to anti-consumption practices. allows informants to express who they are (identities) and who they desire to be (desired Rachel: ‘But the original energy for our identities). In terms of desired identities, Susan motivation came more from our faith I dreams of becoming self-sufficient and one day think. There’s the importance placed having ‘my dream home, to have a fully, like within Christianity on our impact on self-contained sustainable house’. For all the others, our capacity to contribute to the informants, living a sustainable life is a goal, quality of others’ lives or not, an orien- sort of a dream that entails ‘a shift along a tation to social responsibility - which continuum towards feeling more hopeful’ happens outside of faith contexts too, I (Laurie). The dream, hope or the goals to know, but which for us is central to become ‘self-sufficient’ (Susan), ‘more hope- making the effort. The concept of justice ful’ (Laurie) or to ‘be the leaders’ (Lisa), leads was probably a key 30 years ago, for us - informants to question their way of living and there are only limited resources on the leads them to gradually adopt a more sustain- planet and richer countries are taking a able lifestyle. Here, we see our informants disproportionate share. It expresses soli- explaining their choices to adopt anti-con- darity with people who are poor and sumption practices for sustainable living as future generations to be prudent with the part of their pursuit of desired identities. use of resources. Only gradually have we In addition, all anti-consumption practices, become more aware of concepts such as despite their different characterizations, sustainability, ecological footprints and (reject, reduce, reuse) are described a means , but they fit easily with the for self-expression. For example, Francis values derived from our faith.’ explains that sustainable living is an expression of her identity as a caring woman who gives in Each informant expressed a diversity of order to receive something back. Francis’s identities that led them to practices of anti- identities relates to caring: ‘care of people, consumption for sustainability. As seen above, taking care of plants, taking care of myself,’ Rachel’s sustainable living is an expression of caring for her child, caring for her husband. her faith and ‘an orientation to social responsibility.’ For Angela, it is her strong Francis: I like ... I like to take care of things, sense of involvement and her aptitude to make yeah. And caring and ...and the quality of decisions that compelled her to join an ...of what I do. And so, that would be you environmental group and adopt of sustainable know taking care of people, taking care of lifestyle. plants, taking care of myself, so ... and taking care of the environment of course. Angela: Um, I’m a teacher at a local school, And it’s all encompassing you know it’s ... local high school. I’ve been always very when you take care of the environment strongly involved in the community from you’re also ...you give something to it and

Copyright # 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, Nov.–Dec. 2010 DOI: 10.1002/cb Anti-consumption sustainability sustainable consumption identity 447

it gives back to you. So, I also feel that with literature where sustainable practices are my child and my husband. I give them expressions of care for the environment something and they give it back to me and (Moisander and Pesonen, 2002; Moisander, it’s more rewarding, yeah. 2007), our narratives shows myriads of con- cerns, ranging from financial evaluation, to In Francis’s narrative (and for all informants) comfort, independence and environmental we find that using anti-consumption to express concerns, all linked to anti-consumption for identities or desired identities does not require sustainability. Most importantly, each concern her to significantly compromise who she is or addresses both the needs of the individual and her way of life. Practices of anti-consumption the need for environmental preservation. For for sustainability therefore seem to give the example, Rachel below explains that her informants options for embracing sustainabil- rejection of car usage is also motivated by ity within their daily life without compromis- road tolls and road injuries. ing their core identities. For example, Sarah, who identifies herself as a saver, is strongly Rachel: There are, the road toll, that’s dedicated to reducing her electricity consump- something that also, um, it’s another tion because when her ‘last electricity bill motivator for not getting into a car. I came in, what a really great thing.’ Her core mean, we, we’re alive and well. You know, values evolve around saving money and I have a number of clients who have had reducing her consumption offers a means to accidents or colleagues you know, who saving money. Similarly, Susan is a ‘social’ have major long term injuries because of animal, she loves interacting and networking car accidents. with others. For Susan, anti-consumption for sustainability gives her a sense of belonging to At first glance, Rachel’s narrative reveals a a diversity of environmental groups. series of objective evaluations based on price, availability, convenience and safety of public Susan: It is being run by ’FutureNet’ which . Yet, this does not mean that Rachel is kind of run as a networking group for views her anti-consumption practice as a young enviro scientists and engineers etc. I purely objective and individualistic act that is have found out about other events mainly just intrinsic to her individual needs. Rachel’s through mailing lists I’m a member of. For narrative combines multiple discourses that example, the NSW and Sutherland Greens support both her individual needs and her care and Green campus groups (not necessarily for the environment. For example, in the associated with ’The Greens’ party but excerpt below, Rachel explains her resistance green groups). There’s a whole heap of e- to renovate her 60 years old house using lists and Yahoo groups that contain this references to rational cost-evaluation criteria, sort of info. Also, there’s also an email environmental care and post-material values. called ’Coo-ee’ that lists environmental jobs and also upcoming events and Rachel: ‘I guess we wouldn’t be big on seminars. renovating even if we did own the home, just because we figure, we’re just not that For Susan, embracing sustainability in her into material things as well and that’s life allows participating in ‘e-lists and Yahoo cheaper. Not renovating your house, is groups.’ Here, sustainability is not so much cheaper, that is cheaper, and it’s environmen- about following prescribed sustainable prac- tally friendly. So our house looks the same as it tices or acting as a ‘green consumer.’ Rather, did when it was built 60 years ago.’ Susan is using sustainability as means for self- expression, personal fulfilment and sense of Rachel’s belief in financial saving and social belonging. Hence, in contrast to existing objective considerations are linked to her

Copyright # 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, Nov.–Dec. 2010 DOI: 10.1002/cb 448 Iain R. Black and Helene Cherrier desire to preserve the environment and to her rather than following an objective prescribed non-materialistic values. Yet, being a non- view of what sustainability is or what con- material person is not sufficient to justify her stitutes a sustainable practice, subjectively resistance to renovating the house. Similarly, construct these notions. To illustrate this we Rachel’s love for the environment does not see in the excerpt below Mandy explaining a command her to do goods greater than wasteful act of demolishing a house using personal interests. In other words, the narra- discourses of sustainability by referring to tive shows that neither self-interests nor values of saving, reusing and the environment concerns are sufficient motiva- waste. tors to anti-consumption for sustainability. Instead, self-interests and environmental con- Mandy: But we did recycle a fair bit of the cerns are interrelated and both become drivers timber that came out of the demolition of to anti-consumption for sustainability. the house and reused it in some of the This third theme shows that our informants’ structure where it was suitable, um, and identities and desired identities define a space um, we left a few existing ceilings in, which where they can enact the diverse practices of I’m sort of regretting now but um, and, all anti-consumption for sustainability and as the rock that came out of the pool is, that such, these practices are performed within we dug in a pool in here and that was all existing or desired identities. We show how rock so we put all that under this, this is ah, the broad range of anti-consumption possibi- was elevated, this slab, so we recycled all lities allows the informants to express them- the, so instead of just getting the rock off selves without compromises having to take site, we used it as crush fill to fill all this place. This contrasts with green consumption area in and um that saved us um some which may require consumers to make money not carting it away. compromises; for example, Francis classifies eco-friendly cleaners as antithetical to being a Although Mandy’s decision to demolish the mother and when purchasing one she com- house (waste) does not have many green promises her values as a woman who cares for credentials, she still describes the action using the environment. The final theme shows how discourses of sustainability. For Mandy, the our informants subjectively construct their materials she reused from the demolition site personal notion of sustainability and sustain- helped her realign an unsustainable act into able practices. a sustainable act, one which saved money (a core value of hers) and was environmentally friendly through reuse of waste. These descrip- tions of living sustainably do not conform to Anti-consumption for sustainable: how sustainable practices are defined in a subjective construction of sustainability positivists studies on green values and environ- Each informant discussed how, within their mental attitudes (Balderjahn, 1988; Ottman, daily lives, they practice sustainable living 1993). Indeed, several activities expressed in and how each action, whether rejection, the narratives such as the ‘demolition of the reduction, or reuse, is situated within narra- house’ or driving to the ocean described below tives where long held, core values and desires were not particularly green, though this was are acted upon. For example, throughout her overlooked by the informants. narrative, Mandy is a ‘saver,’ she enjoys saving money and preserving rather than wasting. Mandy: We like to have, you know, like, the These core values are also incorporated in to clean, like clean environment so you can her views of what constitutes sustainability swim and surf and fish and all that sort of and what qualify as sustainable practices. In thing, so, I mean, we instil that sort of ethic this theme we show how the informants, in our kids, like, you don’t pollute the

Copyright # 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, Nov.–Dec. 2010 DOI: 10.1002/cb Anti-consumption sustainability sustainable consumption identity 449

waterways, you don’t, you know, chuck the hills and stuff like that. But we’re not rubbish on the road. You just, doesn’t giving that up.’ And yet, throughout her matter where you are, just because you’re narrative, Rachel defines her lifestyle as in the bush, you can’t just throw a can out sustainable. Hence, contrary to the idea that the door, or whatever, so, um, I suppose we consumers need to rebel against western educate the kids like that. Um, and, affluence, materialism, and consumption cul- because we do enjoy, like, getting out ture in order to embrace sustainable living and going to places like up and down the (Elgin, 1981a; Etzioni, 1998; Moisander and coast and fishing and surfing and things Pesonen, 2002), our informants do not become like that, so we enjoy that, so, um, we, um, anti-consumerist whilst embracing sustainable want that environment. There’s nothing living. Neither their actions nor their reflec- worse that walking onto a beach and tions referred to the common notion that the finding rubbish everywhere and cans world will change when people change. For floating in the water and stuff like that. them, consumer culture and sustainability are You just don’t want to swim, you know. not antithesis. Rather, our findings show that sustainability is informed and transformed in Although Mandy’s leisure activities involve the course of consumer appropriation. For both the consumption of the car (unsustain- example, when describing her perception of able) and the anti-consumption of a boat sustainability, Angie continually mentions the (sustainable), they are described as sustainable relevance of restoring old buildings and the practices. Mandy’s rational for positioning importance of having talented ‘heritage archi- them in this way is that surfing and fishing tects’ who can ensure that ‘the building will be are activities during which ‘you don’t pollute saved for future generations.’ Although Angie the waterways,’ and she is able to maintain this adheres to the common notion that sustain- as she overlooks or ignores the transportation ability relates to living so as ‘not to jeopardise involved in the getting to the beach or river. In the needs of future generations’ (OECD, 1994), addition to overlooking unsustainable parts of her conception in incorporated in her ‘interest an activity, our informants’ subjective in the arts, ballet and music’ and her love of interpretation of sustainability allow for ‘flexi- historical buildings. Interestingly, Angie’s bility’, ‘permission’ or even ‘amnesty’. For interests in historical sites often leads her to example, when Rachel is considering what fly oversee to see how old buildings have been eggs to use when making something that preserved over the years and passed on to the requires large numbers, such as ‘a quiche or next generations. Clearly, Angie, like all of our something like that,’ she may ‘cheat and I’ll informants, does not express a common buy the bad packaging ones.’ identity of green consumer, environmentally These overlooked unsustainable practices conscious consumer or even ecological citi- and the occasional deviances highlight that our zen. Rather, all of our informants were informants allow themselves to be ‘human,’ or sustainable bricoleurs, negotiating sustainabil- ‘imperfect,’; a finding that sits clearly outside ity within their daily lives using whatever is of the normative views of sustainable practices available to them. The actions are flexible, in (Elkington et al., 1990; Ottman, 1993). These constant movement amongst webs of identity permissions are individually set and con- claims and responsibility towards individual structed around prevalent values ascribed to needs and environmental conservations. core identities. For example, Rachel is not Overall we see that anti-consumption for prepared to stop skiing as she sees it as part of sustainability does not take place because the family bonding and a healthy lifestyle, despite: informants had develop a sustainable consu- ‘you know, we have to drive two hours to a mer identity over the years they have been hill and running the ski lifts and stuff can’t be practicing rejection, reduction and reuse. that good for the environment. And logging Instead, these practices allow them to sub-

Copyright # 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, Nov.–Dec. 2010 DOI: 10.1002/cb 450 Iain R. Black and Helene Cherrier jectively express who they are or who they consumer. It may be, that as our informants want to be (within existing identities) rather practiced sustainability within existing iden- than to conform to a prescriptive idea of green tities, then these sustainable brands are consumer. Indeed this subjective construction doomed to fail because they represent the allows consumers to try, overlook and fail to ‘sustainable consumer’ rather than a mother, act in the best interests of the environment yet husband, worker, who practices sustainability. still feel as though their action are sustainable. Hence, will we only see sustainable brands dominating a product category when the existing market leaders transform themselves Discussion and conclusions (without ) into the green pro- This paper endeavoured to understand anti- ducts? As it is these brands that may be able to consumption within attempts to live a more better satisfy the desires to express sustainable sustainable lifestyle. Our analysis focussed on values with existing identities. the characteristics of anti-consumption within This research also emphasizes the simple yet sustainable living and the meanings ascribed to important conceptual difference between anti- these practices. Overall, we find that anti- consumption and ‘green’ or environmentally consumption is an integral part of trying to live friendly consumption. We found that our a more sustainable life and in particular, the informants commonly do not purchase or acts of rejecting, reducing and reusing con- use green products or brands in order to help sumption are key elements to sustainable them live more sustainable lives. In the few consumption. Indeed we found that green instances where consuming green alternatives consumption, whilst practiced, is not an was mentioned, consumers often expressed essential part of sustainable living. failure to adopt them in the long term. Beyond Rather than finding that our informants this, they all admitted to continuing to use follow a prescriptive, objectively defined view unsustainable products regularly. Hence, we of a sustainable consumer and as such attempt found that anti-consumption is more of an to ‘become’ this sort of person, they used anti- integral part of their sustainable lifestyles than consumption for self expression within their the purchasing of green alternatives. Whilst existing identities (or desired identities). All this may be seen as bad news for the narratives depicted a clear relationship manufacturers of environmentally friendly between their identities and sustainable prac- product, this is mitigated by the environmental tices with the of a sustainable lifestyle benefits of not purchasing. allowing informants to express who they are We argue that the management of the (identities) and who they desire to be (desired boundaries between myriads of identity roles identities). This suggests that efforts under- (mother, wife, lawyer, sister homemaker) and taken to establish an economic system based the range and flexibility of practices available, on sustainable consumption (Fisk, 1973) as can help explain consumer’s inclination for well as individual marketing efforts design to anti-consumption practices over green con- promote a specific behaviour should not try to sumption. We saw that whereas a range of change people into sustainable consumers. identity conflicts occurred (mother versus Instead they should concentrate on highlight- wife, friend versus ), limita- ing how sustainable practices and values can tions were typically placed on green products allow expression of existing identities and when they either challenged core mothering indeed how these identities now require these values or modified the home or body. Hence, practices and values. we identify that one of the main contributing This then questions which factors to consumers not purchasing green either explicitly or implicitly within their products is that core elements of the self may position and communications, suggest that clash with the purchase or use of green purchase helps one become a .

Copyright # 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, Nov.–Dec. 2010 DOI: 10.1002/cb Anti-consumption sustainability sustainable consumption identity 451

In identifying ‘Rejecting’ as a key anti- We suggest that companies attempt to consumption behaviour (in addition to the highlight the economic, convenience or func- well known ‘reduce, reuse, recycle’ categories tional benefits of their sustainable products of sustainable behaviour), our respondents are rather than focussing on a charity type appeal engaging in the most powerful mechanism (or more specifically the ‘sick baby’ appeal available to them in order to minimise their described by (or more specifically the ‘sick ecological footprint (Jackson, 2009). Whilst baby’ appeal described by Fine, 1990) com- it is often lamented that consumers do not monly taken to promote pro-environmental convert their pro-environmental attitudes and behaviours. The ‘charity appeal’, promotes beliefs into purchasing action (Roberts, 1996; ‘the public good, not for assistance to any Auger et al., 2003; Mannetti et al., 2004; Belk et particular individuals’ (Wordnet, 2010) with al., 2005; Peattie and Peattie, 2009) one under- an emphasis on helping those not directly explored reason for this may be that they look related to the giver. The sick baby appeal to enact these attitudes by not consuming. highlights this by showing how something is It would make sense that consumers under- wrong with something that the donor should stand that in a world which we over consume care about and that they can do something to (a message that is repeated regularly) then help fix it. This is commonly seen in perhaps rejecting and reducing and reusing are communications attempting to promote sus- the most sensible responses? tainable practices such as not purchasing The rejecting, reducing and reusing prac- products made with palm oil, from old tices performed fall outside of the dominant growth forests or recycling wine bottles. Here, discursive framework of socio-environmental the emphasis is typically placed on saving a versus self-interest concerns. It is clear that the particular animal (i.e. the orang-utan) the trees informants were well informed about environ- or the planet. A specific example is the slogan mental problems and they were concerned used to promote the Ecomall.com as ‘a place to about the impact of this on them and their help save the planet’. Our work suggests that families. However, care for individual needs companies, in addition to highlighting environ- was found as a strong element of anti- mental concerns and successes (Fine, 1990; consumption for sustainability. This suggests Obermiller, 1995) should also focus on the self that anti-consumption for sustainability is not interested notions of taste, durability, quality, just a result of environmental concerns, but value or positive emotions that can be anticip- that it mostly stems from the subjectivity of the ated prior, during and after the practices has consumer and their personal needs. This been performed. This may help consumers feel subjectivity includes a diversity of values that they do not have to compromise other interwoven in the practices of rejecting, parts of themselves in order to live more reducing, and reusing. Hence, contrary to sustainable lifestyle. the notion that sustainability will be conducted Self interested motivations and integration by ‘a responsible consumer, a socially-aware of sustainability within current identities is also consumer, a consumer who thinks ahead and highlighted where, in contrast to the ‘antic- tempers his or her desires by social awareness, onsumerist ethic’ described as antithetical to a consumer whose actions must be morally material prosperity, our informants integrated defensible and who must occasionally be practices of anti-consumption for sustainability prepared to sacrifice personal pleasure to with ‘their wallet in mind.’ Anti-consumption communal well-being’ (Gabriel and Lang rather than consuming green products was 1995, p. 175–176), our informants’ anti-con- described as a money saving practice. sumption for sustainability do not require Finally, this research allows us to see ‘sacrificing personal pleasure’ (Gabriel and sustainable consumption being performed in Lang, 1995). This leads to a key practical three interconnected ways, first through the contribution of this research. acquisition and use of green products, second

Copyright # 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, Nov.–Dec. 2010 DOI: 10.1002/cb 452 Iain R. Black and Helene Cherrier through anti-consumption practices such as features? Journal of Business Ethics 42(3): rejecting, reduction and reuse and finally via 281–304. the sustainable disposal practice of recycling. Balderjahn I. 1988. Personality variables and Further study is required in this field. First, environmental attitudes as predictors of ecologi- what is the relation between post-material cally responsible consumption patterns. Journal values, anti-consumption and ? Second, of Business Research 17: 51–56. oes anti-consumption for sustainability requires Barnett C, Cafaro P, Newholm T. 2005. Philosophy consumers to have had experienced affluence? and ethical consumption. In The Ethical Finally, questions could focus on whether green Consumer, Harrison R, Newholm T, Shaw D consumption mostly satisfies environmental (eds). Sage: . concerns and whether anti-consumption for Belk RW. 1988. Possessions and the extended sustainability satisfies environmental concerns self. Journal of Consumer Research 15(2): 139–168. as well as self-interested issues. Belk R, Devinney TM, Eckhardt G. 2005. Consumer ethics across cultures. Consumption, Markets and Culture 8(3): 275–289. Biographical notes Cherrier H. 2010. Custodian behavior: a material Dr Iain Black (Ph.D; Strath) recently joined expression of anti-. Consumption, the University of Edinburgh having previously Markets and Culture 13(3): 259–272. Cherrier H, Murray JB. 2007. Reflexive disposses- lectured at the University of Sydney, Australia. sion and the self: constructing a processual His main teaching and research interests theory of identity. Consumption, Markets and revolve around sustainability and consump- Culture 10(1): 1–29. tion, in particular he is interested in anti-con- Craig-Lees M, Hill C. 2002. Understanding voluntary sumption, consumer’s responses to scarcity simplifiers. Psychology and Marketing 19(2): and how consumers dispose of goods. He 187–210. has published widely in academic journals Dodson A. 2003. Citizenship and the Environ- including the European Journal of Marketing, ment. Oxford University Press: Oxford. Marketing Letters, Journal of Marketing Man- Elgin D. 1981a. Voluntary Simplicity: Toward a agement, Journal of Consumer Behaviour Way of Life That Is Outwardly Simple, Inwardly and Sustainable Development. Rich, (1st edn). Morrow: New York. Dr He´le`ne Cherrier (Ph.D; University of Elgin D. 1981b. Voluntary Simplicity: Toward a Arkansas) is currently a senior lecturer at Grif- Way of Life That Is Outwardly Simple, Inwardly fith University, Australia. Her research interests Rich. Morrow: New York. embrace radical changes in consumption life- Elkington J, Hailes J, Makower J. 1990. The Green styles; social and environmental activism; Consumer. Penguin Books; New York. appropriation and reconfiguration of consu- Etzioni A. 1998. Voluntary simplicity: characteriz- mer meanings, symbols, and usage; identity ation, select psychological implication, and politics; and the role of consumption in iden- societal consequences. Journal of Economic tity construction. Her work has been published Psychology 19: 619–643. in journals including the Journal of Business Fine S. 1990. Social Marketing. Allyn & Bacon Inc.: Research, Consumption Markets and Culture, Boston, MA. Journal of Marketing Management and the Fisk G. 1973. Criteria for a theory of responsible European Journal of Marketing. consumption. Journal of Marketing 37(2): 24–31. Gabriel Y, Lang T. 1995. The Unmanageable Consumer. Sage: Thousand Oakes, CA. Harrison R, Newholm T, Shaw D. 2005. Pressure References groups, campaigns and consumers. In The Auger P, Burke P, Devinney TM, Louviere JJ. 2003. Ethical Consumer, Harrison R, Newholm T, What will consumers pay for social product Shaw D (eds). Sage: London.

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Copyright # 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Journal of Consumer Behaviour, Nov.–Dec. 2010 DOI: 10.1002/cb