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Balkan Slavs in the Early Modern Period

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Balkan Slavs in the Early Modern Period Barisa Krekic. Dubrovnik: A Mediterranean Urban Society, 1300-1600. Aldershot, Hampshire: Ashgate, 1997. xviii + 360 pp. $99.95, cloth, ISBN 978-0-86078-631-3. Kiril Petkov. Infidels, Turks, and Women: The South Slavs in the German Mind, ca. 1400-1600. New York: Peter Lang, 1997. 335 pp. $57.95, paper, ISBN 978-0-8204-3259-5. Reviewed by Maria Todorova Published on HABSBURG (June, 1998) There is little in common between these two assess existing material. That in itself is legitimate works except the chronological span. Although (and maybe the only) ground for comparison. they seemingly deal with the same region (the The eighteen studies of Professor Krekic's col‐ Balkans) and the same extended ethno/linguistic lection were written over the span of a decade group (the Slavs of the Balkans), their focus of at‐ (1984-1995) in English, French, and Italian. Fol‐ tention is far apart. In one case, the object of lowing the purpose of Variorum, to reprint article- study is the city-republic of Dubrovnik; in the oth‐ length works of a single author around a unifying er, although the South Slavs appear in the title, it theme, the volume fulfills its task admirably. It en‐ is in fact the Orthodox Slavs that are dealt with, tirely avoids the impression left by so many Vario‐ thus preempting what little common ground is rum publications: that of an auto-festschrift. It not left. More importantly, these are two completely only presents a number of studies that naturally different approaches to history: one, in the best belong together, but it has added an introduction traditions of critical empirical historiography as it which stands as an original contribution on its was developed in the nineteenth century, focuses own: a historical survey of works on Dubrovnik primarily on original archival research; the other, produced over a quarter century, between 1971 inspired by the new developments in the humani‐ and 1996. ties, and informed by social theory, seeks to re‐ H-Net Reviews One of the best connoisseurs of the rich Ragu‐ The correlation between political and eco‐ san archives, which boast a systematic collection nomic power is the theme of another study fo‐ from 1278 onward (with documentation going cused on the Ragusan patriciate. During the thir‐ back to the early eleventh century), Barisa Krekic teenth and fourteenth centuries, the patriciate has worked in practically all four areas that he de‐ comprised practically all economically powerful lineates for the study of medieval and Renais‐ families. But from the mid-fourteenth century on sance Dubrovnik: general surveys, international it closed its ranks, and the richest plebeians were relations, internal history, and the publication of totally excluded from the political process. On the documents.[1] This very useful and generous sur‐ other hand, a fne prosopographical analysis of vey has its natural focus on the works of Yugoslav the main patrician families, based on the series historians, but it covers also Italian, American Reformationes, Consilium Majus, Consilium Mi‐ and Russian authors. It would have been a good nus, Consilium Rogatorum of the Historical Ar‐ addition to include also the work of Bulgarian his‐ chive of Dubrovnik (HAD, Historijski Arhiv u torians who have contributed much on one of the Dubrovniku), shows that while power was in‐ major aspects of Dubrovnik's international rela‐ creasingly concentrated in the hands of the ten tions, the ones with its Balkan hinterland.[2] most powerful families, they were not all neces‐ Krekic's own contributions to this volume fall sarily the richest. In fact, the correlation between under the rubrics of internal and international re‐ political influence and economic power was more lations, and they are accordingly grouped under pronounced within the ranks of the plebeians, two titles: "Dubrovnik's Internal Life" and than among the patricians. The overall conclusion "Dubrovnik and the Mediterranean World"; (all of Krekic is that, while economic power played an eighteen studies are hereafter referred to in Ro‐ important role, it was the "human element, the man numerals). Dubrovnik's favorable geographic personal ability of certain individuals" (I, p. 257) situation secured it the primary intermediary role which secured their position in the political hier‐ between the continent and the sea, between the archy of the city. This sounds somewhat naive, or western and the eastern Mediterranean, between at best trivial. After all, only desperate vulgar eco‐ the world of Latin Christianity and its Orthodox nomic determinism would assert otherwise. What hinterland, as well as the world of Ottoman Islam. this could indicate is not mere human ability, but In attempting to assess the unique features of a degree of professionalization among the patri‐ Dubrovnik compared to the other Dalmatian cian elite. cities and the hinterland, Krekic pays special at‐ Several studies are dedicated to aspects of tention to the role of the Ragusan patriciate as the daily life in the city and the response of the Ragu‐ motor behind the city's autonomy. Having ac‐ san patricians: the attitudes toward labor, the quired their strength through commerce, not poor, children, and the elderly compare from landowning, the patricians of Dubrovnik be‐ Dubrovnik very favorably to Florence and other came rich earlier than those in other Dalmatian Mediterranean and European cities. In its pro‐ cities, and this helped them withstand much more fessed and effected need to protect the textile effectively Venetian pressure. Altogether, while all workers and their rights, the city was quite Dalmatian cities enjoyed some elements of city unique in the sixteenth century world (V). On the autonomy, Dubrovnik was the only one which other hand, in its attitudes toward homosexuality, steadily increased its autonomy since the eleventh this abominandum crimen, Dubrovnik was not century, and after 1358 became a virtually inde‐ very different from it contemporary counterparts. pendent city-republic (II, p. 206). Krekic interprets convincingly the harsh decrees and punishments against homosexuals in the 2 H-Net Reviews framework of conservative responses to the inten‐ a high degree of complementarity, and Krekic ex‐ sive process of urbanization and its accompany‐ plores Dubrovnik's role in the navigation of the ing phenomena, which threatened the established Venetian mudae (XII), Ragusan presence in the or perceived security of the old ways (VII). Levant (XVI), and the rise and decline of its mar‐ One aspect of this process of urbanization itime power. The Ragusan feet reached the height was intensive migration from the Balkan hinter‐ of its expansion between 1540 and 1585, after land into Dubrovnik, whence part of this popula‐ which it began to decline and lost its predomi‐ tion moved on into Italy; thus, in the apt defini‐ nance with the fnal eclipse of the city in the after‐ tion of Krekic Dubrovnik was both "pole of attrac‐ math of the disastrous earthquake of 1667 (XV). tion and point of transition" (XVII). The largest in‐ Venetians were living in Ragusa both before and flux came in time of famines, which periodically after the period of Venetian sovereignty swept the countryside. Another component of (1205-1358), and they held considerable real es‐ Balkan migrations was the export of slaves from tate. But in the second half of the fourteenth cen‐ the Balkans to or via Dubrovnik to Italy. Krekic tury there was a great increase in Ragusan real convincingly refutes the long-standing interpreta‐ estate ownership in Venice, to be explained by the tion that slavery had been abolished in Ragusa in economic fourishing of Dubrovnik in this period 1416. He shows, instead, that only some geograph‐ (XI). ic limitations affecting the immediate Bosnian Most remarkable was the high degree of cor‐ hinterland were imposed, but the Levant, Black relation between the fortunes of Ragusa and the Sea, and African slave trade was alive and four‐ Ottoman empire. During its Venetian period, ishing throughout the whole ffteenth century Dubrovnik had already managed to amass consid‐ (IV). erable wealth, mostly because of the profitable The intensive demographic growth in the ff‐ mining industry (silver, copper, iron, lead) in its teenth century was not accompanied by a rele‐ Serbian and Bosnian hinterland. After it set on its vant physical enlargement of the city, and the con‐ independent path, its position was especially pre‐ sequent population density went hand in hand carious since it coincided with Ottoman expan‐ with an increased danger of fres, of which the sion in the Balkans. However, the remarkable ma‐ conflagration of 1463 was the most devastating neuverability of its experienced elites secured (VI). Still, in this respect Dubrovnik was not much Dubrovnik the best possible arrangement. Be‐ different from other contemporary European sides, the establishment of the pax ottomana, the cities. In a commercial and maritime city, used to creation of a unified and politically stable zone, the precarious balance between the Latin, Ortho‐ seems to have had a favorable effect on Ragusan dox, and Muslim world, as well as different addi‐ commerce, both at land and at sea (XIII). In fact, tional Christian heresies, there existed experience Dubrovnik's decline is intimately related to the in treating diverse ethnic and religious communi‐ beginning of Ottoman decline after the end of the ties, and the Jews profited from these attitudes. sixteenth century (XIV). Without necessarily embellishing the condition of Dubrovnik's heyday went hand in hand with the Jews, or underestimating existing conflicts, an exceptional intellectual development which Dubrovnik compared favorable to other places in made it "the torch-bearer of the European Renais‐ its treatment of this group. sance on the eastern coast of the Adriatic Sea" (IX, Throughout its history, Ragusa was the great 151). Schools, libraries, the circulation of books, rival of the other master of the Adriatic and the the preservation of documents, and measures Mediterranean, Venice.
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