Barisa Krekic. Dubrovnik: A Mediterranean Urban Society, 1300-1600. Aldershot, Hampshire: Ashgate, 1997. xviii + 360 pp. $99.95, cloth, ISBN 978-0-86078-631-3.

Kiril Petkov. Infdels, Turks, and Women: The South in the German Mind, ca. 1400-1600. New York: Peter Lang, 1997. 335 pp. $57.95, paper, ISBN 978-0-8204-3259-5.

Reviewed by Maria Todorova

Published on HABSBURG (June, 1998)

There is little in common between these two assess existing material. That in itself is legitimate works except the chronological span. Although (and maybe the only) ground for comparison. they seemingly deal with the same region (the The eighteen studies of Professor Krekic's col‐ ) and the same extended ethno/linguistic lection were written over the span of a decade group (the Slavs of the Balkans), their focus of at‐ (1984-1995) in English, French, and Italian. Fol‐ tention is far apart. In one case, the object of lowing the purpose of Variorum, to reprint article- study is the city-republic of Dubrovnik; in the oth‐ length works of a single author around a unifying er, although the South Slavs appear in the title, it theme, the volume fulflls its task admirably. It en‐ is in fact the Orthodox Slavs that are dealt with, tirely avoids the impression left by so many Vario‐ thus preempting what little common ground is rum publications: that of an auto-festschrift. It not left. More importantly, these are two completely only presents a number of studies that naturally diferent approaches to history: one, in the best belong together, but it has added an introduction traditions of critical empirical as it which stands as an original contribution on its was developed in the nineteenth century, focuses own: a historical survey of works on Dubrovnik primarily on original archival research; the other, produced over a quarter century, between 1971 inspired by the new developments in the humani‐ and 1996. ties, and informed by social theory, seeks to re‐ H-Net Reviews

One of the best connoisseurs of the rich Ragu‐ The correlation between political and eco‐ san archives, which boast a systematic collection nomic power is the theme of another study fo‐ from 1278 onward (with documentation going cused on the Ragusan patriciate. During the thir‐ back to the early eleventh century), Barisa Krekic teenth and fourteenth centuries, the patriciate has worked in practically all four areas that he de‐ comprised practically all economically powerful lineates for the study of medieval and Renais‐ families. But from the mid-fourteenth century on sance Dubrovnik: general surveys, international it closed its ranks, and the richest plebeians were relations, internal history, and the publication of totally excluded from the political process. On the documents.[1] This very useful and generous sur‐ other hand, a fne prosopographical analysis of vey has its natural focus on the works of Yugoslav the main patrician families, based on the series historians, but it covers also Italian, American Reformationes, Consilium Majus, Consilium Mi‐ and Russian authors. It would have been a good nus, Consilium Rogatorum of the Historical Ar‐ addition to include also the work of Bulgarian his‐ chive of Dubrovnik (HAD, Historijski Arhiv u torians who have contributed much on one of the Dubrovniku), shows that while power was in‐ major aspects of Dubrovnik's international rela‐ creasingly concentrated in the hands of the ten tions, the ones with its Balkan hinterland.[2] most powerful families, they were not all neces‐ Krekic's own contributions to this volume fall sarily the richest. In fact, the correlation between under the rubrics of internal and international re‐ political infuence and economic power was more lations, and they are accordingly grouped under pronounced within the ranks of the plebeians, two titles: "Dubrovnik's Internal Life" and than among the patricians. The overall conclusion "Dubrovnik and the Mediterranean World"; (all of Krekic is that, while economic power played an eighteen studies are hereafter referred to in Ro‐ important role, it was the "human element, the man numerals). Dubrovnik's favorable geographic personal ability of certain individuals" (I, p. 257) situation secured it the primary intermediary role which secured their position in the political hier‐ between the continent and the sea, between the archy of the city. This sounds somewhat naive, or western and the eastern Mediterranean, between at best trivial. After all, only desperate vulgar eco‐ the world of Latin and its Orthodox nomic determinism would assert otherwise. What hinterland, as well as the world of Ottoman . this could indicate is not mere human ability, but In attempting to assess the unique features of a degree of professionalization among the patri‐ Dubrovnik compared to the other Dalmatian cian elite. cities and the hinterland, Krekic pays special at‐ Several studies are dedicated to aspects of tention to the role of the Ragusan patriciate as the daily life in the city and the response of the Ragu‐ motor behind the city's autonomy. Having ac‐ san patricians: the attitudes toward labor, the quired their strength through commerce, not poor, children, and the elderly compare from landowning, the patricians of Dubrovnik be‐ Dubrovnik very favorably to Florence and other came rich earlier than those in other Dalmatian Mediterranean and European cities. In its pro‐ cities, and this helped them withstand much more fessed and efected need to protect the textile efectively Venetian pressure. Altogether, while all workers and their rights, the city was quite Dalmatian cities enjoyed some elements of city unique in the sixteenth century world (V). On the autonomy, Dubrovnik was the only one which other hand, in its attitudes toward homosexuality, steadily increased its autonomy since the eleventh this abominandum crimen, Dubrovnik was not century, and after 1358 became a virtually inde‐ very diferent from it contemporary counterparts. pendent city-republic (II, p. 206). Krekic interprets convincingly the harsh decrees and punishments against homosexuals in the

2 H-Net Reviews framework of conservative responses to the inten‐ a high degree of complementarity, and Krekic ex‐ sive process of urbanization and its accompany‐ plores Dubrovnik's role in the navigation of the ing phenomena, which threatened the established Venetian mudae (XII), Ragusan presence in the or perceived security of the old ways (VII). Levant (XVI), and the rise and decline of its mar‐ One aspect of this process of urbanization itime power. The Ragusan feet reached the height was intensive migration from the Balkan hinter‐ of its expansion between 1540 and 1585, after land into Dubrovnik, whence part of this popula‐ which it began to decline and lost its predomi‐ tion moved on into Italy; thus, in the apt defni‐ nance with the fnal eclipse of the city in the after‐ tion of Krekic Dubrovnik was both "pole of attrac‐ math of the disastrous earthquake of 1667 (XV). tion and point of transition" (XVII). The largest in‐ Venetians were living in Ragusa both before and fux came in time of famines, which periodically after the period of Venetian sovereignty swept the countryside. Another component of (1205-1358), and they held considerable real es‐ Balkan migrations was the export of slaves from tate. But in the second half of the fourteenth cen‐ the Balkans to or via Dubrovnik to Italy. Krekic tury there was a great increase in Ragusan real convincingly refutes the long-standing interpreta‐ estate ownership in Venice, to be explained by the tion that slavery had been abolished in Ragusa in economic fourishing of Dubrovnik in this period 1416. He shows, instead, that only some geograph‐ (XI). ic limitations afecting the immediate Bosnian Most remarkable was the high degree of cor‐ hinterland were imposed, but the Levant, Black relation between the fortunes of Ragusa and the Sea, and African slave trade was alive and four‐ . During its Venetian period, ishing throughout the whole ffteenth century Dubrovnik had already managed to amass consid‐ (IV). erable wealth, mostly because of the proftable The intensive demographic growth in the ff‐ mining industry (silver, copper, iron, lead) in its teenth century was not accompanied by a rele‐ Serbian and Bosnian hinterland. After it set on its vant physical enlargement of the city, and the con‐ independent path, its position was especially pre‐ sequent population density went hand in hand carious since it coincided with Ottoman expan‐ with an increased danger of fres, of which the sion in the Balkans. However, the remarkable ma‐ confagration of 1463 was the most devastating neuverability of its experienced elites secured (VI). Still, in this respect Dubrovnik was not much Dubrovnik the best possible arrangement. Be‐ diferent from other contemporary European sides, the establishment of the pax ottomana, the cities. In a commercial and maritime city, used to creation of a unifed and politically stable zone, the precarious balance between the Latin, Ortho‐ seems to have had a favorable efect on Ragusan dox, and Muslim world, as well as diferent addi‐ commerce, both at land and at sea (XIII). In fact, tional Christian heresies, there existed experience Dubrovnik's decline is intimately related to the in treating diverse ethnic and religious communi‐ beginning of Ottoman decline after the end of the ties, and the Jews profted from these attitudes. sixteenth century (XIV). Without necessarily embellishing the condition of Dubrovnik's heyday went hand in hand with the Jews, or underestimating existing conficts, an exceptional intellectual development which Dubrovnik compared favorable to other places in made it "the torch-bearer of the European Renais‐ its treatment of this group. sance on the eastern coast of the Adriatic Sea" (IX, Throughout its history, Ragusa was the great 151). Schools, libraries, the circulation of books, rival of the other master of the Adriatic and the the preservation of documents, and measures Mediterranean, Venice. This rivalry, however, had against illiteracy were the indications of this intel‐

3 H-Net Reviews lectual life. Yet Krekic is quick to point out that il‐ stereotypes which the average literate Renais‐ literacy was persistent and pervasive, and even sance German-speaker deployed when thinking though it was a problem for commercial city- about the Balkans" (p. 27). He premises his study states, in this period it was compensated with ed‐ frst on the notion of textual attitude, the specifc ucation "through the eyes and ears" (VIII, 229). way to conceive of foreign people, and specifcally There were four languages operative in the interaction between textual attitude and new Dubrovnik: Latin for ofcial documentation; Old information, i.e. "the nature and mechanism of Ragusan, a Romance language of Latin origin reconciling tradition and innovation" (p. 30). His which became increasingly rare by the thirteenth second premise is the basic continuity of Euro‐ and fourteenth centuries; Italian as the language pean culture since the late medieval and early of trade; and Slavic which became the most wide‐ modern period, i.e. the period, according to him, spread of all. The slavicization of Dubrovnik, com‐ of the gradual beginning of modern states and na‐ pleted by the end of the ffteenth century, saw also tions. It is this continuity which ensures the per‐ the gradual and precarious entry of the Slavic lan‐ petuation of attitudes, perceptions and images of guage into legal and other transactions alongside the "European other" (p. 17). Latin. It has to be said from the outset that this is a Krekic takes issue with Francesco Petrarca, truly pioneering work: it is the frst for the south‐ who in the fourteenth century wrote in a letter to east European region in the time period covered, a friend that "we have the sea in common, but the although it builds on an already existing re‐ shores are opposite, the souls are diverse, the spectable, if still small and growing, literature.[3] teachings are diferent, the language and customs At the same time, it is a contribution as much to totally dissimilar. As the Alps [keep us separated] the new feld of "imagology," as well as to works from the Germans and the French, and the tem‐ on nationalism proper. It sheds light "both on the pestuous Mediterranean from the Africans, so the image and the projecting mind" (p. 261) and thus Adriatic Gulf keeps us separated from the Dalma‐ adds to our understanding of the shaping of Ger‐ tians and the Pannonians." Instead, Krekic be‐ man identity itself. lieves that "the Slavicization of the cities on the Petkov is aware that his categories of choice eastern coast of the Adriatic and their close and need some justifcation. Is it proper to single out a constant links with Italy produced not just an en‐ specifc German perspective in light of the consid‐ counter, but truly a blending of the two cultures. erable number of translated works contributing Thus a specifc urban mentality took shape in to the formation of a German view? How legiti‐ those cities, whose population was open to both mate is the notion of collective imagination? What cultures and where both cultures were easily ac‐ is the choice of representative sources? These are cessible" (XVIII, p. 332). questions which the author, at least in the mind of It is here that Kiril Petkov picks up. He is ex‐ this reviewer, has convincingly argued. Less felici‐ ploring not the point of contact which leads to tous is the use of the notion of "South Slavs." symbiosis, but the contact that serves for con‐ Petkov confnes it to the "Orthodox core," arguing structing alterity. Defned in his own words, his that the Catholic Balkan Slavs "belonged to Latin study "is a book about being diferent, about not Christianity which thus ensured them a position being German, as seen through the eyes of Ger‐ in the German mind not much diferent from that mans; yet, at the same time, not being a total of the Central European Slavs, Bohemians and stranger either. It is an investigation of the basic Poles" (p. 20). This caused the Germans, under ideas, values, concepts, prejudices, and mental certain circumstances, to neglect their otherness,

4 H-Net Reviews or to make them only relatively "other," and to attitudes toward the Orthodox of the Balkans, look at them as assimilable to the other imperial who were seen as "heretics," "pagans," and "unbe‐ nations and even to the German nation. lievers," ("in heidenschaft"), no lesser enemies to But there is an anachronism here, if not an Catholicism than the Muslim Ottomans (ch. 1). oversimplifcation. While this is certainly the case Part of this was understandable, when taking into today (and for reasons very diferent from reli‐ account that often Balkan rulers fought as Ot‐ gion but using its rhetoric), it would not be dif‐ toman vassals or allies like, for example, Stephan cult to demonstrate that it was not such a straight‐ Lazarevich, who, with his 5,000 Serbian troops, forward division in the past. Turning only one won the day for Bayezid I at the battle of Nicopo‐ page back in history, the so called "cultural conti‐ lis in 1396. Most of the accounts, however, empha‐ nuity" of viewing Catholic Slavs as less "other" did size the transitional status of the Balkan popula‐ not prevent Germans from exterminating Catholic tion: they live between Hungary and the pagans, Poles, while arguing for the Turanian origins of i.e. the Ottoman Turks ("zwischen ungern und their Orthodox and Slavic Bulgarian allies. In a den heiden"), and are half-pagan themselves way, Petkov's project is teleological: it seeks to ex‐ ("schier halber heiden") (p. 50). plain the roots of today's divisions. This is a per‐ A fne analysis of Ulrich von Richental's fectly understandable and valid motivation but, "Chronicle of the Council of Constance" written in precisely because he does not (and should not be the 1430s, illustrates the point. In this work, liter‐ expected to) take the narrative down to the ary geography subordinated topographical infor‐ present, he ought to have been doubly cautious mation to religious denomination. The world con‐ against committing anachronistic errors. sisted of three continents. Europe comprised the While South Slavs today are an operative lands from the White Russians to the Scots, and (though murky) notion, and looking at the roots of from Spain to the lands of the Roman crown; today's attitudes toward the Orthodox Slavs does Cyprus was also part of it. Asia included Tartary, demonstrate the existence of a textual attitude, India, Arabia, Ethiopia, the Holy Lands and the one shouldn't forget that the concept "South Slav‐ Near East; Bulgaria was considered its part. The ic" is a philological category only of the latter rest of the Balkans was not only represented by nineteenth century, and the notion of Slavia Or‐ Africa, but Africa itself was confned to the Balka‐ thodoxa is a scholarly concept only of the twenti‐ ns. "Africa is , and has two empires in it: eth century. Besides, for all the splendid examples Constantinople and Athens"; it also included Wal‐ and frst-class analysis, what does not convincing‐ lachia and Serbia. The reason for this attribution ly follow is: a) that Orthodox Slavs were treated as was not necessarily geographic ignorance but the a sufciently undiferentiated and homogeneous idea that Africa, which for a ffteenth century whole, and b) that in the late medieval and early western European stood for "pagan," "infdel," modern period they were really seen and treated and "savage," described the Balkans, with their sufciently separately from the other Balkan Or‐ complex denominational mixtures. There were thodox populations: Greeks, Vlachs, Moldovans, additional confusions: the people of the King of etc. The author's interest in attitudinal continu‐ Bosnia came from Europe, whereas the people of ities toward the Orthodox Slavs is legitimate the Duke of Bosnia in came from Africa. enough and does not need the retrospective reif‐ "In a word, the confused fuid situation in the cation of a later category. Balkans, with its maze of double vassalages, fre‐ quent changing of political and religious alle‐ The argument is developed in fve chapters, giances, and gradually becoming Ottoman, put its and begins with an analysis of the late crusading

5 H-Net Reviews stamp on Ulrich's perception of the region" (p. til the late eighteenth, and especially the nine‐ 55-58). teenth century for similar coverage. Next, it Around 1500, the longstanding tradition from shows an increased interest in the revival of clas‐ the ninth century on, according to which the sical toponymy in the age of humanism.[4] This Catholics, and the Germans in particular, had went hand in hand with the increased interest, in‐ viewed themselves as the true Christians against deed, obsession about origins. the schismatic and pagan Orthodox, began to Humanistic anthropology was based on the weaken. This was triggered by the infux of the complete identifcation of the ancient and con‐ "true" infdels, the Muslim Ottomans, and led to a temporary peoples of Europe. The roots of the transformation of perceptions that shaped two Balkan people, "sanctioned by their remote and opposing types of attitudes: one tended to assimi‐ honorable ancient past, established an unques‐ late the Orthodox into the new infdels, thus re‐ tionable Europeanness" and therefore the great garding them as "Turks" (ch. 2); the other led to humanist Ulrich von Hutten in his Exhortation their readmission as Christians in captivity (ch. 4). could assimilate the Balkan peoples as heirs to the The fall of Constantinople in 1453 was a crucial ancient Thracian tribes to the Germans, and op‐ turning point, but so was the impact of the Refor‐ pose them to the alien Ottoman Orientals (p. 239). mation. The collapse of the internal homogeneity Throughout the ffteenth century, a theory about of Catholicism, and with it the notion of the one the common roots of Slavs and German Vandals good Christian, opened the way for an easier ac‐ was revived as the "Slavo-Vandal" theory, and ex‐ ceptance of the Orthodox as still other Christians. ercised a powerful infuence on German minds. A telling episode in this respect is the shortlived Successive studies linked frst the Dalmatians, plan to convert the Orthodox people, and among then the Bulgarians, and then other South Slavs to them the South Slavs, to the Lutheran doctrine, es‐ "Germanic" roots. Solomon Schweiger, the Tue‐ pecially in the circle of Philipp Melanchton, Hans bingen theologian, wrote that "Serbians, Bulgari‐ Ungnad and Primus Trubar in the 1550s and ans, Rascians, have their origins in the ancient 1560s (pp. 190-197). German tribes of Daci, or 'Danubians,' and Daki, All this left its imprint on the concept of Eu‐ or Danes. The ancient Romans had called them rope, which in this period began to slowly sup‐ Gethae after Goto or Geta, companions of plant the notion of Christianity (ch. 5). "Christiani: Tuyscon, the grandfather of all Germans" (p. 256). vide Europai" was the entry in Abraham Ortelius's This, as Petkov convincingly demonstrates, ac‐ 1578 Thesaurus Geographicus. Ortelius's maps companied the inclination of the most distin‐ show the Balkans vacillating between Europe and guished intellectuals of German-speaking Europe the Orient. In the text, their belonging to Europe "to regard the whole of the Slavic world as a legiti‐ was never questioned on geographical grounds, mate province of the Holy Roman Empire" (pp. but it was more problematic in political terms be‐ 250-251). cause of the Ottoman conquest. In what appears to me to be the strongest The excellent review of German Renaissance chapter in this book, Petkov ofers an outstanding map production from Andreas Walspurger to Or‐ analysis on the gendering of the subjugated Slavs telius shows, frst, the strong political commit‐ of the Ottoman Empire (ch. 3). There was a tradi‐ ment of cartographers. It next points to a diferen‐ tion of looking down on peasant societies as wom‐ tiating treatment of Catholic and Orthodox South anized societies and, on top of it, conquered na‐ Slavs, where the frst were covered in meticulous‐ tions were perceived as servile, unwarlike, and ef‐ ly detailed maps, while the second had to wait un‐ feminate. Martin Luther himself endorsed this

6 H-Net Reviews gendered perception in his last tract on Ottoman with all their respective advantages and draw‐ matters, and thus secured its broad reception (p. backs. One work is driven mostly by the questions 131). that an archive can answer. In this, it is admirably Likewise, in his extremely popular universal solid, precise, and reliable. At the same time, by cosmography (1544), Sebastian Muenster treated not even posing the questions which the source the Slavs as possessing extratemporal traits. Total‐ material cannot immediately answer, there are ly disregarding the historical record, he described missed opportunities for more profound explana‐ the South Slavs as always having been ruled by tions and broader comparative pictures. It is also foreign powers. Accordingly, instead of illustrat‐ an approach where the persona of the historian is ing his text with the usual maps, coats of arms or entirely submerged behind the objectivist prose, other concrete drawings that he used for his other something which is arguably not merely a matter entries, Muenster chose as an illustration for his of philosophy but also of temperament. subchapter on Bulgaria the image of a stereotypi‐ The other work drives the sources toward the cal woman which could serve as the representa‐ questions which are bothering the author. In this, tion of any "subservient, middle class housewife" it is admirably subtle, innovative, and gratifying. (p. 123). It would be fascinating to trace the shift It also clearly positions the author in his complex from this gendered, efeminate depiction of the web of intellectual and emotional motivations. At Balkans to the no less gendered but clearly male the same time, by asking broad and difcult ques‐ image of the twentieth century, a trope I pointed tions, and employing insights from neighboring out but have not sufciently elaborated on in my disciplines, such an approach always risks occa‐ own work.[5] sional overgeneralizations or questionable cate‐ It is because the subject is so captivating, the gories. primary material so completely absorbing, and In the end, what matters most is the quality of there is such a good mind working on it that one the practitioner. For this reviewer, demonstrating would have wished the prose could be more care‐ the possibility not simply of peaceful, but of fruit‐ ful, tighter and more disciplined. Many of the ful, coexistence between two totally diferent ap‐ drawbacks could have been alleviated with good proaches, each having its appropriate place, made editing. A good editor would have also insisted on the attempt at comparison worthwhile. a bibliography and a more elaborate index. Still, Notes this is a praiseworthy endeavor in all respects. [1]. Barisa Krekic, Dubrovnik in the 14th and As pointed out at the outset, there is hardly 15th Centuries: A City between East and West any valid point of comparison between the two (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1972); works under review. They use very diferent lens‐ idem, Dubrovnik, Italy and the Balkans in the es to look at their subject matter. While one work Late Middle Ages (London: Variorum Reprints, reconstructs a past based on the written traces 1980); idem, Dubrovnik (Raguse) et le Levant au left by a sophisticated maritime community of Moyen Age (Paris-La Haye: Ecole pratique des Catholic Slavs in the Balkans, the other decon‐ Hautes Etudes, 1961); idem, Dubrovnik i Levant structs a series of images about the Orthodox (1280-1460) (Beograd: SANU, 1975); idem, Slavs of the Balkans, left by outsiders, in this par‐ Dubrovnik, Italy and the Balkans in the Late Mid‐ ticular case Gemans, many of whom were not dle Ages (London: Variorum Reprints, 1980). even immediate observers. The two approaches [2]. While several monographs have been bear the characteristics of the conventions (or his‐ published in Bulgarian, mentioned here are only toriographical traditions) in which they steeped, a few articles that have appeared in French: Joan‐

7 H-Net Reviews na Spisarevska, "De l'activite des associations commerciales de Raguse (Dubrovnik) dans les ter‐ res bulgares aux XVe et XVIe siecle," Bulgarian Historical Review 2 (1974); idem, "Le commerce ragusain envisage comme un facteur du devel‐ oppement economique des regions bulgares sous la domination ottomane (XVe-XVIe s.)," Balcanica, Beograd, 6, 1975; idem, "Sur le probleme de la place et du role reserves aux bulgares dans le commerce ragusain," Etudes historiques 8 (1978); Ekaterina Veceva, "Les associations commerciales des habitants de Dubrovnik dans les terres bul‐ gares durant les XVIe-XVIIe siecles (structures et organisation)," Etudes historiques 9 (1979). [3]. For the early modern period, see in partic‐ ular Stuart B. Schwartz, ed., Implicit Understand‐ ings: Observing, Reporting, and Refecting on the Encounters Between Europeans and Other Peo‐ ples in the Early Modern Era (Cambridge: Cam‐ bridge University Press, 1994); Roger Bartra, Wild Men in the Looking Glass: The Mythic Origins of European Otherness (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1994). [4]. For comparison, see Frank Lestingrant, Mapping the Renaissance World: The Geographi‐ cal Imagination in the Age of Discovery (Cam‐ bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994). [5]. Maria Todorova, Imagining the Balkans (New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997) [reviewed on HABSBURG: http://www.h- net.msu.edu/reviews/showrev.cgi? path=1749878161715]. Copyright (c) 1998 by H-Net, all rights re‐ served. This work may be copied for non-proft educational use if proper credit is given to the re‐ viewer and to HABSBURG. For other permission, please contact .

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Citation: Maria Todorova. Review of Krekic, Barisa. Dubrovnik: A Mediterranean Urban Society, 1300-1600. ; Petkov, Kiril. Infdels, Turks, and Women: The South Slavs in the German Mind, ca. 1400-1600. HABSBURG, H-Net Reviews. June, 1998.

URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=2094

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States License.

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